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Recent trends show that rather that the management of populations through life, States such as Kenya have adopted power that ensures that the populations are better managed through death. This power ensures that life closer to it is of higher value and worth protecting while those farthest from it are left to die. Therefore, this study adopts a socio-legal approach to analyse the vulnerability of indigenous peoples. Using this approach will help explain how dispossession of indigenous peoples from their lands and territories in Kenya results from continued colonialism and neopatrimonialism. The findings show that States' political and economic power have led to the vulnerability of indigenous peoples by legitimizing death-exposing developments projects using the legal frameworks adopted from colonial powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racialized housing markets are a cornerstone of systemic racial inequality in the United States, affecting socioeconomic, wealth, health, and educational outcomes. To enrich critical sociological research on housing, we examine how low-income renters perceive, experience, and navigate racialized dispossessing, or the everyday processes by which people of color are severed from place, home, and stability in rental markets. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 43 low-income American Indian, Black, Latinx, and White renters across two research sites, we find that low-income renters of color routinely experience other-race landlord and property manager non-responsiveness to housing quality and safety issues while White renters experience responsiveness. We also show how renters of color perceive and experience landlords and property managers racializing them as inferior, at times to justify this dispossession. In contrast to most of their counterparts of color, we demonstrate how low-income American Indian renters in our sample with same-Tribe landlords or property managers are protected from the harms their counterparts face. Finally, we show how low-income renters of color use a variety of strategies to resist this racialized dispossessing, often at great emotional or financial cost. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings for research and housing policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Argentina's 1879–85 Desert Campaign formed the basis for dispossessing the Indigenous community of its southern frontier. This article argues that the Desert Campaign should be understood as much as an epidemiological event as a military one, focusing on the most intense phase of a smallpox epidemic that ravaged communities of Indigenous survivors. More lives were lost to smallpox than to combat, particularly as the disease permeated prisoner camps. A general lack of concern for the health of Indigenous prisoners punctuated their experience of dispossession at the hands of the Argentine army and "distribution" into forced labor systems throughout the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I describe how a permanent underclass is being inadvertently created in a South Pacific city. I use Descola's idea of equivalence in human relations to explain urban tenure and evictions in the postcolonial South Pacific city of Port Vila. Vanuatu is a nation of 82 islands. Its archipelagic geography segregates most people's autochthonous lands, preventing ready access to the national capital. Port Vila, then, is a city of non‐citizens of the urban space: by accident of birth, a small number of people now control the land where virtually all poor migrants to the capital will live. This article describes how two non‐equivalent relations—production and protection—feature prominently in the ways that people talk about tenure insecurity. In sum, these non‐equivalent relations form the basis of how people relate to each other in terms of urban land occupancy. The pervasiveness of non‐equivalence indicates a fundamental difference between denizens of Pacific cities, whose urban policies will need to adapt to account for its presence. A right to the city may look different in places where non‐equivalence is at the very stamba (foundation) of how the city is made. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The video essay "Filling (Feeling) the Archival Void" delves into the systematic erasure and archival dispossession of works by early women filmmakers, using the case study of Helena Cortesina and her lost film Flor de España (1922), which was falsely attributed to a male director. Through a counterhegemonic, provocative, "accented" approach, the video essay challenges established, patriarchal film histories and exposes the lies hidden within their seemingly rigorous discourse. First, it pays homage to the authorship of an almost forgotten filmmaker, Helena Cortesina, while also making her lost film visible, ensuring that at least some of its images are brought to light. Second, it explores the potential of the video essay as a feminist archive—a practice-based counterarchive, capable of producing counterhegemonic discourses that subvert the status quo. Third, by challenging the presumed "objectivity" of traditional film scholarship through openly poetic, subjective, and imaginative modes of expression, it establishes and validates a new epistemology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Haitian Studies is the property of Center for Black Studies Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article argues that in the early twentieth-century evolution of citizenship in Canada, property persisted as a site wherein national belonging could be claimed and performed. It contextualizes a Japanese Canadian family's performances of property and protests at their wartime dispossession within the ideals that Canadian urban reformers, planners, and property theorists set out in the 1920s and 1930s. In doing so, this article reveals the unequal access to citizenship that property ownership afforded and thus introduces a complex portrait of hierarchies of membership and belonging in Canada at this time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the 