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The capacity to deliver programmes that prevent and control infectious diseases is a key public health function. The European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control (ECDC) aims to support and strengthen this capacity in European Union/ European Economic Area (EU/EEA) countries as part of its 2021-27 strategy which includes explicit attention to social and behavioural aspects of disease prevention. To achieve its strategic goals, it is important that ECDC improves its knowledge of prevention strategies, actors and activities in EU/EEA countries. In this Perspective, we summarise three challenges to implementing the prevention framework proposed by ECDC: (i) defining, recognising and identifying with 'prevention', (ii) integrating new understandings into established ways of thinking, and (iii) the need for more attention to prevention in governance. These challenges are derived from the findings of a project which conducted a preliminary mapping of prevention actors, networks and activities in four EU countries to support the development of a community of practice within the new ECDC prevention framework. This Perspective serves to draw attention to this prevention framework and the three identified challenges for those working on its implementation.

Due to various factors, countries begin to have different levels of information and communication technologies (ICT) and they have their own unique culture of ICT usage. This case appears interesting especially when we consider university students' proficiency, attitudes and satisfaction in use of ICT. The purpose of this study is to examine the similarities and differences of university students in Turkey, EU candidate, and in Poland and Czech Republic, new members of EU, in terms of their proficiency, attitudes and satisfaction in use of ICT. The data of this study, composed of open-and closed-ended questions, were collected from students studying at departments of social and computational sciences. Statistical analyses of data collected were performed by SPSS 17, statistical package program. Results showed that a) despite the fact that Turkish students use computer for a shorter time than Polish and Czech students, there is no statistically significant difference between them, b) in terms of attitudes toward computer and their satisfaction, there is no difference between students studying at social departments whereas there is a statistically significant difference between students studying at departments of computational sciences. (Contains 2 figures and 2 tables.)

Recently, the need to contribute to the evaluation of the scientific, social, and political impact of Social Sciences and Humanities (SSH) research has become a demand of policy makers and society. The international scientific community has made significant advances that have transformed the impact of evaluation landscape. This article reviews the existing scientific knowledge on evaluation tools and techniques that are applied to assess the scientific impact of SSH research; the changing structure of social and political impacts of SSH research is investigated based on an overarching research question: to what extent do scholars attempt to apply methods, instruments, and approaches that take into account the distinctive features of SSH? The review also includes examples of European Union (EU) projects that demonstrate these impacts. This article culminates in a discussion of the development of the assessment of different impacts and identifies limitations, and areas and topics to explore in the future.

In the face of reduced public funding of science and increased demands for 'value for money', academic researchers find themselves hard pressed to produce relevant research and demonstrate their utility to society. These pressures are particularly prominent in the humanities and social sciences (HSS) where practical value is frequently questioned. This article investigates how HSS can be made 'relevant' through the qualitative case study of a funding instrument fostering immersive collaboration between HSS researchers and non-academic actors. The research is a qualitative study based on semi-structured interviews with the funded researchers and representatives of the funding agency. The paper provides insights into the motivations and experiences of HSS researchers embarking on the quest for relevance and the difficulties they encounter. In particular, the study finds that the key challenge for HSS researchers lies in balancing the level of engagement required to be relevant with the requirements of an academic career.

The school systems of many countries have been pervaded by student-centred pedagogy making students' small group discussion a common feature of the classroom practice.However, there is a lack of studies focussing different modes of discussion for the purpose of finding out whether some modes are more beneficial than others. Hence, the aim of this study is to explore the underpinnings of student small group conversations on Socio-scientific Issues in order to develop an understanding of the key aspects of what interrupts or revitalizes the conversation. We focus on the importance of attitudes and language use for the fate of students' decision-making conversations. Our theoretical framework builds on Dewey's notion of Open-mindedness and Bernstein's communication codes. Students' use of morals, opinions and agitational talk interrupted conversations, whereas new aspects and new perspectives revitalized the conversation. Students need guidance to avoid using justifications in conjunction with a Close-minded attitude.

The theory of academic capitalism is used to explore US and EU marketization trajectories. Comparisons are made along the following dimensions: creation and expansion of intermediating organizations external to universities that promote closer relations between universities and markets; interstitial organizations that emerge from within universities that intersect various market oriented projects; narratives, discourses and social technologies that promote marketization and competition; expanded managerial capacity; new funding streams for research and programs close to the market; and new circuits of knowledge that move away from peer review and professional judgment as arbiters of excellence. We also consider the status of fields not closely integrated with external markets, and see fragmentation of the humanities, fine arts and (some) social sciences to be a sign of research universities marketization. We conclude that the US and EU are following very different paths to bring higher education closer to the market. The US move to the market was incremental and frequently led by a wide variety of non-governmental organizations, often with strong ties to the for-profit sector and participation by segments of universities prior to federal legislation or mandates. The European Commission is reverse engineering Anglo-American higher education models to reconstruct technologies of governance in uniquely European contexts that embed competition in nation-state initiatives. Although the discourse surrounding university marketization promises growth of high paying jobs prosperity, evidence to date suggests very uneven results for both the US and EU.

