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The time a reader's eyes spend on a word is influenced by visual (e.g., contrast) as well as lexical (e.g., word frequency) and contextual (e.g., predictability) factors. Well-known visual word recognition models predict that visual and higher-level manipulations may have interactive effects on early eye movement measures, because of cascaded processing between levels. Previous eye movement studies provide conflicting evidence as to whether they do, possibly because of inconsistent manipulations or limited statistical power. In the present study, 2 highly powered experiments used sentences in which a target word's frequency and predictability were factorially manipulated. Experiment 1 also manipulated visual contrast, and Experiment 2 also manipulated font difficulty. Robust main effects of all manipulations were evident in both experiments. In Experiment 1, interactions between the effect of contrast and the effects of frequency and predictability were numerically small and statistically unreliable in both early (word skipping, first fixation duration) and later (gaze duration, go-past time) measures. In Experiment 2, frequency and predictability did demonstrate convincing interactions with font difficulty, but only in the later measures, possibly implicating a checking mechanism. We conclude that although the predicted interactions in early eye movement measures may exist, they are sufficiently weak that they are difficult to detect even in large eye movement experiments. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

In English, when two nouns in a disjunctive subject differ in number (e.g., the dogs or the cat), the verb tends to agree with the number of the nearer noun. This is exceptional, as a noun's linear proximity to the verb does not generally play a role in agreement. In the present study, we investigate a further puzzle about agreement with disjunction, namely, the existence of a pattern in which two singular disjuncts trigger plural agreement (e.g., The lawyer or the accountant are…). Two eyetracking studies in English show that plural agreement with a disjunction of singulars does not reliably disrupt readers' eye movements, in contrast to the immediate disruptive effect of other agreement violations. Three off-line rating studies in English show that plural agreement results in only a small decrement in acceptability, compared to other agreement violations, and that in some structural configurations there is no decrement at all. On the whole, the data do not support the hypothesis that plural agreement is licensed only when or has an inclusive reading; even when it has an exclusive reading, there is only a small penalty for plural agreement. Finally, we explored this issue in Italian, which has a richer system of inflectional morphology. Italian speakers showed a plural preference in a completion experiment, and singular and plural agreement did not differ in acceptability in a rating experiment. We conclude that agreement with disjunction is a grammatical lacuna or gap, in the sense that speakers' grammar simply does not prescribe a verb number following a disjunctive subject.

Previous research ( Mirault, Snell, & Grainger, 2018 ) has demonstrated that subjects sometimes incorrectly judge an ungrammatical sentence as grammatical when it is created by the transposition of two words in a grammatical sentence (e.g., The white was cat big). Here we present two eye-tracking experiments designed to assess the prevalence of this phenomenon in a more natural reading task, and to explore theoretical explanations. Readers failed to notice transpositions at about the same rate as in Mirault et al. (2018) . Failure to notice the transposition was more common when both words were short, and when readers' eyes skipped, rather than directly fixated, one of the two words. The status of the transposed words as open- or closed-class did not have a reliable effect. The transposed words caused disruption in the eye movement record only on trials when participants ultimately judged the sentence to be ungrammatical, not when they judged the sentence to be grammatical. We argue that the results are not entirely consistent with the account offered by Mirault et al. (2018) , which attributes failure to notice transpositions to parallel processing of adjacent words, or with a late, post-perceptual rational inference account ( Gibson, Bergen, & Piantadosi, 2013 ). We propose that word recognition is serial, but post-lexical integration of each word into its context may not be perfectly incremental.

Forced choice recognition is usually assumed to involve a relative judgment process in which each test alternative is matched to memory and the one with the highest memory strength is selected. We monitored eye movements during a forced-choice recognition test to determine if absolute judgments also play a role; that is, do participants ever select an item because its memory strength exceeds an absolute criterion without comparing it to the other item? The results strongly supported a role for absolute judgments. Participants sometimes selected a response without looking at one of the test alternatives, and they were most likely to do this when they looked at the target first and correctly selected it as the studied item. Participants were also more accurate when they looked at the target first than when they looked at the lure first, which would be expected if they sometimes failed to consider the actual target word because they made an incorrect absolute judgment that the lure was studied. Finally, response times were faster when the word selected as the studied item was considered first than when it was considered second; that is, correct responses were faster when the target was viewed first and errors were faster when the lure was viewed first. This would be expected if participants sometimes make absolute judgments that the first item was studied, thus eliminating the additional time needed to consider the second item.