1880s and 1890s, two First Nations groups—the Chippewa of the Thames and the Six Nations of the Grand River—attempted to evict two other First Nations groups—the Munsee of the Thames and the Mississauga of the Credit—from the Thames and Grand River reserves in southern Ontario. These land disputes were successfully resolved by the turn of the twentieth century and no evictions did take place, but the 20 years of conflict are revealing of the complexities, contingencies, and evolutions of dispossession in Canada over the nineteenth century. This article presents a narrative of these attempted evictions and proposes the concept of "compound dispossession" as a means of grappling with these complexities. It is argued that compound dispossession not only captures the snowballing complications of historical dispossessions over time, but also captures the imbrication of multiple disparate trajectories of dispossession as the pressures of settler land hunger and encroachments on Indigenous sovereignty in the late nineteenth century bore down on four neighbouring First Nations groups simultaneously. Rather than interpreting these conflicts through a binary of assimilation/resistance, compound dispossession suggests the pervasiveness of dispossession as a discourse and the agency of dispossession as an adaptation to the unfolding settler-colonial paradigm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Austral de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades, Intituto de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad Austral de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this commentary, I address different forms of corporate violence, in particular how some contemporary corporate practices result in violence. Violence is carried out often without impunity by a market-state nexus that enables accumulation by dispossession. Structural violence concentrates power on certain groups while creating a class of disposable labour. Epistemic violence involves using language and law to disempower specific groups of people. The state often uses instrumental violence to quell resistance. I discuss how violence operates in the political economy by discussing conflicts in the extractive industries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical scholarship views corporate accumulation – a fundamental driver of capitalism – as inherently dispossessive, involving violence and expropriation. However, dispossession also involves practices of legitimation that are related to coercive violence in complex ways. We examine the roles of dispossession and legitimation practices as constitutive of corporate accumulation. Specifically, we analyse how dispossession is connected to the appropriation of legitimacy as a symbolic resource which justifies and enables violence and expropriation. Taking an historical perspective, we examine a paradigmatic case of corporate accumulation: the Dutch East India Company's monopolization of spices on the Banda Islands (1599–1621). In this process, the Dutch moved from (1) initial instances of legitimation to (2) legitimation to enforce Dutch–Bandanese agreements, to (3) legitimation to enable dispossession of the Bandanese, to finally (4) wholesale dispossession of the Bandanese. These four phases reflect a mechanism that we call 'civilized dispossession', which describes the escalating three-way interplay between Dutch practices of dispossession and legitimation and Bandanese resistance, and which was driven by institutional experimentation and multi-level institutional work. Integrating institutional and critical perspectives, the notion of 'civilized dispossession' provides a novel theorization of corporate accumulation, elucidating the mechanisms by which corporations promote the diffusion of capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Renewables are imagined in India around features of 'greenness' and 'cleanness' and are presented as the modern pathway towards sustainable development and unlimited growth. But this shining story entails problematic land politics and the related (un)making of space for capital accumulation: previous property regimes and land uses are erased while a new set of land technologies and territorial rules legitimates land dispossession and the private takeover of commons. Wind infrastructures are specifically targeting (common) lands categorized as 'deserted', 'empty' and 'waste', and subaltern groups (tribal, pastoral and Dalit communities) whose livelihood practices have been historically described as 'unproductive' and 'backward'. These both violent and discursive logics of (neo)colonial and green energy land politics are mediated and fixed to the ground levels by powerful (land) brokers, contractors, wind companies' land teams and political mediators who embark land on its tortuous, bureaucratic and yet material journey towards clearing, cleaning and holding value. This article offers perspectives from political geography and critical agrarian studies to understand the territorial process, the persistence of class-caste relations and the legacy of coloniality underlying the land politics of green energy development in borderland India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the everyday making of housing vacancy in Athens and discusses the multiple housing struggles and cross-tenure dispossessions this process entails. The analysis draws on interview material collected during a six-month fieldwork, particularly on the narratives of inhabitants in a neighbourhood of the city experiencing increasing vacancy levels and being represented as 'declining' in the public debate. Through a relational reading of vacancy, the often unknowingly related actors involved and affected by this process, their practices and understandings, are analysed. The findings reveal the different, perceived or actualised processes, human and material agencies sustaining vacancy in place, showing how (unequally) affected actors, despite their geographical and social distance, shape this process through their interdependencies. The paper discusses some dichotomies dominating the conceptualization