Deliberative democracy theory highlighted democratic deliberation as a modus operandi for facilitating group decision-making. In 2023, members of Romanian labor unions in several sectors took to the streets in strikes and protests, demanding higher revenues and better work conditions. Nevertheless, misunderstandings and internal ruptures shadowed their noble ends and fueled mistrust amongst unionists. This dynamic reminds rather of interest party politics as it employs vertical power relations, influenced by social and professional background segmentation. One question that reasonably arises in this context is how deliberative the decision-making process is within the unions in Romania. We specifically analyze elements of deliberative organizational leadership and the power relations within labor unions through a qualitative study in the form of interviews. Keywords: Labor Unions, Romania, Deliberation, Representation, Leadership, Context Neo-liberalism triggered more dynamism in the labor market and new work relations, forcing unions to reshape and adjust their working procedures repeatedly. Their efficiency in coping with capitalist interests [...]

In the dynamic landscape of sustainable development, culture and cultural heritage are emerging concepts, taking more and more space in the academic literature. In the process of maintaining the balance between past, present and future, it is unrefutably important to understand the connection between cultural protection and promotion and actions towards sustainable development and environmental protection. This article aims to explore the complexities culture orientated actions, while having in consideration the sensitive issues of the permeability of cultural heritage over time. We discuss the relationship between cultural heritage and sustainable development, the actions that the EU takes to ensure cultural sustainability and the partnership between Romania and the EU could improve to maximize the impact on culture and sustainable development. Keywords: European Union, Romania, culture, sustainable development, Introduction Cultural heritage is the basis for tourism development in many European countries and further afield. Countries such as Greece, France and Italy are economically dependent on heritage tourism (which [...]

Objectives The aim of the study is to assess the competitiveness of Poland's voivodeships and to identify those areas of competitiveness that constitute the strengths and weaknesses of the Polish regions. Material and methods The study used a comparative analysis on the basis of the Regional Competitiveness Index (RCI) of 2016 and 2022, as well as a detailed assessment of the sub-indices of the RCI index. In this way, Polish regions were compared among themselves, in relation to the national and the EU average competitiveness. Results Apart from the Warsaw-Capital region, none of the Polish regions achieved the EU average level of the RCI index. The highest competitiveness among the remaining regions was found in the Śląskie and Małopolskie voivodeships. In contrast, the four regions of eastern Poland, i.e. Warmińsko-Mazurskie, Świętokrzyskie, Podlaskie and Lubelskie, in particular, were characterised by low competitiveness. Conclusions Considering the particular areas of regional competitiveness in Poland, it should be noted that only in primary and higher education and labour market efficiency is a level above the average EU competitiveness achieved. The major problem of Polish regions is the low level of business sophistication and poor infrastructure.

Research Question (RQ): Refugee status is denied to persons who cooperate with authorities of a country of origin. However, it is unclear whether this rule also applies to displaced persons, or whether Directive 2011/95/EU regulating subsidiary protection should be applied in their cases. Purpose: This research focuses on a legal situation of displaced persons who benefit from Directive 2001/55/EC regulating the EU temporary protection mechanism. This law can be activated in case of mass arrivals of persons in need of international protection. The research examines whether displaced persons can continue working for the authorities of their country of origin. Method: Dogmatic-legal analysis was used. Critical analysis of the law (1951 UN Refugee Convention, and EU law) was made. Historical method was used to support an interpretation of the text of that Convention with that treaty aims. Thanks to this, it was possible to deduce intentions of the drafters and first interpreters of the 1951 Refugee Convention from Travaux préparatoires and subsequent conclusions of the EXCOMM. Results: The 1951 Refugee Convention applies to persons who are unwilling or unable to be protected by their country of origin. However, incidental contacts with that state do not deprive these persons of protection. Directive 2001/55/EC does not contain an explicit reference to a need to terminate all contacts with a country of origin. Still, some relationships may contradict with the UN values. The asylum caseworker should be able to verify if these activities do not violate refugee law. Hence, the answer to the research questions depends on the scope of activities performed by a displaced person. Organization/Society: The answer to the research question would help to determine whether providing work for the authorities of a country of origin is always an obstacle to benefiting from temporary protection. Therefore, it can have an impact on the practice of public administration bodies regarding their approach to providing international protection. Originality: 28% of displaced persons in Poland work remotely in Ukraine. This innovative factor has not been noted in the context of other military conflicts, but the popularization of remote work increases the likelihood that persons seeking protection would not break their ties with a country of origin. Although an issue of a need to terminate relationship with that country has already been researched in literature, there are significant differences between the 1951 Refugee Convention and Directive 2001/55/EC. These differences have not yet been analyzed. Limitations / further research: A comparative analysis of the EU Member States’ national legislations could help to determine whether there are prospects for amending EU legislation to make it clear if work performed for authorities of a country of origin in the country where the contract is concluded can be used to deny and revoke temporary protection or to limit social assistance in case of persons who perform such work.

