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The exodus of around 5 million people from Syria has evolved into a transnational 'social question', requiring a transnational response. The latest Syrian assault on Idlib in February 2020, creating one of the worst humanitarian crises of this brutal civil war, brought this to the world's attention again. Highlighting the scale of this 'social question' on the eve of a Covid-19 pandemic, it shows that displaced Syrians of Idlib had been trapped between the advancing Syrian regime and Russian troops. In response, Turkey, already hosting almost 3.5 million Syrians and closing its border in 2015 to prevent a further influx, let refugees – Syrians and migrants from other countries – head for the EU. Aiming to cajole the EU into heeding its demands, Turkey linked this to its Syria cause. Once again, the latest crisis showed that Turkey had reached the limit of its capacity to absorb more Syrians. This paper deals with Turkey's response and alternatives for the most relevant stakeholder, the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper's main objective is to explain the concept of transactionalist foreign policy in detail and to demonstrate how it applies to a real-world case in Turkish foreign policy towards the EU under the AKP rule. We define transactionalism as a foreign policy approach that favours bilateral to multilateral relations, focuses on short-term wins rather than longer-term strategic foresight, adheres to a zero-sum worldview where all gains are relative and reciprocity is absent, rejects value-based policymaking, and does not follow a grand strategy. This paper also provides a new layer to the existing periodisation of AKP's EU policy through framing the EU as 'a foreign policy actor' in Turkey-EU relations. Scholars divide Turkey's EU policy under the AKP government into three broad periods: Europeanisation, selective Europeanisation and De-Europeanisation. We complement this literature by adding another layer of analysis that focuses on Turkey's foreign relations in its broader region, including the EU, and argue that Turkey's relations with the EU were characterised by the zero-problems doctrine during the selective Europeanisation period, and by civilisational competition with the EU during the de-Europeanisation period, and by transactionalism since 2016. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With high interdependence, politicization, and unlikely enlargement, alternative options for EU–Turkey relations beg for consideration. This article argues that, first of all, conceptualization of a new model of EU–Turkey relations must thoroughly account for the evolution of the European project away from uniformity and towards more differentiation as a result of both integration and disintegration pressures. Secondly, an extended model of external differentiated integration has a potential to foster new, more dynamic EU–Turkey relations. However, its practical implementation is constrained by a number of challenges and scope conditions related to preferences and interests of key actors, namely EU institutions, member states and Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the evolving relationship between the European Union (EU) and Turkey following the 2015 refugee crisis. It argues that post-crisis relations have become predominantly functional, measured by strategic EU-Turkey partnership based on interdependence as well as the EU's relative retreat from political membership conditionality. This is particularly demonstrated by the March 2016 EU-Turkey 'refugee deal' whereby functional cooperation deepened amidst material and normative concessions that the EU granted Ankara. The article concludes that although functionalism is set to guide the relations beyond the question of Turkey's EU accession, a future EU-Turkey external differentiated integration arrangement remains uncertain due to pending challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article maintains that the treatment of the Ottoman/Turk in the English School of International Relations, as in broader Western scholarship, is Eurocentric and highlights less frequently utilized concepts to restructure our thinking on the Ottomans. In Eurocentric historical narratives, the Ottomans are represented as an abnormal entity or as the very opposite of Europeanness. This peculiar representation anachronistically impacts upon European Union–Turkey relations today as the Europeans conflate the dissolved Ottoman Empire with contemporary Turkey. In an attempt to move forward, I turn to Martin Wight's concepts to recast the Ottomans as a potential European superpower rather than as an abnormality in European life and then to Herbert Butterfield's "academic history" as one way of dissociating the Ottoman past and the Turkish present. Both moves can help reimagine the Ottoman/Turk on more positive and balanced terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Peace Research & Conflict Resolution / Baris Arastirmalari ve Çatisma Çözümleri Dergisi is the property of Yalova University, Research Center for International Conflict Resolution and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Focuses on the stance of generals in Turkey on the country's eventual membership into the European Union (EU). Concern expressed by generals about the conditions the EU placed on full membership; EU requirements opposed by the generals; Reason behind the generals' attitude toward the EU membership.

