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This book examines the dynamics of national and regional security in the age of Zeitenwende amid polarization and conflict management. Through a comparative analysis, the authors reveal the intricate problems of border dynamics and practice in cases of border disputes and conflicts in the member states of the OSCE. The authors offer their approaches on how to peacefully settle the disputed borders, which can be supported by the EU, the NATO and the OSCE. It can be of significant help in preventing security crises and conflicts. In this regard, a number of solutions that can affect the Russian-Ukraine war and the settlement of RussiaUkraine relations are highlighted. From the author’s approach, it becomes clear that various European countries and international organizations should play an active role in the settlement of the Ukrainian crisis and the strengthening of European security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This piece examines practices of the European Union (EU) and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) in dealing with secessionist entities in the post-Soviet space. The study specifically looks at the engagement of the two organizations with Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine and contested territories that seek secession from these ‘parent states’: South Ossetia, Transnistria and the Donbas region. Drawing on the organizations’ documents and a series of expert interviews with their representatives, the analysis uncovers the actual engagements of EU and OSCE field presences in the three countries, conceptualizes the organizations’ practices in approaching secessionist entities and provides possible explanations for the variance in the use of these practices. In doing so, the study contributes to the scholarly debate on international conflict management and state (non-)recognition in international politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Jahrbuch der Europäischen Integration is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article argues that the international institutions in which negotiations have often taken place have been challenged by increased conflict among member states in the early 21st century. Multilateral international institutions function best when common interests are viewed as paramount by the state parties, because they allow the state parties to negotiate structures and processes that serve their shared interests and values. The paper analyzes the difficulties in managing international conflicts in the UN, osce, nato, and EU since 2000 due in part to the inability to achieve consensus within fractured and stalemated institutions. These problems have increasingly limited the role of these institutions in managing some of the most dangerous global conflicts, including on arms control and disarmament and managing the Russian war in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The end of the twentieth century was marked by dramatic changes on the geopolitical ground, which was generated, first of all, by the USSR collapse. Political confrontations that accompanied the process of USSR collapse caused in the early 90's violent conflicts at the periphery of the former Soviet empire (in the Republic of Moldova, for example). The path pursued by the Republic of Moldova from 1992-2003 to settle its conflict was reduced to negotiations with the Transdniestrian separatist administration and to signing of a great number of documents with the participation of the Russian Federation, Ukraine and Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). After some events (for example, refusal of signing the "Kozak Memorandum") the negotiation format was changed. Two new negotiator representatives of USA and European Union were involved in the process; they expressed their own positions and interests, provided new visions. The Transdniestrian conflict reached an international level and actually is has been discussed within the Council of Europe, European Commission and other international bodies, which is significantly important in the politics of conflict resolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The resilience approach has recently emerged as a new topic of EU foreign policy debates and research. This paper adopts a complexity theory perspective to analyze the operationalization of the resilience approach in the EU response to crisis in Ukraine during 2014–2021. Building upon this theory, this paper distinguishes between resilience-as-quality of a complex system and resilience-as-thinking about a complex system. The empirical analysis focuses on the complexity features of non-linearity and self-organizing localization of EU interventions undertaken in the framework of the Instrument contributing to Stability and Peace (IcSP). It concludes that the emerging system of intervention displays some complexity qualities, yet the EU crisis response follows the linear and top-down logic embedded in the project-based practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has put significant pressure on the European Union's (EU) role conceptions, challenging its self-perception as a normative and civilian power. This article explores the impact of the invasion on EU role conceptions through the lens of ontological security theory. We differentiate between ontological insecurity and crisis, elucidating the EU's responses to acute shocks that disrupt the connection between its self-image and social roles. Drawing on role theory, we examine how the invasion has prompted the EU to reconsider its roles. We identify adjustment, adaptation, innovation, and abandonment as key types of role change, exploring how these responses vary across individual roles within the EU's role set. By combining qualitative and quantitative content analysis of EU documents, we empirically investigate changes in EU role conceptions pre- and post-invasion. Our analysis contributes to a deeper