The down turning events from the beginning of the XXIst century, starting with the 2008 crisis and then the COVID-19 pandemic, shortly followed by Russia’s invasion in Ukraine, exacerbated some preexisting vulnerabilities and created new risks. In this context, the financial stability in the Eastern European states (we will consider "Eastern Europe" in Winston Churchill's terms, namely those countries on the eastern flank of the Iron Curtain) represents an important debating issue for both policy-makers and researchers. Therefore, the present paper aims to quantify the financial stability and to determine the factors that can influence it. In doing so, we first have to establish what we consider to be financial stability: what it means at the microeconomic level (focusing on the behavior of the citizens) and what it means at the macroeconomic level (looking at the role of states in ensuring financial stability). It is important to note that the analysis we wish to undertake will be at a regional rather than at an overall European level, focusing on the Eastern European countries that have joined the European structures. We will present, by means of statistical analysis, the importance that both economic freedom and education have in increasing the financial stability of Eastern European citizens, taking into account the evolution of the financial stability of Eastern European citizens over the last years. In order to perform an analysis for more countries and over a longer period of time, we will utilize panel data analysis. We will observe the role that both variables play in ensuring a greater level of financial stability for the people from these countries.

The recent so-called 'data revolution' offers unprecedented opportunities to innovate regional policies. New data sources are being widely used by the scientific community, however their uptake is far from being systematic in the policy cycle, where data innovation can improve territorial impact assessment. This paper presents a survey on the use of non-traditional data in the context of regional policy, together with a case study on real estate markets of three European countries, highlighting the perspectives and limitations of computational social science in regional analysis in terms of data quality and availability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract The provision of refuge to those fleeing persecution and danger is a complex matter that cannot be reduced to simply meeting admission quotas. While numerical targets for refugee admissions may seem like a straightforward way to ensure states are doing their fair share, an overemphasis on numbers risks obscuring the deeper moral issues at play. A truly robust approach to refugee protection requires that states act from the right kinds of reasons - a genuine commitment to the duty to provide safe haven to all refugees, regardless of their country of origin or the political expediency of admitting them. The worry is that if a state’s willingness to accept refugees fluctuates based on domestic political preferences and perceptions of national interest, rather than an unwavering recognition of the moral claims of the forcibly displaced, then the protection provided to refugees becomes contingent and precarious. A disposition to selectively protect only certain refugees undermines the very concept of refuge. However, in our non-ideal world, a commitment to the principle of robust refugee protection can run up against the hard reality of state non-compliance. If the only way to get some states to fulfil their duties is to allow them leeway in choosing which refugees to admit, we face a serious moral dilemma. Relaxing the demands of robustness may enable larger raw numbers of people to access refuge in the near term. However, it also risks eroding the norm of impartial consideration and creating a two-tier system of refugee protection. Ultimately, I argue, the dilemma between refugee numbers and robustness has no fully satisfying solution - it is an unavoidable product of our current circumstances of injustice and non-compliance. The best we can do is seek arrangements that ease this tension over time. This requires taking a nuanced, context-sensitive approach attuned to real-world constraints and trade-offs while still keeping sight of the moral lodestar of genuinely unconditional refuge for all who need it.

The European Union has a chronic trade deficit with Asia, the majority of which is with certain countries in East and South-East Asia. This conclusion is based on traditional international trade statistics. However, the international fragmentation of production processes and the new method of measuring trade by value-added are now making trade analysis closer to reality, allowing for more accurate conclusions to be drawn.This article’s main aim is to analyze and evaluate the EU’s trade imbalance with Asia and selected Asian economies, which is found in both traditional (gross) and new (value-added) international trade statistics. The analysis shows that the degree of trade imbalances concerning partners and groups of goods differs depending on the method of analysis. In the case of EU-Asian trade relations, imbalances do exist, but they generally show smaller deficits or surpluses when measured in value-added terms. The availability of statistical data determined the time and geographical scope of the study. The analysis covers the EU28’s trade with 15 Asian countries from 1995 to 2018, with a particular focus on China, Japan, and South Korea. The study applies a critical literature review, the descriptive-analytical method, and the method of inference based on statistical data obtained from international databases (Eurostat, OECD-WTO, and UNCTAD).

This article examines the utility of a revised postfunctionalist theory in explaining regional (dis)integration dynamics. The case study employed to test the theoretical framework is based on Ukraine's regional integration processes with respect to Eurasian and European regional organizations in the early 2010s. The principal research question posed is: what factors contributed to Ukraine's decision to opt out of deeper integration with Eurasia in the early 2010s and pursue integration with the European Union insead, and how can this case study move the postfunctionalist theory forward? Three assumptions proposed by postfunctionalism, enriched with insights from social constructivism, were applied to the (dis)integration processes: salience, politicization, and collective identity. The analysis suggests that the revised postfunctionalist framework is indeed instrumental in explaining both integration and disintegration, providing insights into the role of collective identity mobilization once public discussion reaches a critical juncture in the politicization process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Compilation of congresses and conferences on matters related to the EU.