Epub 2018 Apr 12 A word’s predictability, as measured by its cloze probability, has a robust influence on the time a reader’s eyes spend on the word, with more predictable words receiving shorter fixations. However, several previous studies using the boundary paradigm have found no apparent effect of predictability on early reading time measures when the reader does not have valid parafoveal preview of the target word. The present study directly assesses this pattern in two experiments, demonstrating evidence for a null effect of predictability on first fixation and gaze duration with invalid preview, supported by Bayes factor analyses. While the effect of context independent word frequency is shown to survive with invalid preview, consistent with previous studies, the effect of predictability is eliminated with both unrelated word previews and random letter string previews. These results suggest that a word’s predictability influences early stages of orthographic processing, and does so only when perceptual evidence is equivocal, as is the case when the word is initially viewed in parafoveal vision. Word frequency may influence not only early orthographic processing, but also later processing stages. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2018 APA, all rights reserved) This work was supported by a grant from the National Science Foundation (BCS 1732008) to the Adrian Staub

This study assessed the reliability of individual differences among fluent adult readers in the effects of four variables - word frequency, predictability, visual contrast, and font difficulty – on eye fixation duration measures, word skipping probability, and regression probability. Split-half reliability was computed in a reanalysis of data from two large, previously published experiments (Staub, 2020) by correlating simple effects in two halves of each experiment (e.g., Hedge, Powell, & Sumner, 2018) and by estimating, in the context of mixed-effects models, a correlation parameter between by-subject slopes for each half (Rouder & Haaf, 2019). The reliability of the effects was generally low, though the second of these methods revealed a few notable exceptions. First, the effects of visual contrast were quite reliable, as expected based on presumed individual differences in contrast sensitivity. Second, the frequency effect on gaze duration was also reliable, but only when raw (as opposed to log) gaze duration was used as the dependent measure. The effect of predictability demonstrated poor reliability for all dependent measures. Model comparison confirmed that model fit was improved by inclusion of by-subject slopes for those effects that showed substantial reliability. These results have implications for the feasibility of studies on individual differences in eye movements in reading, as only experimental effects that demonstrate substantial reliability are good candidates to be explored in individual difference studies.

Listeners tend to categorize an ambiguous speech sound so that it forms a word with its context (Ganong, 1980). This effect could reflect feedback from the lexicon to phonemic activation (McClelland & Elman, 1986), or the operation of a task-specific phonemic decision system (Norris, McQueen, & Cutler, 2000). Because the former account involves feedback between lexical and phonemic levels, it predicts that the lexicon's influence on phonemic decisions should be delayed and should gradually increase in strength. Previous response time experiments have not delivered a clear verdict as to whether this is the case, however. In 2 experiments, listeners' eye movements were tracked as they categorized phonemes using visually displayed response options. Lexically relevant information in the signal, the timing of which was confirmed by separate gating experiments, immediately increased eye movements toward the lexically supported response. This effect on eye movements then diminished over the course of the trial rather than continuing to increase. These results challenge the lexical feedback account. The present work also introduces a novel method for analyzing data from 'visual-world' type tasks, designed to assess when an experimental manipulation influences the probability of an eye movement toward the target. (PsycINFO Database Record

We tested whether failure to notice repetitions of function words during reading (e.g., Amanda jumped off the the swing and landed on her feet.) is due to the eyes' tendency to skip one of the instances of the word. Eye movements were recorded during reading of sentences with repetitions of the word the or repetitions of a noun, after which readers were asked whether an error was present. A repeated the was detected on 46% of trials overall. On trials on which both instances of the were fixated, detection was still only 66%. A repeated noun was detected on 90% of trials, with no significant effect of eye movement patterns. Detecting an omitted the also proved difficult, with eye movement patterns having only a small effect. Readers frequently overlook function word errors even when their eye movements provide maximal opportunity for noticing such errors, but they notice content word repetitions regardless of eye movement patterns. We propose that readers overlook function word errors because they attribute the apparent error to noise in the eye movement control system.