understanding of role theory's application to international organizations (IOs), bridging gaps between foreign policy analysis and IO research. In addition, we advance methodological approaches to studying role changes, offering insights into the complex interplay between external events, institutional identity formation, and ontological security in the context of geopolitical crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The European accession policy has acquired a special and exceptional character since 2022 against the backdrop of the Russia-Ukraine war. The separation of the Association Trio countries (Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia) caused a non-uniform assessments in Georgia (giving candidacy to Ukraine and Moldova, and potential candidacy to Georgia). In the situation of extreme polarization and politicization of opinions, it is important to outline the legal and historical facts regarding the specifi cities of EU–Georgia relations and to evaluate scientifi cally Georgia's geopolitical destiny (the possibility of joining the EU) in the light of global and regional processes. The article presents the various aspects of the difficulty and complexity of the EU enlargement towards Georgia, which actually go beyond the context of the full fulfi llment of the twelve conditions given to Georgia by the EU; synchronization of commitments issued by the European Commission for all Association Trio countries, making clear that the only distinguishing condition for Georgia in reality is the issue of depolarization; the possibility to fulfil the condition of depolarization in the current political situation in Georgia; the context of the historical dynamics of divergent approaches of the EU towards Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia; the priority of saving the results of the 30-year struggle for freedom against the backdrop of Russia–Georgia wars, and the European future in Georgia and overcoming the ongoing distrust between Georgia and the EU (as the highest value) compared to the value of conditionality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The war in Ukraine has threatened our idea of peace and democracy. The European Union has been caught unprepared and, to show its opposition to Russia, has developed strict economic sanctions. A path to a possible candidacy of Ukraine to the EU is now open. However, the enlargement process has been silenced for a while and still, there are critiques due to 'nasty' member states that do not comply with the rule of law. Information online does not help in understanding the accession iter and the current situation. On the list of potential members, at pole position, we find the Western Balkans, which have been long pushed to join the EU and have already developed a huge network of international and European organizations. I will run a Social Network Analysis to outline the position of possible new member countries in the Eurozone according to the media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Oltenia, Studii si Comunicari Seria Stiintele Naturii is the property of Museum of Oltenia Craiova and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article analyzes the measures implemented by countries in the field of access and administration of justice, focusing on the use of electronic justice as a comprehensive remote mechanism during the COVID-19 pandemic. The study examines the experiences of the European Union and Ukraine to understand the effectiveness of electronic justice in ensuring the right of access to justice. Various scientific methods such as legal-statistical, systematic, formal-legal, and cybernetic methods were employed in the study. The analysis reveals that the measures taken by countries to prevent restrictions on human rights in the judicial system are not perfect and require further development. The study identifies key issues in the practical implementation of electronic justice and provides specific recommendations for improvement. The research fills a gap in comprehensive scientific studies on continuous and effective consideration of court cases during the pandemic. The practical and scientific value of the article lies in its relevance to practitioners and scholars worldwide, who are interested in the realization of the right of access to justice and the functioning of electronic justice. The national experiences and recommendations presented in the article can also be applied by European countries to enhance the effectiveness of their electronic justice systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Iuridica Lublinensia is the property of Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background: An investigation was conducted into the 2020 campaign to declare the incomes of civil servants in Ukraine. On June 23, 2022, the country became a candidate for full accession to the European Union, subject to increased efforts to combat corruption. During the study period, it was found that 652 Ukrainian officials declared 46,351 bitcoins, which as of 04/01/2021 was the equivalent of 2 billion 564 million US dollars or 2 billion 348 million euros. Against this background, the existing anti-corruption legislation and the state anti-corruption apparatus are characterised. Methods: To achieve objective scientific results, the author used methods such as analysis and synthesis to understand and build a logical chain of ideas. The author used the statistical method to emphasise their positions with real data regarding the situation that developed in practice. Results and Conclusions: The study revealed a potential threat of money laundering by civil servants through the declaration of cryptocurrencies before their legalisation, against the background of a complete absence or imperfection of current laws. It was established that this factor was the most acute form on the evening of the planned state legalisation of cryptocurrencies. This highlights the need for states to take preventive