The European Union and the Council of Europe were supposed to create continent-wide standards and rule for governance, commerce, and human rights. Yet subsidiarity remains an important principle respecting state-specific policy. Occasionally Pan-Europeanism and subsidiarity conflict and this is the case with LGBTQ and transgender rights. This Article examines the legal tensions surrounding the protection of human rights as it addresses transgender individuals and members of the LGBTQ community. It argues that the current framework of law supporting subsidiarity is inconsistent with the broader goals of non-discrimination at the heart of the values of both the European Union and the Council of Europe.

Albania, like other countries in the region, has been aspiring to join the EU for two decades. In different periods of the last 20 years, it has taken steps back and forth along the process towards membership. Therefore, in this context, the present paper will analyse the Albanian perspective, having in focus the promotion of human rights standards in lights of it s integration into the European Union. The aim of this paper is to comprehend the evolution of Albania in relation to human rights in light of the EU integration perspective and demonstrate that Albania has yet a very long road ahead to become part of the European Union.

The research presented in this article is the attempt to analyse Polish parliamentary discourse concerning the European solidarity. The European solidarity is one of the greatest challenges of the second decade of the 21st century. This phenomenon can be analysed from the perspective of three dimensions: its roots in the EU treaties – as values and principles; institutionalised solidarity mechanisms – measures against internal shocks, cohesion policy, social policy; ad hoc solidarity in moments of crisis – e.g. migration crisis, COVID-19 crisis. This article addresses the issue of European solidarity from the perspective of political leaders. The analysed utterances allow us to conclude that the problem of European solidarity does not dominate in the parliamentary discourse of the most important Polish politicians. The parliamentary speeches of the Polish party leaders revealed various aspects of the perception of the title concept, especially in the context of shared values, although perceived in different ways. Good relations between EU countries, a common social and economic policy, as well as the sustainable development of Europe proved to be important.

This article reflects on the outcomes of the 12th WTO Ministerial Conference (MC12), which took place on 12–17 June 2022 in Geneva. The aim of the article is to analyse the effects of this meeting in the context of the reform of the multilateral system. For this purpose, the following research questions were posed: (1) What arrangements were made during MC12? (2) Are the adopted agreements relevant for the future reform of the multilateral system within the WTO? The analysis presented in the study demonstrated that this conference, which had been postponed several times due to the COVID-19 pandemic, was a confirmation that the negotiating crisis of recent years had been overcome. Additionally, the author emphasised that the agreements reached among the representatives of 164 member countries should be seen as a success, especially in view of the international tensions accompanying the meeting. The arrangements that were made, therefore, also provide a deeper understanding of the functioning of the multilateral system within the WTO and its complexities. The structure of the article consists of an introduction, two sections presenting the results of the analysis, and conclusions. Methodologically, the article is mainly based on a critical analysis of WTO source documents and academic studies on international trade policy.

Günümüzde pek çok ülke insan hakları, hukukun üstünlüğü, serbest ve adil seçimler ve çoğulculuk gibi demokratik değerleri kısıtlayan yasal ve idari girişimlerde bulunmaktadır. Bu bağlamda liberal demokrasi uzun yıllardır küresel ölçekte gerileme içindedir. Bu durum demokratik gerilemenin ampirik olarak tespit edilmesini ve nedenlerinin araştırılmasını teşvik etmektedir. Avrupa Birliği demokratik değerleri Birlik içinde yasal norm olarak kabul etmesine rağmen birden fazla üyesi hakkında liberal demokratik değerleri zayıflattıkları yönünde tartışmalar yürütülmektedir. Söz konusu üyelerden ikisi Macaristan ve Polonya olup iki ülke de anti demokratik uygulamaları nedeniyle eleştirilmektedir. Bu çalışmada da Macaristan ve Polonya demokrasilerinin gerileme içinde oldukları ampirik veriler ile ortaya konulmakta ve bunun nedenleri siyasal kurumlar ve uluslararası faktörler teorileri çerçevesinde açıklanmaktadır.