of vacancy, suggesting also that these seemingly inactive spaces are not natural outputs or abstract representations of the market, but spaces constituted through action, embroiled in social antagonisms and conflicts over power and agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the immediate correlates of eviction have been investigated at length, little has been done to connect the root causes in policy and planning over more than a century to the current moment of dispossession. This paper uses analysis of historic documents, including plans, newspaper articles and maps, as well as eviction, geographic foreclosure, and other quantitative data and observational data to make an argument for viewing the state of evictions in Richmond as a continuation of longstanding practices of dispossession and disempowerment in Black neighborhoods. We argue that eviction is one of a chain of dispossessions that is both economic and political. We also argue that framing eviction as an individual, rather than a collective, public problem facilitates ongoing marginalization and inaction. Finally, we cannot understand and address Virginia's high eviction rates without examining the roots of the ongoing, racialized dispossession and lack of political power in these communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Estudos Urbanos e Regionais is the property of Associacao Nacional de Pos-Graduacao e Pesquisa em Planejamento Urbano e Regional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper proposes a theory of urban dispossession as depotentiation. 'Depotentiation', as I employ the term, indicates the diminishment of imminent capacities, affects and potentialities. I propose this formulation to both complement and critique Harvey's dominant notion of accumulation by dispossession as the commodification of the urban commons and to contribute to conceptual developments on the stratified and affective dimensions of eviction. The evictions in my study operate in liminal urban spaces where there are no 'commons', but rather incomplete and fragile processes of 'commoning' and high levels of mobility and precarity. This paper draws on ethnographic fieldwork conducted between 2011 and 2019 in inner-city Johannesburg in unlawful and other informal occupations, frequently termed 'bad buildings', 'hijacked buildings' or 'dark buildings' and other low-income accommodation. These are sites of extreme precarity and liminality, endurance and potentiality, where tens of thousands of inner-city residents, South African and foreign-national, live without essential services and subject to the constant threat of eviction or deportation. Dispossession of their residents operates not only through the commodification of an urban commons but also through the diminishment of urban potentiality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Social Anthropology / Anthropologie Sociale is the property of Berghahn Books and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An unnamed shift has occurred in geographies of eviction. While past research focused on the causes and effects of eviction in political economy, state power, and cultural difference, emerging work emphasises the subjective experience and sustaining practices of eviction as it happens. This paper makes the case for this turn away from causes and outcomes of 'eviction', and towards 'evicting' as a set of material technologies and practices that sustain displacement, and explores the implications of such a shift. Research into lived durations of eviction, evicting technologies, and eviction enforcement agencies opens up new conceptual and political fields of intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• The Bolsonaro administration and its class allies used the pandemic as a political opportunity and the state as a tool to advance dispossessions. • Dispossessions such as debt interest payments or privatizations simply redistribute surpluses or means of production, with no impact on capital expansion. • Dispossessions of peasants or indigenous people from lands and forests expand capital by turning their means of subsistence into means of capitalist production. • The transfer to for-profit companies of public services, facilities, or spaces turns means of subsistence into commodities and thus expands capital. • Capitalization, commodification, or the termination of contemporary commons reduce means of subsistence and thus increase the availability of exploitable labor-power. In 2020–2021 Brazil simultaneously experienced the far-right presidency of Jair Bolsonaro and the world's largest health crisis in a century. The Covid-19 pandemic struck the country deeply, killing about 690 thousand people by late 2022. They were also years of increased pressure by capital on peasants and indigenous people, targets of the violence with which capital, ever since its dawn, has wielded to advance over spaces that serve the subsistence of immediate producers. In this period, the Brazilian state continued to comply with decades-old demands from neoliberal ideology for privatizations and the dismantling of protections for workers and the poor in general. These phenomena, when articulated by theory inspired by the Marxian concept of primitive accumulation, suggest that the Bolsonaro administration and its class allies used the pandemic as a political opportunity for dispossessing policies. The article discusses this based on concepts that distinguish dispossessions that serve capital expansion from those that do not. The first group includes processes that lead to proletarianization of immediate producers in addition to the capitalization or commodification of hitherto means of subsistence. Among dispossessions that do not expand capital are those that involve the simple redistribution of surpluses or means of production. The paper contributes to the literature on dispossession by analyzing concrete manifestations of it, drawing on a conceptual framework that distinguishes dispossession types that have been conflated in much current research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bringing together scholarly discussions