International audience; Three eye movement experiments investigated the processing of the syntactic ambiguity in strings such as the information that the health department provided, where the that-clause can be either a relative clause (RC) or the start of a nominal complement clause (CC; the information that the health department provided a cure). The experiments tested the prediction that comprehenders should avoid the RC analysis because it involves an unforced filler-gap dependency. Readers showed difficulty upon disambiguation toward the RC analysis, and showed facilitated processing of the ambiguous material itself when the CC analysis was available; both patterns suggest rapid initial adoption of the CC analysis in preference to the RC analysis. The strength of the bias of a specific head noun (e.g., information) to appear with a CC did not modulate these effects, nor were these effects reliably modulated by the tendency of an ambiguous string to be completed off-line as a CC or an RC. These results add to the evidence that structural principles guide the processing of filler-gap dependencies

Several studies have examined effects of explicit task demands on eye movements in reading. However, there is relatively little prior research investigating the influence of implicit processing demands. In this study, processing demands were manipulated by means of a between-subject manipulation of comprehension question difficulty. Consistent with previous results from Wotschack and Kliegl, the question difficulty manipulation influenced the probability of regressing from late in sentences and re-reading earlier regions; readers who expected difficult comprehension questions were more likely to re-read. However, this manipulation had no reliable influence on eye movements during first-pass reading of earlier sentence regions. Moreover, for the subset of sentences that contained a plausibility manipulation, the disruption induced by implausibility was not modulated by the question manipulation. We interpret these results as suggesting that comprehension demands influence reading behavior primarily by modulating a criterion for comprehension that readers apply after completing first-pass processing. Refereed/Peer-reviewed

The E-Z Reader 10 model of eye movements in reading (Reichle, Warren, & McConnell, 2009) posits that the process of word identification strictly precedes the process of integration of a word into its syntactic and semantic context. The present study reports a single large-scale ( N = 112) eyetracking experiment in which the frequency and plausibility of a target word in each sentence were factorially manipulated. The results were consistent with E-Z Reader’s central predictions: frequency but not plausibility influenced the probability that the word was skipped over by the eyes rather than directly fixated, and the two variables had additive, not interactive, effects on all reading time measures. Evidence in favor of null effects and null interactions was obtained by computing Bayes factors, using the default priors and sampling methods for ANOVA models implemented by Rouder, Morey, Speckman, and Province (2012). The results suggest that though a word’s plausibility may have a measurable influence as early as the first fixation duration on the target word, in fact plausibility may be influencing only a post-lexical processing stage, rather than lexical identification itself.

Two eye movement while reading experiments address the issue of how reading of an unpredictable word is influenced by the presence of a more predictable alternative. The experiments replicate the robust effects of predictability on the probability of skipping and on early and late reading time measures. However, in both experiments, an unpredictable but plausible word was read no more slowly when another word was highly predictable (i.e., in a constraining context) than when no word was highly predictable (i.e., in a neutral context). In fact, an unpredictable word that was semantically related to the predictable alternative demonstrated facilitation in the constraining context, in relatively late eye movement measures. These results, which are consistent with Luke and Christianson’s (2016) corpus study, provide the first evidence from a controlled experimental design for the absence of a prediction error cost, and for facilitation of an unpredictable but semantically related word, during normal reading. The findings support a model of lexical predictability effects in which there is broad pre-activation of potential continuations, rather than discrete predictions of specific lexical items. Importantly, pre-activation of likely continuations does not result in processing difficulty when some other word is actually encountered.

Low-frequency (LF) words have higher hit rates and lower false alarm rates than high-frequency (HF) words in recognition memory, a phenomenon termed the mirror effect . Visual word recognition latencies are longer for LF words. We examined the relationship between eye fixation durations during study and later recognition memory for individual words to test whether (1) increased fixation time on a word is associated with better memory, and (2) increased fixation times on LF words can account for their hit rate advantage. In Experiments 1 and 2, words of various frequencies were presented in lists in an intentional study design. In Experiment 3, HF and LF critical words were presented in matched sentence frames in an incidental study design. In all cases, the standard frequency effect on eye movements emerged, with longer reading times for lower frequency words. At test, studied words and new words from each frequency class were presented. The hit rate portion of the mirror effect was evident in all experiments. The time spent fixating a word did predict memory performance in the intentional encoding experiments, but critically, the frequency effect on hit rates was independent of this effect. Time spent fixating a word during incidental encoding did not predict later memory performance. These results suggest that the hit rate advantage for LF words is not due to the additional time spent on these words at encoding, which is consistent with retrieval-stage models of the mirror effect.