La economía puede incrementar el bienestar social haciendo progresar el capital físico, el capital humano y la tecnología. Es sobre este último factor, clave en relación con los otros dos, sobre el que versa este estudio. En los centros de investigación españoles, particularmente los universitarios, se produce un alto número de resultados de notable calidad, lo que no se traslada, en proporción semejante, al campo de las innovaciones y de la aplicabilidad industrial. Desde un análisis de los datos, intentamos ilustrar esa brecha que existe entre investigación e innovación comercializable en el país que ocupa el cuarto puesto en la UE, tanto por el volumen de su PIB como por el número de sus ciudadanos. The economy can increase social welfare by advancing physical capital, human capital and technology. It is on this last factor, which is key in relation to the other two, that this study focuses. Spanish research centres, particularly universities, produce a high number of results of notable quality, but this does not translate, in similar proportion, to the field of innovation and industrial applicability. From an analysis of the data, we attempt to illustrate the gap that exists between research and marketable innovation in the country that ranks fourth in the EU, both in terms of the volume of its GDP and the number of its citizens.

The current migration waves in the European Union, especially after the outbreak of war in Ukraine, are causing a lot of confusion. This has forced EU institutions and individual member states to rethink their policies towards refugees. Analysis of the migration phenomenon within the EU, due to its importance in both the European and international arenas, is crucial to achieving this goal. The research problem of this article is to discuss the impact of the migration and refugee crisis on EU refugee policy after 2015. The main hypothesis is that as a result of the “refugee crisis” in 2015, followed by the COVID-19 pandemic, a change occurred in the way EU security policy was conducted. An additional conditionality turned out to be the currently ongoing war in Ukraine, which caused a huge relocation of the population and, at the same time, revised the EU’s asylum legislation, showing its loopholes and inconsistencies. The research methodology includes a critical review of relevant literature, official documents, policy documents, primary and secondary legislation, statistical data, and content analysis.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine, which began at the end of February 2022, confirmed the de facto impotence of the EU policy towards the Western Balkans. Only the reaffirmation of the United States of America and NATO’s roles in the Western Balkans after 2017 had a significant impact on the situation in the region, as it had for the previous three decades. The importance of their roles was confirmed after the entry of Montenegro and North Macedonia into NATO and the achievement of the Prespa Agreement (2018). However, there are still essentially unresolved issues, such as the relations between Belgrade and Pristina (which are currently accelerating primarily due to the US), the internal reconfiguration of relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the gradual attempt to suppress the further growth of Russian influence in certain states of the region (it already has a strong influence in Serbia and the BiH entity, the Republic of Srpska). In this sense, the author emphasises that only after the additional integration of the countries of the region with the European Union and NATO, which implies an accelerated continuation of the EU enlargement process but also a strengthened open-door policy, can NATO additionally ensure peace in the Western Balkans, where there are still significant and visible consequences of post-Yugoslav wars and numerous problems, such as a lack of the rule of law, an insufficient fight against corruption, and cross-border crime. Therefore, the current moment, characterised and determined by Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, should ensure the acceleration of geopolitical responses related to the admission of the countries of the Western Balkans to the European Union and also empower the real and pro-European capacities of existing forms of regional cooperation. The author emphasises the necessity of accelerated integration of the remaining WB entities into NATO, which they have already pursued.

Cybersecurity policy is a response to the growing instability of the virtual world and the threats emanating from this area. This article tries to show how changes in legislative and strategic provisions can affect the EU’s cybersecurity policy. The analysis of the field of cybersecurity in the European Union, the subject of which is the union itself, allows the authors to demonstrate the existence of such a policy in the EU. The subject of the analysis is the phenomenon of cyberterrorism as a threat and its specificity as a form of violence. The article shows how policy and strategy are interrelated, paying particular attention to the security concept of the European Union. The starting point of the research is the analysis of issues related to the specific nature of EU cyberterrorism policy and the most important legal bases in this field, on which EU cybersecurity policy is built. The preliminary study defines the concepts of cyberterrorism, cybercrime, and cyberwar, showing their impacts on the national security policy of the information society and, thus, also on the cybersecurity policy of the EU.

The challenges and threats from cyber security are increasing every day in the world. All this has a significant impact on international relations. When we are dealing with such a revolutionary development of technology as in the 21st century, it is already necessary for all states to have high-standard cyber security systems. This is not an easy issue to solve, because cyber security requires quite a lot of finances, human resources, and also specially trained professionals. Threats emanating from cyberspace need a proper response, in this case we have no choice, the whole world is facing danger. Cybercrime and the damage caused by it are increasing year by year. Also, all this affects a person psychologically and leaves a feeling of insecurity. The biggest problem is that aggressive states, terrorist organizations, non-state groups, large corporations, etc. are mostly involved in this virtual war (as in the real one). As an example, we can cite such an aggressor state as Russia, which carries out major cyber attacks against Ukraine, Georgia and other states whose cyber security systems are less protected. The transition of political, military, social or criminal processes into cyberspace has made cyber security one of the main segments of state security. Countries with developed cyber-offensive potential, primarily Russia, successfully use cyberspace both during war and conflict, as well as in peacetime, to gain geopolitical advantage. This article discusses the challenges and threats associated with the development of modern cyber and information technologies, analyzes the threats associated with the new information security capabilities of modern states, including cybersecurity. The aim of the paper is to present the role of cyber security in the Russia-Ukraine war and the threats arising from it. The following methods are used in the paper: methods of historical-descriptive, policy research and comparative analysis. The paper uses the theories of balance of power and securitization.