on heritage and state violence, this article analyzes the multilayered structure of dispossession in contemporary Turkey. Through a combination of archival and ethnographic material, it documents the journey of the Fabiato Mansion situated in Büyükada, Istanbul becoming first a ruin, then a state property, later a culture house run by the Touring Automobile Company, and now the local courthouse. It argues that, although heritage and waste have been conceptualized in opposition to one another, the case of the Fabiato Mansion reveals that ruins and heritage sites are deeply connected through practices of dispossession. Conceptualizing the layered modalities of dispossession that led to the transformation of the Fabiato Mansion into the Büyükada Culture House, it illustrates the experience of the dispossession of sense of belonging through the life story of Aurora Fabiato. Then, it analyzes the abandonment of the mansion as part of the process of elimination of possible inheritors and it illustrates how the Mansion’s dilapidation was operationalized in the politics of redistribution. Focusing on Touring Company’s practices of preservation and repurposing it puts forward that by obscuring property relationships, the Büyükada Culture House generates a nostalgic political ideology that operates as way to avoid reckoning the violent past. While civilizational discourses on culture facilitated justifications of contested regimes of inheritance, they could not successfully end the mansion’s agonizing presence between heritagization and disinvestment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we describe and analyze the tensions and disputes over the ownership and use of natural wetlands in a protected area in the Colombian Caribbean, called Distrito Regional de Manejo Integrado Complejo Cenagoso Ciénaga de Zarate, Malibú y Veladero (DRMI-CCZMV). The case under study is associated, on the one hand, with global phenomena such as climate change, land and water grabbing, and their relationship with neoliberal capitalism. On the other, it describes more localized historical processes, such as conflicts between different actors over resource use. To analyze this problem, we propose the concept of dispossession in amphibious territories, in order to understand the historical disputes that occur in these complex environments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses human migration, taking forced displacement as the concept that best defines the events occurring in Honduras in recent years. To this end, it examines the dispossession to which the Garifuna communities in the Atlantic zone of Honduras have been subjected as a result of the implementation of tourism projects. The paper analyses the objectives, strategies, and impacts of dispossession and, based on the case of the community of Guadalupe, exemplifies these practices and examines the resistance mechanisms that have been developed. Based on community-based research, various typologies of dispossession are discussed. These have in common the use of legislative instruments accompanied by practices that tend to break down the social fabric and create an atmosphere of fear and distrust among the local population. Concerning the forms of resistance, we highlight the connections of local communities with national and international organisations--drawing on transnationalism--, the use of social networks, land re-appropriation practices, and psycho-legal tactics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extant studies on land dispossession often focus on its economic and extra-economic aspects, with respective emphasis on the operation of market mechanisms and the deployment of state-led coercion in bringing about the separation of households from their land. This article draws attention to the under-examined role of informal institutions in the politics of dispossession. Social organisations such as lineages and clans pervade grassroots societies and are central to land control and configurations of property rights. In China, the reconsolidation of lineages as shareholding corporations that develop real estate and operate land transfers has rendered them prominent actors in the politics of land and urbanisation. Drawing on an empirical case study, this article argues that informal institutions play a crucial role in mediating both the economic and extra-economic processes of dispossession. It further shows how, by providing the networks necessary for collective mobilisation and supplying the normative framework through which rightful shares in land are claimed, social organisations are at the same time instrumental in the organisation of anti-dispossession struggles. By unravelling the social dynamics that underlie land expropriation, this article offers a nuanced perspective to the politics of dispossession that goes beyond narratives of state-led coercion and market compulsion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the 'Green Revolution' to the 'Gene Revolution', the ultimate aim of promoting new technologies on a colossal scale is to make agricultural inputs and outputs essential commodities, create the market-dependent agri-food system, and bring all farming operations into the capitalist fold. There is a plethora of literature on the capitalist strategies of the diffusion of new agricultural technologies, but little emphasis is placed on the motives and modus operandi of philanthropic organizations and their relationship with the state and corporate forces in promoting new seeds and agro-chemicals. This article critically examines the continuity of hegemonic and dispossessive strategies of philanthropic organizations (such as the Rockefeller Foundation, the Ford Foundation, and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation) in establishing the philanthropic-corporate-state complex to control and exploit primary agricultural producers and their genetic wealth across the globe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles in the issue on topics including globalisation; decolonising politics; and global dispossession.