The present study investigated the relationship between the location and skew of an individual reader's fixation duration distribution. The ex-Gaussian distribution was fit to eye fixation data from 153 subjects in five experiments, four previously presented and one new. The τ parameter was entirely uncorrelated with the μ and σ parameters; by contrast, there was a modest positive correlation between these parameters for lexical decision and speeded pronunciation response times. The conclusion that, for fixation durations, the degree of skew is uncorrelated with the location of the distribution's central tendency was also confirmed nonparametrically, by examining vincentile plots for subgroups of subjects. Finally, the stability of distributional parameters for a given subject was demonstrated to be relatively high. Taken together with previous findings of selective influence on the μ parameter of the fixation duration distribution, the present results suggest that in reading, the location and the skew of the fixation duration distribution may reflect functionally distinct processes. The authors speculate that the skew parameter may specifically reflect the frequency of processing disruption.

This chapter discusses the current state of the art with regard to the timecourse of sentence processing in the brain. It outlines the challenges associated with studying timecourse information at the sentence level from a neurobiological perspective and describes competing theoretical and empirical perspectives in this domain. In addition to drawing on findings from neurophysiological methods (electroencephalography [EEG]; magnetoencephalography [MEG]), insights from eye movement measures during natural reading are also taken into account. The chapter concludes that while we are currently unable to make absolute claims about the timecourse of sentence processing from a neurobiological perspective, current evidence supports a cascaded architecture that dynamically combines top-down (including predictive) and bottom-up information sources.

The present study replicated the well-known demonstration by Altmann and Kamide (1999) that listeners make linguistically guided anticipatory eye movements, but used photographs of scenes rather than clip-art arrays as the visual stimuli. When listeners heard a verb for which a particular object in a visual scene was the likely theme, they made earlier looks to this object (e.g., looks to a cake upon hearing The boy will eat …) than when they heard a control verb (The boy will move …). New data analyses assessed whether these anticipatory effects are due to a linguistic effect on the targeting of saccades (i.e., the where parameter of eye movement control), the duration of fixations (i.e., the when parameter), or both. Participants made fewer fixations before reaching the target object when the verb was selectionally restricting (e.g., will eat). However, verb type had no effect on the duration of individual eye fixations. These results suggest an important constraint on the linkage between spoken languag...

In three experimental tasks Stephen and Mirman (2010) measured gaze steps, the distance in pixels between gaze positions on successive samples from an eyetracker. They argued that the distribution of gaze steps is best fit by the lognormal distribution, and based on this analysis they concluded that interactive cognitive processes underlie eye movement control in these tasks. The present comment argues that the gaze step distribution is predictable based on the fact that the eyes alternate between a fixation state in which gaze is steady and a saccade state in which gaze position changes rapidly. By fitting a simple mixture model to Stephen and Mirman’s gaze step data we reveal a fixation distribution and a saccade distribution. This mixture model captures the shape of the gaze step distribution in detail, unlike the lognormal model, and provides a better quantitative fit to the data. We conclude that the gaze step distribution does not directly suggest processing interaction, and we emphasize some important limits on the utility of fitting theoretical distributions to data.

Participants' eye movements were recorded as they read single sentences presented normally, presented entirely in faint text, or presented normally except for a single faint word. Fixations were longer when the entire sentence was faint than when the sentence was presented normally. In addition, fixations were much longer on a single faint word embedded in normal text, compared to when the entire sentence was faint. The primary aim of the study was to examine the influence of stimulus quality on the distribution of fixation durations. Ex-Gaussian fitting revealed that stimulus quality affected the mean of the Normal component, but in contrast to results from single-word tasks (Plourde & Besner, 1997), stimulus quality did not affect the exponential component, regardless of whether one or all words were faint. The results also contrast with the finding (Staub, White, Drieghe, Hollway, & Rayner, 2010) that the word frequency effect on fixation durations is an effect on both of the critical distributional parameters. These findings are argued to have implications for the interpretation of the role of stimulus quality in word recognition, and for models of eye movement control in reading.