Abstract The world labor market is characterized by growing dynamics and strong volumes of labor export and import, which is realized through international labor migration. The movement of the labor force carries out several important functions in the global economy – from income redistribution to the exchange of professional experience, the spread of new innovative technologies, and the growth of labor productivity. In addition, the socio-economic implications of international labor migration for donor countries and recipient countries are ambiguous, they differ in the short, medium, and long-term periods.The study aims to analyze the impact of the socio-economic consequences of international labor migration. The article also focuses on the world experience in shaping and influencing the socio-economic consequences of international labor migration for the donor countries and for the importing countries of the labor force.

Objectives The main goal of this study is to identify and evaluate the level of good governance in European Union countries and to determine whether there is a relationship between good governance and economic growth. Material and methods Empirical materials are based on currently available statistical data from Eurostat. In case of unavailability of unit data in the studied year, they were replaced with data from the nearest period, i.e. 2020. Due to the complexity of the analyzed categories and the possibility of ordering objects from best to worst to achieve the goal, we used the TOPSIS method for multidimensional data analysis. Results The study found that the variable with the greatest impact on the ranking achieved by a given country in the GG range was the Corruption Perception Index, followed by the proportion of the population who trust EU institutions. In the presented comparison, three countries, Luxembourg, Germany, and Sweden, occupied the top positions in the GG scale, while Greece and Cyprus were at the bottom. Countries with very high GG accounted for 11% of the total number of EU countries. No countries were identified as belonging to the fourth class, which is characterized by a very low level of GG. The majority of countries, over 67%, were represented by those with medium to low levels of GG. Conclusions The analysis allowed for identifying a significant correlation between Good Governance and Economic Growth in European Union countries. It can be assumed that the higher the level of economic development (measured by many SDGs), the lower the level of corruption in state institutions, and the greater the trust of citizens in public institutions, which translates into a higher level of GG.

The aim of this article is to verify the hypothesis of the occurrence of increased profit margins in the electricity, gas, steam and air conditioning supply industry in an environment of increased CPI inflation rates in selected countries in the European Union. The study was based on the selected quantitative methods, including: the categorisation of companies by mean and standard deviation, and the Kruskal-Wallis test for non-parametric independent variables. The analysis showed that a clear increase in margins was observed in France and Italy during the 2021 and 2022 periods analysed. The largest increase was found in France, where the median gross profit margin increased from 18.9 per cent between 2015 and 2020 to 25.6 and 26.9 per cent respectively between 2021 and 2022. The study contributes to the assessment of the adaptability of the European Union energy sector and the problematic nature of the phenomenon of increased margins.

The European Economic Area (EEA) provides a common market for goods, labour, services, and capital. Promoting integration between countries through the free movement of labour, or more generally persons, pre-dates the previous forms of the EEA. However, during the Southern and Eastern Expansions of the European Union, there have been transition agreements on persons, designed to restrict immigration. Opening up labour markets to the new member states with significantly lower GDP per capita than existing states, has been contentious. This is why the use of transition agreements have permitted periods which existing members can limit immigration. Not all existing member states impose restrictions, and during the Eastern Enlargements, the restrictions were imposed for varying lengths of time by different existing members up to a maximum of seven years. During the transition agreement, the economies of new members and existing members can converge, which is ultimately designed to limit the pull factor of migration. In this note, we provide a concise resource of the timeline of the expansion of full free movement of persons for countries in the EEA and Switzerland.

This article examines the main causes of insecurity on the African continent by attempting to identify the structural factors. Starting from these, the study examines and proposes a series of generic EU action lines for an integrated response. The work aimed to answer the following questions: What are the structural factors of insecurity in Africa? What lines of action should the European Union adopt? Is the action in the security sector sufficient? The methodology used was the comparative analysis of similar phenomena in the three mentioned countries. Process tracing and document analysis techniques were also used to determine causality and similarities. The findings indicate that violent extremism, inter- and intra- community conflict, climate change, population growth and poor governance are exacerbating instability and fragmentation on the African continent. Moreover, armed conflicts have become internationalized due to the involvement of external actors such as Russia and China, even if their strategies are different and complementary in nature. In this context, the main axes of the European Union's response must be subordinated to diplomacy and political dialogue, support for socio-economic development and the strengthening of the security sector. These measures should be complemented by coordinating the actions of like-minded actors and articulating appropriate strategic communication actions. Keywords: insurgency, terrorism, extremism, actions, European Union, security, dialogue., INSURGENCY AND TERRORISM IN AFRICA. MAIN LINES OF ACTION OF THE EUROPEAN UNION. CASE STUDY: CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC, MALI AND NIGER Insurrection et terrorisme et leur influence sur la dynamique [...]