Copyright of Journal of Management & Economics Research is the property of Journal of Management & Economics Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

European officials veer towards exceptionalism in their policy communications concerning the EU’s global role, particularly in terms of African development. This article poses a rejoinder to such tendencies through examination of the rise of ‘virtuous power Turkey’ in Africa. It examines how Turkish elites constructed a moralised ‘neo-Ottoman’ foreign policy in wake of stalled EU accession. It then underscores how elites framed humanitarian interventions in sub-Saharan Africa in contrast to the perceived neo-colonialism of an EU ‘other’. In this vein, the article explores the meaning of normative ‘neo-Ottomanism’ for ostensible beneficiaries in Africa, for the EU, and for Turkey itself. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

After examining the causes of Turkey's failure to help secure a benign environment in its neighborhood during and after the so-called Arab Spring, this article tries to answer how foreign policy dynamics played a role between the two parliamentary elections in Turkey held in June and November 2015 respectively. Another question is whether foreign policy developments taking place in Turkey's neighborhood, particularly in the wider Middle Eastern region, will drive Turkey closer to its Western partners in the post-election era. Whether Turkey's rediscovery of the Western international community will be long-term or conjectural development, given its growing security challenges, warrants a closer attention. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the new Turkish foreign policy, besides the great interests in the Caucasus, Central Asia, Middle East and Africa, the Western Balkans are also important. Turkey is making great efforts to play a greater role on the international scene and creates its area of interest, especially where the links of Ottoman legacy can help. Although it is defined as a peaceful power in the region, some describe it as neo-ottoman, a term rejected by the Turkish authorities because of its possible soft imperialist connotation. Indeed, European prevarications about its accession to the European Union (EU) reinforce the belief of Ankara to open up towards other parts of the world. Through the diplomatic initiative, mediation, privatization of strategic sectors and cultural exchange, Turkey has emerged as a real player, making the Western Balkans the only region where the principle of "zero problems with neighbors" gives the most tangible results. However, the new Turkish influence also found some limitations concerning the fact that people living in the Western Balkans have not erased the days of Ottoman rule from their memory. Moreover, despite cooperation between Ankara and Brussels in areas such as peacekeeping or conflict mediation, the EU, which continues to maintain its leading authority in this close area, seems challenged somewhat by the assertive presence of Turkey. This paper aims precisely to study the return of Turkey to the Western Balkans. Our central question is: is the Turkish projection in the Western Balkans a challenge or an opportunity for the EU? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In today's complex security situation in the international community, Turkey is more important to the NATO than ever before in the 65 year old history of the Alliance. The development of the last two decades in Turkey, represented a fundamental change in its social and economic development Just as Turkey was seen as a bridge between Europe and Asia as well as Christian and Muslim World for the West. Western Balkans is seen today as a bridge between Turkey and European Union. In the New Turkey's foreign policy, based on Turkey's Strategic Vision 2023, a key navigation and targeting Turkey's membership of the European Union has remained on force, but this time in collaboration with the newly established geopolitical space of the Western Balkans. Turkey and Montenegro have a common foreign policy orientation related to the neighboring developing best relations and cooperation, which is very important for regional stability. Stability in the Balkans, particularly the Western Balkans, is necessary connected to the region's EU and NATO integrations. Bearing in mind the historical, cultural and geographical links of the rest of the regions with Turkey is very important that relations between Turkey and the Balkan states occur through already established mechanisms of cooperation within the European and Euro-Atlantic integration. Without stability of the Turkey, there is no stability in Europe nor in the Balkans region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights: [•] We explore Turkey’s economic reorientation to the Middle East. [•] We estimate ad-valorem equivalents of non-tariff barriers using a gravity model. [•] We simulate the removal of non-tariff barriers in a general equilibrium model. [•] Non-tariff barrier reduction has greater effects than import tariff elimination. [•] Turkey realizes increased welfare gains through accession into the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Review of European Studies (ARES) / Ankara Avrupa Çalışmaları Dergisi (AAÇD) is the property of Ankara University European Union Research Centre and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The fate of Turkey's non-Muslim minorities has been somehow linked to the country's foreign policy since the eighteenth century. Throughout the Ottoman era, the early years of the Republic and the Cold War period, foreign policy issues had a mostly negative impact on the treatment of the non-Muslim minorities, engendering the state's suspicion and repression. This has changed at the turn of the twenty-first century, with the emergence of a new variable in Turkish foreign policy: The European Union. Reforms undertaken by Ankara since then have considerably transformed the scene, although challenges do still remain, demonstrating the dialectical nature of the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This short essay will evaluate the impact of the Gezi Park events on Turkey's soft power and image abroad as well as argue that for Turkey to maintain its positive image abroad it needs to crown its liberal economic transformation with liberal-plural democracy as soon as possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Electronic Journal of Political Science Studies (EJPSS) is the property of Electronic Journal of Political Science Studies (EJPSS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on astudy conducted by the Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Center (NOREF) and the İhsan Doğramacı Center for Foreign Policy to explore the relation of Turkey-Norway and their relations with Arab Springs. It states taht the the Strategic Research Center (SAM) of the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs has co-sponsopred the study. It mentions taht the study accessed the negotioations between Turkey and the European Union (EU).