An important question in research on eye movements in reading is whether word frequency and word predictability have additive or interactive effects on fixation durations. A fair number of studies have reported only additive effects of the frequency and predictability of a target word on reading times on that word, failing to show significant interactions. Recently, however, Hand, Miellet, O'Donnell, and Sereno (see record 2010-19099-001) reported interactive effects in a study that included the distance of the prior fixation from the target word (launch site). They reported that when the saccade into the target word was launched from very near to the word (within 3 characters), the predictability effect was larger for low frequency words, but when the saccade was launched from a medium distance (4-6 characters from the word) the predictability effect was larger for high frequency words. Hand et al. argued for the importance of including launch site in analyses of target word fixation durations. Here we describe several problems with Hand et al.'s use of analyses of variance in which launch site is divided into distinct ordinal levels. We describe a more appropriate way to analyze such data-linear mixed-effect models-and we use this method to show that launch site does not modulate the interaction between frequency and predictability in two other data sets.

In 3 experiments, the author examined how readers' eye movements are influenced by joint manipulations of a word's frequency and the syntactic fit of the word in its context. In the critical conditions of the first 2 experiments, a high- or low-frequency verb was used to disambiguate a garden-path sentence, while in the last experiment, a high- or low-frequency verb constituted a phrase structure violation. The frequency manipulation always influenced the early eye movement measures of first-fixation duration and gaze duration. The context manipulation had a delayed effect in Experiment 1, influencing only the probability of a regressive eye movement from later in the sentence. However, the context manipulation influenced the same early eye movement measures as the frequency effect in Experiments 2 and 3, though there was no statistical interaction between the effects of these variables. The context manipulation also influenced the probability of a regressive eye movement from the verb, though the frequency manipulation did not. These results are shown to confirm predictions emerging from the serial, staged architecture for lexical and integrative processing of the E-Z Reader 10 model of eye movement control in reading (Reichle, Warren, & McConnell, 2009). It is argued, more generally, that the results provide an important constraint on how the relationship between visual word recognition and syntactic attachment is treated in processing models.

A word's predictability in context has a well-established effect on fixation durations in reading. To investigate how this effect is manifested in distributional terms, an experiment was carried out in which subjects read each of 50 target words twice, once in a high-predictability context and once in a low-predictability context. The ex-Gaussian distribution was fit to each subject's first-fixation durations and single-fixation durations. For both measures, the μ parameter increased when a word was unpredictable, while the τ parameter was not significantly affected, indicating that a predictability manipulation shifts the distribution of fixation durations but does not affect the degree of skew. Vincentile plots showed that the mean ex-Gaussian parameters described the typical distribution shapes extremely well. These results suggest that the predictability and frequency effects are functionally distinct, since a frequency manipulation has been shown to influence both μ and τ. The results may also be seen as consistent with the finding from single-word recognition paradigms that semantic priming affects only μ.

Two Very reliable influences on eye fixation durations in reading are word frequency, as measured by corpus counts, and word predictability, as measured by cloze norming. Several studies have reported strictly additive effects of these 2 variables. Predictability also reliably influences the amplitude of the N400 component in event-related potential studies, However, previous research suggests that while :frequency affects the N400 in single-word tasks, it may have little or no effect on the N400 when a word is presented with a preceding sentence context. The present study assessed this apparent dissociation between the results from the 2 methods using a coregistration paradigm in which the frequency and predictability of a target word were manipulated while readers' eye movements and electroencephalograms were simultaneously recorded. We replicated the pattern of significant, and additive; effects of the 2 manipulations on eye fixation durations. We also replicated the predictability effect on the N400, time-locked to the onset of the reader's :first fixation on the target word. However there was no indication of a frequency effect in the electroencephalogram record. We suggest that this pattern has implications both for the interpretation of the N400 and for the interpretation of frequency and predictability effects in language comprehension. Refereed/Peer-reviewed

It is well known that people tend to perform poorly when asked to determine a posterior probability on the basis of a base rate, true positive rate, and false positive rate. The present experiments assessed the extent to which individual participants nevertheless adopt consistent strategies in these Bayesian reasoning problems, and investigated the nature of these strategies. In two experiments, one laboratory-based and one internet-based, each participant completed 36 problems with factorially manipulated probabilities. Many participants applied consistent strategies involving use of only one of the three probabilities provided in the problem, or additive combination of two of the probabilities. There was, however, substantial variability across participants in which probabilities were taken into account. In the laboratory experiment, participants’ eye movements were tracked as they read the problems. There was evidence of a relationship between information use and attention to a source of information. Participants’ self-assessments of their performance, however, revealed little confidence that the strategies they applied were actually correct. These results suggest that the hypothesis of base rate neglect actually underestimates people’s difficulty with Bayesian reasoning, but also suggest that participants are aware of their ignorance.