measures to eliminate such risks before legalising cryptocurrencies and preventing "silent amnesties" regarding illegal capital transferred to cryptocurrencies or to "whitewash" future illegal proceeds in advance through the declaration of non-existent cryptocurrency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We have chosen to study international responsibility for carrying out disinformation campaigns, aiming to assess the importance and progress that the use of disinformation campaigns has obtained in contemporary international society as a geopolitical weapon, much like other well-established means such as the use of force. We focus on the situation with Russia because it has become apparent not only to specialized researchers but also to all citizens through the mainstream media that Russia has used disinformation campaigns to cloak its invasion of Ukraine in a smoke cloud of lies and half-truths. Thus, we found that, in the case of the Russian disinformation campaigns, the full circle of the accountability relationship has been completed. The Russian state has been accused of or blamed for carrying out these disinformation campaigns. The violation of certain international obligations has been reported, and it has been held accountable or even sanctioned for this. In light of these findings, it can be concluded that disinformation campaigns are becoming increasingly important as a tool of geopolitics or international relations, either on their own or in conjunction with other, more classic weapons in international society, such as the age-old use of force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto is the property of Universidad de Deusto and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Law of Ukraine / Pravo Ukraini is the property of Editorial Board of Journal "Law of Ukraine" and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study of why and when governments are caught out by strategic surprise has been a major occupation of intelligence studies, international relations, public administration and crisis management studies. Still little is known, however, about the structural vulnerabilities to such surprises in international organisations such as the European Union (EU). EU institutions themselves have not undertaken rigorous investigations or public inquiries of recent strategic surprises, instead relying on internal review processes. In order to understand the most common underlying problems causing surprise in the EU context, this paper adapts and tests insights from the strategic surprise literature. It elaborates a theoretical framework with five hypotheses about why the leadership of EU institutions has been prone to being caught by surprises in foreign affairs: limitations in collection capacity, institutional fragmentation of policymaking, organisational culture, member state politicisation, and cognitive biases arising from collective ideas and norms. These hypotheses are tested using a post-mortem approach investigating two significant strategic surprises: the start and spread of the Arab uprisings of 2010/11 and Ukraine–Russia crisis of 2013/14. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the model of public administration in the field of national security that meets the requirements of martial law. The purpose of the study is to determine the format of the existing public administration in the national security sector, taking into account the challenges of the legal regime of martial law by solving such research tasks as outlining the essence of public administration in the field of national security; research of subjects endowed with administrative powers in the field of national security; determination of the directions of transformation of public administration in the specified area. The research methods are the method of analysis, the method of observation and study of documents, the method of comparison, the method of modeling, and logical methods. As a result of the conducted research, the expediency of Ukraine taking into account the directions of reforming managerial influence on public relations in the field of national security, which are recognized at the level of the European Union, is substantiated. As a condition for the implementation of the necessary changes in the regulation of the security sphere, it is separated from the sphere of defense and the introduction of appropriate changes to the Law of Ukraine "On National Security". The specifics of the institutional support of social relations in the field of national security are identified and the directions for the implementation of the proper doctrine of national security are outlined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Management & Economics Research is the property of Journal of Management & Economics Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuestiones Políticas is the property of Revista Cuestiones Politicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The European Peace Facility (EPF) is a new mechanism officially established to allow the EU to directly assist partners in military and defence matters. After the Russian Federation's invasion of Ukraine, the Council of European Union adopted assistance measures under the EPF financing equipment and supplies for the Ukrainian armed forces, including, for the first time, the provision of lethal equipment. This article firstly presents the legality and compliance of this provision with the law of neutrality under international law on the assumption that providing military support to a state unlawfully attacked might represent a mitigating circumstance - considering the inherent right to self-defence - and a collective countermeasure in response to severe violations of collective obligations. Then, the article discusses international responsibilities arising in case of violations of international law committed with EU-provided weapons: not only Ukraine would be liable, but also the EU and its Member States (MS) could be co-responsible for not having adequately assessed the misuse of the weapons or their diversion. Indeed, the accountability framework would appear tripartite and divided between Ukraine, the recipient state, the EU, the formal sender, and its Member States, who fund the assistance measure through an off-budget fund. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto is the property of Universidad de Deusto and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Political Science Review / Przegląd Politologiczny is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Russia-Ukraine crisis has posed a formidable challenge to the European security architecture dominated by North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) for a long time. Russia is on a revisionist path to reclaim its lost ground from NATO. The principle of 'equal and indivisible security' is fundamental to European security architecture. The belligerents of the crisis have different interpretations of this principle, resulting in confrontation. Ukraine's inclination to join NATO and the European Union (EU) might have been the foremost reason for Russia's invasion. But it also appears that Russia's larger geopolitical objective remains to redefine and redraw the lines of cohabitation with NATO. In this context, this paper tries to understand the trajectory of the Russia-Ukraine crisis and how it affects the European security architecture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution argues that the European Union (EU) promotes two forms of democracy in its policy towards Ukraine: formal democracy (institutions and procedures at polity level guaranteeing a free and fair electoral process) and substantive democracy (principles and mechanisms that allow for an ongoing societal control over policy processes). While the first form of democracy is mainly promoted through intergovernmental channels, the latter is promoted both at a transgovernmental and more weakly at an intergovernmental level. The question raised is why more progress has been made in formal democratic reforms in Ukraine (between 2006 and 2009), than in the field of substantive democracy. Two explanations are put forward: the higher visibility of formal democratic reforms in the framework of Ukraine's legitimacy seeking with the EU and the strategic behaviour of domestic actors. It is argued that institutional democratic reforms are regarded as the litmus test for Ukraine's feasibility for future EU membership and act to a degree as a sort of ‘self-imposed’ conditionality. This, however, is counterbalanced by strategic behaviour of domestic actors, resisting deeper democratic change to compensate for the power they lose as a result of a more democratic electoral process. The EU's one-sided emphasis on the promotion of formal democracy over substantive democracy facilitates this. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The August 2008 war between Russia and Georgia has had a major negative impact on the security of the Black Sea region. However, the conflict not only elevated the perception of threat among regional states, it also opened a window of opportunity for making progress on important regional issues including other protracted regional conflicts such as Nagorno-Karabakh, redefining the role of Turkey and Russia in the region, expanding the EU role, and starting new discussions on regional and wider European security. This article assesses the prospects for creating a comprehensive cooperative security community in the Black Sea region, possible drivers for enhanced regional cooperation, and major obstacles that hinder the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bilgi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Degisim Publication and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In bilateral relations and negotiations with the European Union (EU), smaller and economically weaker states are often unable to express their national preferences. Despite their limited bargaining power, however, some Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries obtained significant concessions from the EU. This article analyzes the factors that explain EaP states' unexpected negotiation success in the context of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA) with Ukraine, the Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) with Armenia, and enhanced economic partnership with Belarus. We identify negotiation strategies that are crucial to understanding of the puzzle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains the causes of the Russia–Ukraine war starting in 2014 from the energy and energy markets perspective, based on resource dependency theory and the conceptual framework outlined by Jeffrey D. Colgan (2013). Our findings reveal that Russia is critically dependent on revenue from gas exports to Ukraine and the European Union, but also that Ukraine's energy deposits and pipeline system have the potential to be a direct competitive threat to Russia's energy exports. This paper argues that this was the underlying reason and main causal pathway leading to Russia's annexation of Crimea and the subsequent war in eastern Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Przegląd Europejski is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article attempts to analyse the situation in Ukraine in the face of ongoing Russian aggression and increasing pressure from the Kremlin towards Eastern European states. The armed conflict taking place in Ukraine means that the geostrategic situation of Eastern Europe has changed. In this context, the Eastern Partnership, which was meant to be one of the key instruments shaping international relations with the states neighbouring the EU in the East, is quite often seen as an ineffective or even obsolete tool. There can be no doubt that the greatest problem for the Eastern Partnership is that the project is seen in geopolitical categories - thinking of the countries of the