This article contends that Turkey's predominant geopolitical discourse of promoting its uniqueness in terms of its location, role and identity has been a result of its ontological anxiety over its sense of marginalization within the Western/European community. It argues that Turkey's 'recent' turn to the Middle East as well as the discourses that evoke Turkey's 'bridge' and 'central state' roles in the last decade show continuity in the logic of Turkey's foreign policy practices, rather than an axis shift or a break with the past. The article seeks to contribute to the debates on the shift of axis in Turkish foreign policy and Turkey's recent foreign policy activism in the Middle East by examining how Turkey's traditional goal of 'emerging as a respected member of the European community' as well as the course of its interactions with the West/EC/EU influenced Turkey's foreign practices and the ways Turkey represented its role and identity in time. The present paper also seeks to contribute to the constructivist studies on ontological security, by offering a preliminary conceptual framework in exploring how states may attempt to resolve their ontological anxieties in hierarchical situations through the assertion of their uniqueness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Focusing on the Turkish Middle Eastern foreign policy from the perspective of European Union (EU)–Turkey relations, this paper argues that Turkey's recent activism and attractiveness in the region is attributable to its dual reform and accession process both of which are tied to the EU's anchoring role and leverage over the country. Turkey has self-consciously taken the advantage of its domestic transformation by emulating the EU in its own neighborhood policy. However, to the current stagnation of the accession process and the deepening of Turkey's domestic crisis is now added the new context of the Arab revolutionary movements. The central thesis of this paper, however, is that Turkish foreign policy and rising actorness in the Middle East should not be, solely driven by an interest-driven pragmatism. It should also seek a normative reconciliation with the EU and its process of enlargement. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Middle East Yearbook / Ortadoğu Yıllığı is the property of Bilgi Kultur Dernegi (Knowledge & Culture Association) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses foreign trade in Turkey and examines how this concept plays a role in forming Turkish foreign policy. Particular focus is paid to the history of foreign trade in Turkey between the 1970s and 2000s and the influence of the trade policies of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) on the economic stability of the country. It examines the evolution of Turkey's foreign trade with entities such as the European Union and Russia, explores Turkey's place as a part of the West, and discusses the worldwide economic recession in 2010.