OBJECTIVES The purpose of this study was to examine eye-movement patterns in older and younger adults to identify differences in how they respond to both to-be-attended and to-be-ignored speech. DESIGN The study described in this article used an eye-tracking paradigm to provide insight into the factors underlying competing speech understanding in older (n = 23) and younger (n = 22) listeners. Participants attended to a sentence presented in one ear and were instructed to click on a visually displayed word that was heard in that ear while their eye movements were monitored. A foil word also was shown on the screen. Either no sound, steady state noise, or competing speech was presented to the other ear. RESULTS Comparisons between younger and older listeners on all three types of indicators measured in this study (percent correct, response time, and eye movement patterns) demonstrated that older adults were more greatly affected by competing speech than were younger adults. Differences between the groups could not be attributed to the presence of hearing loss in the older participants, as performance for all subjects was at ceiling in quiet and none of the performance metrics was significantly associated with degree of hearing loss. CONCLUSIONS Results of this study support the idea that age-related changes other than lack of audibility or susceptibility to energetic masking negatively affect the ability to understand speech in the presence of a competing message.

Three eye-tracking experiments investigated online processing of novel noun–noun compounds. The experiments compared processing of compounds that are difficult to interpret in isolation (e.g., dictionary treatment) and more easily interpretable adjective–noun and noun–noun sequences (e.g., rough treatment and torture treatment). In all three experiments, first-pass reading time was longer on the head noun ( treatment) when it occurred in a difficult compound. Further, a preceding sentence that provided a potential interpretation of the critical compound reduced processing difficulty, but this modulation by context occurred in later eye movement measures, or downstream of the compound itself. These results are interpreted in relation to the eye movement literature on the processing of implausibility, which demonstrates a similar pattern in which the disruption in early eye movement measures is not alleviated by context, but context does have a later effect. The results also suggest that the interpretation of noun–noun compounds in context does initially depend on the availability of an out-of-context interpretation.

Reading is a rather complex process in which comprehension at a number of levels is essential. In this chapter, we will provide an overview of how different kinds of variable influence eye movements. We want to stress at the outset that eye movement data are highly informative with respect to understanding reading. They provide a moment-to-moment indicator of the ease (or the difficulty) with which readers are able to comprehend the text that they read. Because eye movements are a natural part of the reading process, secondary tasks are not needed to make inferences about reading comprehension. Rather, information about where readers fixate in the text and how long they look at different part of the text provides remarkably reliable data about comprehension at a number of levels. We will begin with a brief overview of the characteristics of eye movements during reading, which will include a discussion of the different eye movement measures that are typically employed in reading research (these issues are discussed in greater detail in Rayner, 1998, and in Rayner and Pollatsek, forthcoming). We will then discuss in turn: (1) effects of lexical processing on eye movements, (2) effects of syntactic processing on eye movements, and (3) effects of discourse processing on eye movements. Thus, these sections focus on comprehension at the word level, at the level of syntax, and at the level of higher-level discourse. Shillcock (Chapter 6 this volume) also discusses eye movements and word recognition. 19.2 Basic characteristics of eye movements during reading

Printed words that have a transposed-letter (TL) neighbor (e.g., angel has the TL neighbor angle) have been shown to be more difficult to process, in a range of paradigms, than words that do not have a TL neighbor. However, eye movement evidence suggests that this processing difficulty may occur on only a subset of trials. To investigate this issue, here we fit the ex-Gaussian distribution to naming latencies. The presence of a TL neighbor affected the τ parameter of the distribution of latencies, but there was no effect on the μ parameter. Vincentile plots confirmed that only slow responses were affected by the presence of a TL neighbor. These results contrast with the distributional effects of other variables on naming latency and are interpreted as suggesting that the TL effect involves inhibition of an incorrect output rather than broader competition between lexical entries.