Urban space is inherently uneven. Economic pursuits and commercial integrity translate urban space into categorization of haves and have-nots. Neo-Marxists theorize spatial disequilibrium through the dynamics of capital accumulation. Analysis of Last Man in Tower by Aravind Adiga helps to explorecity space as a commodified place that serves the interests of capital accumulation by converting it as a space of differences, struggles and negotiations. While examining spatial alienation, I probe the making of urban other who experiences, evictions, and displacements followed by the development projects of capital accumulation in the theoretical frame of David Harvey's accumulation by dispossession. The urban space expands and grows not for the urban other but for the elitist consumption. This directs the argument to inspect the creation of a critical spatial consciousness to assert the urban other's right to the city. By retaliating to their evictions and dispossessions they devise strategies for remaking their space through their lived daily experiences. This has been supported by the theoretical lens of Henri Lefebvre's "The right to the city". The selected fiction defines uneven city space whereby the spatial metamorphosis dispossesses and displaces the urban other andraises critical spatial consciousness to obstruct subsequent displacements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a critique of the Wolfe-an model, which has become so dominant within contemporary Settler Colonial Studies (SCS). It focuses particularly on the central claim made by Patrick Wolfe, and others after him, that settler colonialism is categorically differentiated from other forms of colonialism by its drive to "eliminate the native", instead of exploiting them. This paper builds on the literature that shows how settler colonies have used elimination as well as exploitation in their relations with indigenous peoples--even transitioning from one to the other. Instead, the paper argues that focusing on accumulation by dispossession allows for an analysis of the specificity of settler social relations to emerge. It highlights the specific ways in which settlers collectively expropriate indigenous peoples and struggle amongst different settler classes over the distribution of the colonial loot. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

London's council estates and their residents are under threat like never before. Council tenants are being forced out of their homes due to estate renewal, welfare reforms, poverty, and the precarity of low-income work. Social cleansing can be understood as a geographical project made up of processes, practices, and policies designed to remove council estate residents from space and place, what we call a 'new accumulative form of (state-led) gentrification'. We outline these accumulative processes, practices and policies, but more importantly we present grounded, empirical evidence of council tenants and leaseholders' everyday experiences of dispossession, focusing our lens on three south London boroughs identified as eviction hotspots. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous migration is a strategy of dispossession, as Gonzales Casanova would denounce, which leads many indigenous women to face structural and symbolic violence when migrating outside their territory, or in the case of remaining in their localities, they are exposed to situations of extreme violence and social exclusion, as logic of domination. The ethnographic methodology allowed us to recover stories of indigenous women and men who promote human rights in the municipality of Ocosingo-southern Mexico, in the face of their experiences and practices related to migration; phenomenon that affects men and women differently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The media often focuses on the visible aspects of state violence. However, the invisible aspects of everyday struggle often go under-reported. How does dispossession and displacement occur for Uyghurs in Xinjiang? What is the role of their dispossession in securing state territorial control? Some Uyghurs from rural areas in Xinjiang, China have experienced a triple dispossession: displacement from the countryside, alienation in the city, and eviction from the city. The stories concern the agony people feel as they move from rural to urban settings and back again, pain caused by severe hardship in the economic, political and cultural senses. This case shows how economic development works together with interventionist state power to violently dispossess and displace the most vulnerable poor minorities from their homes and livelihoods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of URVIO - Revista Latinoamericana de Seguridad Ciudadana is the property of FLACSO - Ecuador (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bitácora Urbano/Territorial is the property of Bitacora Urbano/Territorial and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In India's contemporary model of extractive industry, the Company Town has been replaced by the 'company village.' Private sector firms throughout India's mineral belt now occupy sectors that were, until recently, almost exclusively state-owned. Once the great hope for India's industrial modernization and developmentalist effort, extraction continues to cause immense social and environmental dislocation but now offer few avenues of employment. Operating in the resettlement colonies of those displaced by land acquisition and in peripheral villages, extractive companies' Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) programs attempt to mediate and redirect rural aspirations away from plant gates and mine sites, though often with only limited success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, non-farm trajectories for the dispossessed are interrogated through a case where the state acquires agricultural land for an industrial area in Maharashtra, India. The empirical case arguably presents an 'ideal type' to observe the possibilities of a classical 'transition' to factory employment for dispossessed rural landholders in the neoliberal era. In the manufacturing hub that develops, male and