Serious crimes are committed today in various forms using diversified modi operandi. Perpetrators look for more efficient ways of enhancing the proceeds of their crimes. Trafficking in human beings, including children, to exploit them sexually or through forced labor is common. In this context, victims need special protection from law enforcement agencies, because, in some cases, they suffer revictimization. Legislators must therefore take into account their vulnerable status during criminal proceedings to prevent any form of revictimization. This article presents the situation in both legal and judicial systems regarding victims of serious crimes associated with revictimization. This research also aims at finding appropriate legal measures and instruments for fighting serious crimes, including trafficking vulnerable children and women, and enhancing state policy for reducing revictimization. To achieve these aims, the article is based on a qualitative research methodology, paying particular attention to the serious risk factors that generate revictimization in practice. Keywords: criminological approach, protection of victims, revictimization, victims of serious crimes, vulnerable victims, young victims' rights, Serious crimes are a major problem that involves law enforcement agencies from several points of view. First of all, the serious character of these crimes means a high level of [...]

This article explores daily threats in the lives of unaccompanied refugee minors (URMs) in Greece. The aim is to stimulate debate and understanding in the context of growing forced migration. Our observations, arguments, and conclusions are primarily informed by critical discussion of politics, policies, and legislation of the European Union, Greece, and international treaties on human rights. Our analysis also draws upon impressions from site visits and interviews with social workers at urban shelters and supervised apartments of semi-independent living (SILs) on the Greek mainland. Aspects related to the social quality of URMs' daily circumstances include quality of accommodation, presence of contact persons, sense of safety and security, and social inclusion. Vulnerabilities related to the insecurities of temporary transit status are central. The availability of formal and informal services providing care, protection, recovery, education, sports, and well-being is essential. The social quality perspective frames our analysis and interpretation. Keywords: accommodation, insecurity, migrant policies, normative criteria, refugees, social quality, transit stay, URMs, This article analyzes aspects of the social quality of the daily living circumstances of unaccompanied refugee minors (URMs). Risks and anxieties are accentuated by the absence of parents or caretakers [...]

The article’s aim is to explain the essence and specificity of the creation of socio-economic strategies on the example of key documents of development character in selected EU countries. The author discusses the definitional issues related to socio-economic strategies, the motives for their creation, the institutions preparing them, typologies of strategies and methods of their development, as well as the overarching goals formulated in these documents. A separate part of the research is devoted to selected issues that are presented in key strategic documents of the European countries. In the article, examples of solutions implemented in the leading socio-economic strategies of the selected EU countries such as Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, the Czech Republic, Poland, and Croatia are woven into theoretical considerations. Primary sources in the form of strategic documents and available scientific literature were used for the analysis. The article allows, on the one hand, to better prepare for the initiation of the entire process of drawing up socio-economic strategies and, on the other hand, to familiarise readers with the development directions of individual European countries.

This article refers to development support instruments for rural communities in the European Union (EU). The author presents the systemic and strategic determinants of creation and delivery of the EU rural community policy, as well as the origins and evolution of the Union policy in the abovementioned scope. The analysis is focused on the specific institutional and financial solutions which promote sustainable development of rural communities. The article demonstrates that multi-level and multi-agent nature of the development management system in the EU affects the implementation of a neo-endogenous policy towards rural communities in the EU. The text also presents developments in the implementation of EU policy for rural communities after 2021 in the context of the implementation of the European Green Deal (EGD) strategy.

In the face of years of negligence in the environmental protection in Poland, the membership in the European Union has caused the adoption not only of a restrictive legal framework and now ambitious environmental goals, but also restrictions on permissible support for entrepreneurs. To date there is a lack of research combining both legal and financial aspects in this field. The aim of this study is to identify the extent, to which Poland’s policy of financial assistance to entrepreneurs has exercised the legal framework for granting state aid for environmental protection. To this end, we conducted a comparative analysis of EU legislation on state aid and Polish aid schemes for environmental protection, as well as statistical analysis of changes in granting aforementioned state aid in terms of its intended uses and areas of support in Poland. We found the high degree of cumulation to certain sectors and incidentality of environmental aid in Poland, both in terms of its objectives envisaged by the Commission and of support areas. That support did not follow a well-thought-out, coherent and systematic policy of supporting entrepreneurs, but was merely a collection of isolated interventions, depending on the availability of fund resources in the EU financial perspectives.

The laws in Bosnia and Herzegovina that partially regulate the subject areas are outdated, long since overcome and almost completely non-functional, which effectively prevents the introduction of new technologies, which are becoming more and more convergent day by day with the development of digital services that are based on various types of electronic communication infrastructure. This type of legislation in Bosnia and Herzegovina discourages investors from investing in the development of communication infrastructure, which ultimately leads to limited service or low-quality service for the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. High-quality and modern regulation of the field of electronic communications is achieved first of all so that all legislative levels in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in accordance with their constitutional competences, pass complex and detailed laws that will regulate the field of electronic communications, following the example of the legislative achievements of the European Union in this areas. Bearing in mind the past experiences in Bosnia and Herzegovina, probably a more functional way is for all legislative levels in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in accordance with their constitutional competences, to pass laws that will regulate the field of electronic communications in such a way as to prescribe the basic principles and basic frameworks of regulation this area, again following the example of the legislative achievements of the European Union in this area.

