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We analyze the economic impact of using carbon pricing revenue to fund the European Union (EU) budget. Such a reform would redistribute from countries with above‐average carbon‐intensive production to less‐carbon‐intensive countries. Once the reform is implemented, the low‐carbon countries will prefer a lower carbon price (i.e., laxer climate policy at the EU level) than before the reform, and vice versa. As a result, EU climate policy becomes less ambitious and less disputed, where quantitative impacts presumably remain small. Weaker incentives for national governments to enforce emission taxes after revenue centralization might also contribute to higher emissions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Policy Analysis is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The research aim of the paper is to analyze the objectives of the European Union (EU) climate policy and the instruments for their implementation, as well as to present the challenges on the way to achieving climate neutrality by the EU. In 2015, during the 21st UN Climate Change Conference in Paris, an agreement was agreed, the purpose of which is to limit global warming, aiming, among other things, for limiting the increase in global average temperature to well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels, and preferably to no more than 1.5°C. All EU Member States have ratified the above agreement, while agreeing to take action to make the EU the world’s first climate-neutral economy and society by 2050. To achieve this, the “European Green Deal” strategy was adopted, followed by the European Climate Law and the “Fit for 55” package of legislative proposals. In addition, a more ambitious EU climate target for 2030 has been agreed, namely a reduction of net greenhouse gas emissions by at least 55% compared to 1990 levels. Based on this, the following research hypothesis should be put forward, assuming that if all initiated projects, climate programs and mechanisms are fully implemented, the EU will become the first climate neutral continent by 2050. The first part of the article focuses on the goals of the European Green Deal and their implementation. The second part discusses the assumptions of European Climate Law and the elements of the “Fit for 55” package, as well as presents the most important financial instruments of the EU climate policy. The third part contains an analysis of the challenges standing in the way of the EU achieving climate neutrality by 2050, including the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian aggression against Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) began developing climate policy in the 1990s. Since then, it has built up a broad portfolio of mitigation policy measures and governance tools, including legally binding targets to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, and policy measures addressing emissions trading, renewable energy, energy efficiency, and more. In 2019, the European Commission—the EU's executive arm—published the European Green Deal (EGD), an overarching policy framework to achieve the goal of climate neutrality by 2050. The EGD aims to push EU climate policy and governance far beyond incremental policy development. In this article, we ask: does the EGD represent a break from past patterns of EU climate governance? We argue that it maintains several past patterns, but nevertheless breaks from other established policy and governance trends. We review insights from politicization and new institutionalist theoretical lenses to help us understand these findings. We reveal certain tensions and challenges inherent in the EU's climate governance approach—around speed and coherence, effectiveness and just transition—that highlight future research needs, and raise questions about the EU's ability to implement its climate policy goals. This article is categorized under:Policy and Governance > Multilevel and Transnational Climate Change Governance [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: In order to show the role of foreign and international policies in shaping the EU's energy and climate policies, the history of the European Communities has been traced through the prism of individual policies. Combining several of them (energy, climate, international and foreign) in this analysis is the result of viewing them in the context of causal effects. Methodology/approach: The method of the paper was based on an in-depth analysis of the European Union source documents, published on websites and in documents of the European Commission and the European Parliament. The information gathered was extended through a library search and based on the library resources of several prominent Polish universities, as well as the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies. Moreover, the analysis included academic publications, websites of institutions, companies and organisations monitoring the course and changes of energy and climate policy. Limitations: The referenced, quoted, analysed documents or packages aim to produce and regulate a common EU energy policy. However, this multitude of documents, directives and regulations does not seem to have helped the Union to demonstrate to the rest of the world that it has a coherent energy policy. Implications: Energy and climate policy issues are analysed and described based on the historical experience of the European Union and its previous economic and, above all, political structures. Value: Managing energy security in such a complex and diverse structure as the European Union requires experience and a sense of responsibility for the decisions taken. Responsibility for mistakes is often only political, which is why it is so important that any documents, decisions, directives or regulations are the work of responsible people, so energy policy should be managed like a potential crisis, based on consensus. Energy and climate policy issues are analysed and described based on the historical experience of the European Union and its previous economic and, above all, political structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This comment piece seeks to remind readers of the urgency and importance of adaptation to climate change in the European Union, note significant recent policy developments, and highlight some of the opportunities that one particular aspect of EU policy, the new Mission on Adaptation, affords communities and policy makers to identify and develop more transformative actions. It offers initial suggestions for how social scientists might engage with these opportunities between now and 2030, but also stresses the need to consider them realistically in the context of the contemporary EU political landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The publication presents the challenges facing the European Union but also Polish regions in implementing the Green Deal. Design/methodology/approach: The method of statistical data analysis and source materials was used in the work. Findings: The paper presents the most important issues of change posed by the European Union for the implementation of climate policy. Originality/value: The paper is aimed at those interested in EU policy and climate policy in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The energy policy of the European Union focuses mainly on three areas: renewable energy, reducing the emission of harmful pollutants, in particular CO2, and increasing the efficiency of electricity used. Sustainable energy management, in turn, is undoubtedly associated with the increased use of renewable energy sources ensuring energy security as well as the diversification of energy supplies that support and improve the quality of the environment. The aim of the article is to present the diversity of the European Union countries in terms of actions taken in the field of energy policy resulting from climate and energy goals. Design/methodology/approach: On the basis of the objectives of the energy policy presented in the EU directives, indicators describing the activities of