female members from Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe groups carve out precarious manual labour opportunities. By disaggregating informal labour by caste and gender and identifying mechanisms through which work is made and kept precarious, the analysis adds specificity to debates on both rural dispossession and informal labour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2007, as the result of an aggressive government program to industrialize agriculture, more than one third of Chinese farmland has been transferred from smallholding households to large farm operators. The scaling up of agriculture is a global phenomenon, but nowhere has the scale been so vast and the time period so compressed. So far, there has been little investigation into how this massive transfer of land is being accomplished. While official accounts present land transfers as voluntary, in our investigation of transfers in the Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region, we found the methods employed included various types of coercion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article questions the conditions in which solidarity is given or withheld in response to expressions of dissent. Drawing on the August 2011 riots in England as an example, the article reflects on why some forms of dissent attract support whereas others do not. The author argues that "unpalatable" forms of dissent, particularly those enacted by groups already constructed as deviant or suspect, are often figured as least deserving of support, even though their actions may arise from the highest needs. The article then considers how these patterns can occur in response to more everyday articulations of dissent, such as those expressed by disenfranchised university students. The article suggests a rethinking of the politics of dissent and the distribution of solidarity in order to address broader patterns of power and dispossession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how residents of a small coastal fishing enclave in Colombo live with cumulative waves of dispossession brought on by exclusionary projects of urban development. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, I introduce the analytic of navigation to describe how people move, plan and live with both present and future threats of dispossession. Navigation offers a unique perspective on questions of agency and resistance in oppressive conditions. Rather than framing subjects as "resisting" projects of world‐class city‐making, this analysis shows that urban residents instead engage in complex and occasionally contradictory modes of living with uncertainty. I complicate existing understandings of the term "navigation" by describing how questions of nation and belonging are crucial to comprehending how people navigate. Ultimately, I suggest that expressions of belonging and obligation to an imagined community might not only be strategic, but instead reflect some of the broader social forces which structure possibilities for action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite decreases in formal evictions in Sweden, housing precarity measured through homelessness as well as through various forms of displacement is increasing. It is therefore important to conceptualize beyond evictions when looking to the condition of various housing regimes. Forced relocation following renovations (renoviction) is a dominant form of displacement in Sweden today, and this form of displacement makes little difference compared to formal evictions, in terms of outcomes for both landlords and tenants. Drawing inspiration from displacement literature, I suggest conceptualizing all forms of 'mundane displacement' that lead to forced relocation as 'structural evictions'. By mundane displacement I mean displacement processes instigated from within an already established political and legal framework, by actors in the realm of housing, that result in for instance increased costs of living for households to the extent that they are forced to leave their homes. I will use the example of renoviction to show how the boundary between formal evictions and structural evictions through renoviction are blurry at best. In this paper the similarities between formal evictions and displacement through renoviction will be illustrated through narratives by tenants relocated within two neighborhoods in Uppsala, Sweden, that are undergoing renovations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Adivasi' is an identity of protest against the oppressive practices of displacement and dispossession faced by tribal communities across India. As the social and political scenario of the vast Central Indian Plateau (CIP), the homeland of many such communities, is shaped by the social dynamics of oppression and resistance, any social or political organisation working in this region for justice and equity has to not only understand this adivasi consciousness of resistance against the concentration of capital and accumulation of surplus through a process of dispossession but also evolve their strategy in the context of adivasi consciousness. The authors have many years of experience of working with women's group in the CIP. In this reflective piece they critique their own action as failing to assimilate the important socio-political dynamics of the adivasi consciousness. As a result the women's groups promoted by them have remained peripheral in the struggle against dispossession. Non-inclusion of women in traditionally male dominated forums in adivasi society is a hindering factor for the women to take leading part in the adivasi movements. The authors conclude that it is important to work with both men and women to fight against dispossession which will also change the culture of male dominated committees within the Adivasi society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Building on black and indigenous feminist scholarship, this essay examines the mutually constitutive processes of racial gendered violence and colonial dispossession undergirding Guyanese statecraft. Through an analysis of the colonial construction of the racial-sexual