This article focuses on the role of the European Union (EU) in the improvements in Georgia-Turkey cooperation. In particular, it examines how the EU's separate interactions with both Georgia and Turkey, under two different frameworks - accession negotiations and European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), respectively - have contributed to a de facto cooperation between two countries. While studying the cooperation in issue-areas such as energy, trade, taxation, transportation and mobility regimes, this article poses the question: Do the EU's international socialization projects such as the ENP and the enlargement process result in improved bilateral relations among countries participating in these programmes? Building upon a geopolitical interpretation of the 'variable geometry' model of European integration, this article argues that, while the EU, as an international agent, has managed to establish multiple spheres of attraction that reach beyond its external borders, these spheres of attraction have also cultivated the emergence of a complex interdependence structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to map out the opinions and attitudes of the Turkish parliamentary elite regarding Turkey's membership of the European Union in general and the future of Europe in particular. The parliamentary elite group consists of political party representatives present in the current Turkish Grand National Assembly. The study uses the findings of the Turkish Elite Survey 2009 conducted by the Center for European Studies, Middle East Technical University. The article argues that while Turkish parliamentarians support Turkey's entry into the EU, particularly on security grounds, there are significant signs of lack of trust in EU institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ileti-s-im is the property of Universite Galatasaray, Faculty of Communication and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Our analysis will discuss Turkey's changing direction, if any, in terms of its trade orientation. This paper argues that Turkey's trade sector has maintained its long-standing direction towards the major European Union (EU) member countries with only minor setbacks, while new dimensions in bilateral trade have emerged not only due to Turkey's changing foreign policy considerations but also global economic transformations. Moreover, this paper argues that Turkey's trade partners are subject to these changes, as the epicentre of the global economy shifts, i.e. to the East. In the first section, a brief introduction with regards to Turkey's foreign trade under the AK Party's administration -since 2002 will be provided. The second section will discuss the scope of regional and worldwide changes in trade patterns and analyze the recent shift in Turkey's trade orientation in the context of Asia's economic and political rise in early 21st century. The third section will focus on the role of political dynamics in Turkey's trade sector and structural issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Confronting an increasing EU opposition from a number of influential member states to its membership the AKP government adopted a multilateral approach to its foreign policy making resulting in dynamic economic and diplomatic policies with the countries from Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the Balkans region. In this article we analyzed the effects and consequences of a paradigmatic shift in Turkish foreign policy in the western Balkans in relation to the country's EU membership prospects. Through its pro-active economic and diplomatic initiatives in the region Turkey has been proving itself as indispensable country for the European Union membership. Thus, if the Turkish government concentrates more on solving its internal problems and continues its pro-active diplomacy in western Balkans, among other regions, it could become not only a regional but also a global power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that Turkey's accession to the EU has been securitised by the French and German right, according to the Copenhagen School's constructivist explanation of securitisation as a 'speech act'. Moreover, like other critical security schools, the Copenhagen School argues that security is not limited to the state or the military, but that securitisation may take place in other sectors, with the political, economic, environmental and societal spheres as its referent object. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the role the European Union has played in the Cyprus Problem since the EU accession of the Republic of Cyprus in 2004. Its main thesis is that six years of EU membership [and the accession process) are - with respect to the Cyprus Question - littered with false hopes, miscalculations and misperceptions by all main actors. The paper focuses on two aspects that have dominated the relations between the EU and Cyprus: Firstly, it reconstructs the failed attempts of powerful actors within the European Union to overcome Greek Cypriot resistance in its efforts to implement the EU pledge from 2004 to end the isolation of the Turkish Cypriots. Secondly, it examines the repeated attempts of the Greek Cypriots to utilise their EU membership as well as the Turkish aspirations to join the Union in order to press Ankara for concession in the Cyprus Question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is remarkable that in spite of the fact that the gulf countries follow up Turkey's developments closely there is a signifcant lack on scientific reasearch on the gulf states in Turkey. As a matter of fact dynamics in Turkey's foreign policy and her relations with the EU and the Middle East are of common interest to all gulf states. Hereby it can be stated that although the view on Turkey may vary from country to country, all gulf states share the hope to develop their bilateral relations with Turkey. Due to the limitation of this work with respect to its volume, we deem it appropriate to focus on Bahrain, Qatar and UAE's view on Turkey in an attempt to gain results on the macro level by a deductive reasoning on the micro level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Black Sea region is increasingly becoming a priority on the international agenda. In fact, a regional approach is emerging as actors understand that common problems need to be addressed jointly. Nevertheless, cooperation efforts are hampered by a number of factors, such as uneven economic and political development within and among countries, nationalist forces and longstanding animosities between regional players. In this context, it is imperative to foster sound policies aimed at strengthening dialogue and cooperation so as to contain and ultimately resolve conflicts with peaceful means. However, there is little policy-oriented research on the challenges and opportunities for cooperation in the Black Sea region. This study is primarily devoted to exploring and understanding the security environment and the main threats to security and stability in the Black Sea region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that Turkey's improved relations with the Gulf states in recent years reflect Ankara's refusal to allow Washington to use its territory to invade Iraq in 2003, Turkey's promotion of regional trade, and the decline of traditional Cold War security alliances in the Middle East. Ankara and Gulf states have increasingly seen each as viable alternatives to their traditional strategic partners--the European Union for Turkey and the United States for Gulf governments. Nonetheless, one should not overstate the importance of this alliance: Turkey and the Gulf disagree about Iran's nuclear program and other regional issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]