Anthropogenic climate change is undeniably altering planet Earth, and agricultural emissions are a significant contributor to this crisis. Agriculture, specifically cattle farming, is a key emitter of GHG emissions, accounting for 14.5% of global GHG emissions. This paper thus asks, given that cattle farming contributes a significant amount of total global GHG emissions, if the elimination of cattle farming in the EU is a sustainable way to reduce total GHG emissions. This paper explores the sustainability of cattle farming in the EU and highlights the vital role that EU cattle farming plays in the EU economy and in meeting the global food supply. It also explores the role that beef consumption plays in human diets. By researching the available literature, this paper finds that the complete elimination of cattle farming in the EU would have devastating effects on the EU economy and would leave the global food demand largely unmet. Not to mention that the environmental benefits of eliminating cattle farming become less significant when accounting for the emissions of new economic activity on ex-cattle grazing lands. Thus, this paper highlights the importance of improving cattle management and changing dietary patterns to mitigate GHG emissions in the context of a worsening climate and an increasing global food demand that must be met.

Objectives not applicable Material and methods not applicable Results not applicable Conclusions The presented essay is based on the author's studies from various periods of the development of the European Communities. Its goal is to search for the basic elements of the development and stability of the state in the conditions of globalization and membership in the European Union. When looking for driving mechanisms of the state, it is necessary to indicate, above all, free economic activity and rational self-government economy (in the municipal and regional version). They are underestimated by the state when it aims to centralize management and incapacitate local governments in order to increase the "power of the state", and in fact the power of politicians who consider the destruction of democracy to be a quick "success." The method of analysis used in the text is a confrontation of the traditional doctrine of the state bordering on authoritarianism, which was still present in Poland until 1989, with the new doctrine of communitarizing states. The best guarantee that prevents old and new threats of degeneration of state functions is currently EU law with a set of its features and enforcement measures. The Polish Constitution is broadly open to this method of strengthening the state and the law

Transport accessibility, or rather the lack of it, increasingly referred to as transport exclusion or poverty, can lead to social exclusion and a range of negative social consequences. The aim of this article is to identify how accessibility and inclusiveness are treated in EU transport policies, in order to determine to what extent those policies are inclusive. The content analysis of EU transport policy documents issued between the years 2000 and 2022 will be conducted in this research. References to access and accessibility in the analysed documents consistently address mainly two issues: access for peripheral areas to the European transport system and ensuring accessibility of public transport. The second approach is relevant for ensuring the inclusiveness of the transport system.

In the scholarly literature, we can find three different concepts that have essentially the same meaning, but which are not identical to each other. These are the English rule of law, the German Rechtsstaat and the French état de droit. Each concept is derived from specific historical, social and political context. The aim of this article is to examine the meaning and significance of the rule of law in a national and supranational context, while looking for similarities and differences. The main research problem concerns the question of how the rule of law should be understood in a non-state, i.e. a supranational context. Bearing in mind that in the case of the European Union we are dealing with a non-state context, and despite the fact that the closest concept of understanding of the rule of law applied in the European Union is the German Rechtsstaat, the author adopts the hypothesis that the most accurate narrative in the present context is the English understanding of the rule of law. The considerations and findings are to lead to a better understanding of this concept in the non-state (supranational) context, because compliance with the law, including the rule of law, by all entities (public and private, national, and European) is essential to the further existence of the European Union. The study is analytical, comparative, and explanatory.

Energy security--including access to critical minerals which are vital for the green energy transition--are being impacted by the Russia-Ukraine war and growing tensions between Russia and the West. In this [...]

A succession of US presidents and Western allies got Ukraine wrong. What they do next determines what kind of Russia the world must deal with in the future. Less than [...]

The European Union (EU) and the Southern Common Market (Mercosur) free trade agreement (FTA) aims to increase regional trade and major integration between the regions; after decades of negotiations, in 2019, finalization of the agreement was reached. However, there are several blockages from both parties in the ratification process: whilst few EU members the criticize environmental and sustainability issues within the agreement, the Mercosur partners oppose the imposition of sustainability standards onto the region without adequate financial support. On this topic, the literature is still too poor to build a systematic literature review; thus, the present analysis follows a quasi-historical approach considering the major steps of the EU–Mercosur FTA looking both at the scientific and gray literature. The study underlines how environmental and sustainability issues are at the core of the European policies; thus, themes such as deforestation and pesticides could be a dealbreaker in the ratification of the agreement. For the EU, the FTA with Mercosur could mark a new step in the race towards it being a new “global standard” for sustainability and production.