Measuring where the eyes fixate, and for how long, has arguably been the most valuable way of exploring the time-course of comprehending written sentences. This chapter reviews some of the history of the method’s use as well as some recent developments. It provides an extensive review of what eye movement measurement has told us about the syntactic processing of sentences, covering topics such as syntactic ambiguity, syntactic ambiguity resolution, retrieval from memory, syntactic prediction, and syntactic complexity. Alternative models for how syntactic and extra-syntactic information sources are integrated are discussed. The chapter then turns to a discussion of what the eyes actually do in response to syntactic processing complexity, and provides a brief review of models of eye movement control. It concludes by comparing eye movement measurement with other methods of measuring online sentence comprehension processes.

Much recent research using word recognition paradigms such as lexical decision and speeded pronunciation has investigated how a range of variables affect the location and shape of response time distributions, using both parametric and non-parametric techniques. In the present article, we explore the distributional effects of a word frequency manipulation on fixation durations in normal reading, making use of data from two recent eye movement experiments (Drieghe, Rayner, & Pollatsek, 2008; White, 2008). The ex-Gaussian distribution provided a good fit to the shape of individual subjects’ distributions in both experiments. The frequency manipulation was found to affect both the shift and skew of the distributions, in both experiments, and this conclusion was supported by the non-parametric vincentizing technique. Finally, a new experiment demonstrated that White’s (2008) frequency manipulation also affects both shift and skew in RT distributions in the lexical decision task. These results argue against models of eye movement control in reading that propose that word frequency influences only a subset of fixations, and are taken to support models in which there is a tight connection between eye movement control and the progress of lexical processing.

The distribution of landing positions and durations of first fixations in a region containing a noun preceded by either an article (e.g. the soldiers) or a high-frequency three-letter word (e.g. all soldiers) were compared. Although there were fewer first fixations on the blank space between the high-frequency three-letter word and the noun than on the surrounding letters (and the fixations on the blank space were shorter), this pattern did not occur when the noun was preceded by an article. Radach (1996) inferred from a similar experiment that did not manipulate the type of short word that two words could be processed as a perceptual unit during reading when the first word is a short word. As this different pattern of fixations is restricted to article- noun pairs, it indicates that word grouping does not occur purely on the basis of word length during reading; moreover, as we demonstrate, one can explain the observed patterns in both conditions more parsimoniously, without adopting a word grouping mechanism in eye movement control during reading.

Readers' eye movements were monitored as they read sentences containing noun-noun compounds that varied in frequency (e.g., elevator mechanic, mountain lion). The left constituent of the compound was either plausible or implausible as a head noun at the point at which it appeared, whereas the compound as a whole was always plausible. When the head noun analysis of the left constituent was implausible, reading times on this word were inflated, beginning with the first fixation. This finding is consistent with previous demonstrations of very rapid effects of plausibility on eye movements. Compound frequency did not modulate the plausibility effect, and all disruption was resolved by the time readers' eyes moved to the next word. These findings suggest (contra Kennison, 2005) that the parser initially analyzes a singular noun as a head instead of a modifier. In addition, the findings confirm that the very rapid effect of plausibility on eye movements is not due to strategic factors, because in the present experiment, unlike in previous demonstrations, this effect appeared in sentences that were globally plausible.

Publisher Summary The two most robust findings in studies of eye movements and reading are that (1) fixation time on a word is shorter if the reader has a valid preview of the word prior to fixating it, and (2) fixation time is shorter when the word is easy to identify and understand. Word recognition processes seem to be reflected quite straightforwardly in the eye movement record. In contrast, eye movements seem to reflect sentence comprehension processes in a more varied fashion. This chapter reviews the major word identification factors that affect eye movements and describe the role these eye movement phenomena have played in developing theories of eye movements in reading. The chapter tabulates and summarizes 100 reports of how syntactic, semantic, pragmatic, and world-knowledge factors affect eye movements during reading in an initial attempt to identify order in how different types of challenges to comprehension are reflected in eye movements. The chapter reviews findings that have demonstrated effects due to (1) word frequency, (2) word familiarity, (3) age-of-acquisition, (4) number of meanings, (5) morphology, (6) contextual constraint, and (7) plausibility.