bodies of Amerindian and Afro- and Indo-creole women, it argues that these imbricated violences may better be understood through a feminist analytic and praxis of relational difference. A departure point that brings the scaffold histories and legacies of colonialism, dispossession, slavery, and indentureship into stark relief, relational difference troubles the overdetermined rhetoric of impending racial disturbance and chaos that haunt the political landscape. Tracing the specificity of indigenous and black dispossession and antiblackness as integral to Guyanese nation formation and the Caribbean more broadly, it ultimately calls for an expansive Caribbean feminist politics that reckons with indigenous political subjectivities and creates awareness of black belonging beyond statist framings toward mutual liberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the history of the Honduran palm oil industry, through a case study of the Bajo Aguán region in the North Coast. This region went from being a supposedly "empty" space before the 1960s, to the home of a colonization project that became the centerpiece of the Honduran agrarian reform and the palm oil industry, during the 1970s and 1980s. In the 1990s it came to be known as the "capital of the agrarian counter-reform," as a cycle of dispossession led to the concentration of most of the land distributed during the previous period by a handful of large private companies. From the 2000s onwards, a new consensus has arisen regarding the centrality of the crop in the country's rural development strategy. However, this apparent consensus has been contended in the Aguán by a set of peasant organizations who question the legality and legitimacy of the deals that led to the control of the industry by these companies. It argues that to better understand the current configuration of the Honduran palm oil industry and the relation between the different types of small-holding producers and the larger companies, it is necessary to take into account their particular histories and forms of articulation with the industry as a whole. • The current configuration of the Honduran palm oil industry was informed by the 1990s process of agrarian counter-reform. • The Honduran palm oil industry is formally diverse, but controlled by a limited set of large actors. • Not only technical and economic aspects define the position of smallholding positions within the palm oil industry. • Their political history and practices are also important to understand their actions and relations with other actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dispossession at the core of the fur trade is barely perceptible, especially when recounted as part of the genesis narrative of British North American capitalism and state-formation. By focusing on the exploitation of Indigenous peoples' labour by company traders, I make this dispossession more conspicuous, revealing it as neither a direct nor a uniform process, but rather fragmented and driven by a host of legal, economic, and geopolitical factors. To achieve this, dialectical materialism is the preferred mode of analysis. Such a perspective brings into relief the uneven and combined nature of legal and economic transformation, disclosing the inner dimensions of dispossession that are the principal legacy of the fur trade and British North American settler-colonialism alike. At stake in this study is not only a comprehensive account of the processes of dispossession, but also a commentary on the insidiousness of these processes – that is, an inside look at how customary reciprocity was distorted through exploitative practices that served of dispossession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses how periods of geopolitical conflict and violence have affected the development of capitalism and class formation in Turkey. We argue that all major episodes of conflict, violence and war—from forced displacement and ethnic cleansing of the non‐Muslims in the late 19th and the early 20th century, to Kurdish secessionist warfare in the 1990s and the Syrian Civil War—have become major historical turning points in the development of historical capitalism in Turkey. These "hostile conjunctures" transformed capitalism through their direct and indirect effects on dispossession, class formation, and capital accumulation. Although each of these conflicts produced a violent dispossession process, none of them resembled the rural dispossession process in England. To make sense of Turkey's experience, we turn our attention to what we call the "Castilian/Spanish road," and what Lenin called the "Junker/Prussian road" and the "farmers/American road." Our analysis shows that these differential paths of dispossession, class formation, and capital accumulation have produced highly variegated rather than uniform outcomes. We conclude that we are living in a new "hostile conjuncture," which is pregnant to a major structural crisis and is generating the preconditions of another historical transformation in the way capitalism operates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In South Africa, the scale of rural–urban resettlement after apartheid continues to overwhelm the capacity of the government to house city dwellers in need of shelter. But the legitimacy of the postapartheid government rests on its ability to secure the rights of citizens who enjoy constitutional guarantees, including the right to housing. Because the government cannot simply repress this unhoused surplus population, it seeks instead to delegitimize some portion of it. It does so by developing a number of moralizing discourses, the subject of this paper, which distinguish between patient, deserving citizens, and unruly queue jumpers perceived to threaten the democratic project itself. Housing officials misrecognize squatters as a cause, rather than a consequence, of the state's failure to deliver, policing new land occupations with a draconian severity. They justify such repression in the name of protecting the democratic order, which is assumed to require waiting instead of improvisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]