Eastern Partnership in the context of the necessity for them to choose between the European Union and Russia (listening to statements by the EU's political decision-makers, it can often seem that those states have no other option). The key research question is whether we will be dealing with an assertive EU policy in tandem with current US policy, or whether there will be another reset in relations between the West and the Russian Federation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the creation of the EU, there have been instances in which a restricted number of member states has handled an issue of international security on behalf of the Union. This article argues that, while controversial, these 'lead groups' have been a valuable practice. They have been effective in generating intra-EU consensus on specific issues and spurring the EU into action, thereby enabling a European response in the context of conflict management and complex international negotiations. Lead groups are sub-optimal arrangements compensating for the in-built institutional shortcomings of unanimity-based decision-making in EU foreign policy. As such, they do not bring integration further. They have nonetheless shown significant potential in giving initiative and content to EU foreign policy. This is shown through the analysis of two case studies, the Anglo-Franco-German trio involved in Iran's nuclear issue and the Franco-German duo brokering a truce between Russia and Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to assess the implementation of the principles of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union (hereinafter - the Agreement) in Ukraine in the field of civil society development, in particular in the implementation of the National Strategy for Civil Society Development for 2016-2020 (hereinafter - the National Strategy - 2020). A comparative analysis of ensuring in Ukraine the principles of stability and effectiveness of democratic institutions, rule of law, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, as agreed by the Parties to the agreement in the field of domestic policy. The analysis revealed certain deviations from the provision of these democratic principles. Requirements for the content of the new National Strategy, which is being formed for 2021-2026 (hereinafter - the National Strategy - 2026) by joint efforts of the Ukrainian government and civil society organizations (CSOs) have been formulated. Based on the study, specific recommendations were made on the implementation of the principles of the Agreement in the draft of the new National Strategy - 2026 and on the further development of civil society in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a contribution to critical International Relations scholarship on European Union foreign and security policy and to the debates on "Normative Europe". It focuses on the ways in which the EU engages with their own gender equality policies in external Security Sector Reform (SSR) missions. By analysing visual materials of the European Union Advisory Mission-Ukraine (EUAM Ukraine) and European Union Capacity Building Mission in Sahel Mali (EUCAP Sahel Mali) missions, this article identifies the discrepancies between the EU's proclaimed policy goals about gender equality and visual representations of women and men in the missions' newsletter photos. These representations reflect a lacklustre approach and suggest a lack of commitment to practices of gender equality and positive role modelling in SSR's day-to-day activities. This article suggests the EU-SSR missions overhaul their public communication strategies to focus first on "how" to communicate gender equality norms and only then on "what" to communicate. This study shows one concrete opportunity and space where this can be achieved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the entry into force of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU the relations between Kyiv and Brussels have reached their peak. At the same time, there are numerous challenges and threats that impede the further deepening of Ukraine's integration into the European Union. The intensification of internal disharmony in the EU after the enlargements in 2004 and 2007 has led to an increase of the enlargement fatigue. The aspirations of some European leaders to first regulate the situation inside the EU and only then to consider the prospects for enlargement potentially threaten Ukraine to stay down in the gray zone between the EU and Russia for a long time. However, the fact that Brussels is continuing a dialogue on enlargement with the Western Balkan countries may be the source for optimism for the Ukrainian side. Citizens of key EU countries consider the high level of corruption and low economic indicators of Ukraine to be the main challenges for the Ukrainian state on its way to membership in the Union. In recent years, despite the ongoing Russian aggression, Ukrainians managed to form an institutional and legal framework to counteract corruption and set the stage for economic growth. This creates grounds for expectations that the impact of relevant negative factors will decrease significantly over time. The position of Russia is the greatest threat for Ukraine's European prospects. After beginning of the Russian aggression in Ukraine, the leading states of the world and EU, while implementing foreign policy in the eastern direction, gradually have opted out of the "Russia First" principle. At the same time, the number of achievements of Russian diplomacy in the EU lately confirms that Russia remains one of the key partners of the leading capitals of Europe. Accordingly, now the Russian factor is a major deterrent to Ukraine's EU membership. The aim of this research is to evaluate in which way the current economic situation and corruption in Ukraine, the enlargement fatigue in the EU and the "Russian factor" affect Ukraine's European prospects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists face problems when assessing a leader's impact: how can we know that a policy outcome or institutional change is caused by leadership? This article argues that in addition to relying on comparisons and counterfactuals, we need to trace the causal mechanisms by which leadership affects outcomes. Therefore, the article proposes a way to trace leadership and applies it to two cases of EU crisis management: the European Central Bank's role in announcing Outright Monetary Transactions in the eurozone crisis, and Germany's role in shaping the EU's response to the Ukraine crisis. Systematic process-tracing shows that both actors provided leadership 'by default'. However, while the ECB had to combine the provision of knowledge with unilateral action in order to overcome the eurozone crisis, Germany could use manifold bargaining-based strategies and thus became the EU's de facto agenda setter and main representative in managing the Ukraine crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A small but growing literature has started to analyse the European Union (EU) 'as an effective peacemaker'. We make a contribution to this field by investigating EU mediation effectiveness in the Russia–Ukraine conflict. The focus is on perceptions of effectiveness. Based on information from semi-structured interviews, we compare EU self-images with Ukrainian evaluations of EU mediation efforts. How effective is the EU, including its Member States, deemed to be? What factors are believed to lie behind perceived (in)effectiveness? We concentrate on four such factors, derived from the mediator literature: perceived (im)partiality, coherence and credibility and, finally, evaluations of the EU's mediation strategies. Both internal and external views singled out EU member states as the most effective actors in current mediation. The role of EU was seen in ambivalent terms by both sides. All the four determinants of mediation effectiveness are discussed in our material, but differ considerably in the degree of attention given to each of them. While (im)partiality is not a factor that is linked to effectiveness in any straightforward way, EU incoherence is associated with inconsistent and weak policies, notably in the Ukraine material. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The armed conflict that has erupted in Ukraine in 2014 has been affecting the way the states involved interact and how they seek to implement certain narratives in a new regional political context. While Russia has taken a more assertive stance in its neighbourhood through a narrative that seeks to contradict Western values promoted by the European Union (EU), the latter has shown some difficulty in presenting a coherent narrative in the face of developments over the past five years. In this sense, this article proposes to analyse the EU-Russia interaction, using as a case study the incident involving the crash of the Malaysia Airlines civil aircraft MH17. The analytical perspective combines elements of Role Theory - which here focuses on the interaction of states on the basis of certain expectations regarding their internal (national) and external (regional/international) roles - and Strategic Narratives. The differences between issue narratives (including regarding the Bellingcat Investigation Team narrative), system narratives and identity narratives are explored. The argument presented here is that the externalization of the EU issue narrative has emerged in two distinct ways - one more moderate in its official stance as an institution; another more assertive from the point of view of the work done by the East Stratcom Task Force (EATF). This ends up creating some dissonance in the way the European Union designs its narrative, and misalignment with the EU's narrative identity as a role state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When viewing Polish international relations, its specific significance and the position of Ukraine in these areas ought to be highlighted. In addition to the European Union (EU) (and Germany as its crucial actor), the United States and Russia, it is Ukraine that plays a vital role in Polish international relations. In the 1990s, Polish-Ukrainian relations were considered a 'strategic partnership'. In recent years, Polish politics regarding Ukraine has been determined by history as an element of internal politics. This article emphasises the evolution of Polish politics towards post-2004 Ukraine, i.e. the period following the events known as the Orange Revolution. Elements of continuity and change (Poland as an EU member state) in the politics and difficulties in its implementation are indicated. Moreover, the complex international situation of Ukraine is discussed and the impact of these determinants upon Polish politics towards the country is outlined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at the first phase of the implementation and application of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement, which triggered unprecedented political, economic and legal reforms in Ukraine. In particular, the article focuses on the constitutional challenges that have arisen for Ukraine in the course of implementing the Association Agreement into its legal system. Two issues form the focus of consideration in the article. The first issue is effective implementation and application of the Association Agreement within the Ukrainian legal order. The second issue is compatibility between the Association Agreement and the Ukrainian Constitution. The latest political and legal developments in Ukraine are analyzed through the prism of effective implementation of the Association Agreement and the rise of pro-European judicial activism in Ukraine. In conclusion it is argued that the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement enhanced the adaptability of the national constitutional order to the European integration project and European common values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]