the Member States in this respect were selected. Then, they were subjected to substantive and statistical verification, leaving 6 variables. The tool of Multidimensional Statistical Analysis, which is a synthetic measure, was used to develop a synthetic measure of the level of achievement of the goals of the climate and energy policy. Two types of analyses were used: static for international comparisons between the European Union countries, conducted for 2021, and dynamic, for the years 2011-2021. Findings: The most favourable situation in terms of activities aimed at reducing emissions of harmful substances and improving the energy efficiency of countries can be observed in the hitherto leaders of Sweden and Finland. Together with Denmark, these countries have set very ambitious national targets for achieving a share of at least 50% from renewable energy in gross final energy consumption. All countries have increased their energy productivity index. Bulgaria, Italy and Slovakia have made the greatest reductions in pollutant emissions. In the interests of energy independence, countries are trying to increase energy production from domestic resources. The greatest improvements in this field were made in Ireland, Latvia, Portugal and Finland. The division into three groups of countries implementing the energy and climate policy introduced by the EU showed that the indicators that differentiate countries to the greatest extent, among the group of selected variables, are greenhouse gas emissions and the energy dependency ratio. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union climate policy and the subsequent energy transition are expected to cause fundamental changes in individual EU countries, their economies, and industrial sectors. Furthermore, in order to achieve them, high financial outlays are essential. The main purpose of the article is to present a comparative analysis of the pace, directions, and main factors of the energy transition in Poland and Spain against the changes in the EU energy and climate policy. In particular, the subject of the study is the changes in the fuel structure of electricity generation (energy mix) and the changes in the concentration of energy generation. The analysis concentrates on Poland and Spain against the background of the group of EU27 countries. The study adopted a long-term perspective (1990–2020). The methodology used taxonomic measures of variability of structures and measures of concentration, as well as measures of descriptive and mathematical statistics. The result of the research proves that the EU common climate and energy policy has explicitly accelerated changes in the energy mix, both in the EU27 and in the studied countries, including those traditionally based on coal. The concentration analysis demonstrated an increase in diversification resulting in a significant increase in the share of renewable and low-carbon sources. The taxonomic analysis additionally proved that there was a parallel process towards making the energy mix of the studied countries more similar to the EU27. The limitation of the research is the adopted triangulation arrangement of the studied structures (EU27, EU15, countries that accessed the EU after 2004), enforced in this pilot research, but possible to expand the field of perception in subsequent research. What serves as a proof of the originality of the study is the fulfilment of research gaps in the long-term study of the degree of changes in the concentration of the energy mix structure of EU countries, and especially the study of the degree of intensity of its similarity. The application value of the study is its use in the energy policies of countries traditionally based on coal for the indication of the taken position, the goals, and ways to achieve them based on the experience of other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) has consistently held a prominent global position in climate governance. This paper compiles 152 climate neutrality policies issued by the European Commission (EU Commission) and employs a systematic analytical framework including "Vertical Policy Hierarchy - Horizontal Policy Path – Systematic Policy instruments" to conduct an in-depth analysis of the EU's climate neutrality policy system. This study produces several findings as follows: First, the EU's climate neutrality policy hierarchy is characterized by a structure comprising "Long-Term Planning – Specific Measures - Financial Support". Second, the EU's policy formulation process for climate neutrality emphasizes the integration of a multi-party engagement mechanism involving "Nongovernmental Level - Regional Level - National Level - Transnational Level - Supranational Level", while extensively employing a "framework-content" policy-making methodology. Third, the EU's climate neutrality governance is guided by the dual objectives of achieving a "Cleaner Energy Structure" and "Recover Ecological Environment" pursuing a broad-ranging and multi-tiered policy pathway towards climate neutrality. Fourth, the EU leverages a combined approach of mandatory measures and guiding policies to propel the climate neutrality governance process, aspiring to achieve breakthroughs in new energy technology innovation through climate neutrality governance, thereby solidifying its international standing. Moreover, this study provides an outlook on the future of the EU's climate neutrality policy governance, positing that the EU's emphasis on climate neutrality governance will remain undiminished, with a heightened focus on guiding policies and an emphasis on the roles of enterprises and the public in advancing the realization of climate neutrality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against this background, our contribution discusses the effects of this double regulation and provides a clear policy recommendation for the future of EU and German climate policy in the transport and buildings sectors. However, two other groundbreaking climate policy decision in the EU and Germany have passed with much less commotion: the implementation of the German heating and transport fuels emissions trading system (ETS) in 2021 and the 2022 decision of the EU to add a similar ETS to its climate policy instrument mix. In early 2023, far-reaching decisions on climate policy were made in both the EU and Germany. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Journal of Abant Social Sciences / Abant Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Journal of Abant Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

People have always been interested in improving their quality of life. But how is this possible when the population is constantly growing, and the planet's resources are dwindling? The efficient use of resources is not only believed to increase the general quality of life but also to contribute to the creation of a cleaner environment. But what is the relation between resource efficiency and a cleaner environment? The European Commission and the United Nations have been dealing with this key issue for many years now and the EU has forced member countries to meet certain targets. This paper presents some of the UN and EU's policies with regard to climate change and resource efficiency and offers an independent evaluation of the achievements of Member States. We assumed that the implementation of the objectives of the EU climate and energy package improves the resource productivity and reduces its negative impact on the environment, relation analysed with the help of a linear regression model. Further, we have performed a critical study on the performance of EU-member states in meeting their GHG-emission targets correlated with the resource intensity of their economies, modelled using Microsoft Excel. Resource efficiency and the low-carbon economy have emerged as central themes in global discussions on the transition to a sustainable economy, and this paper sheds new light onto the connection between the two subjects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change, as well as the challenges that come with it, is one of the main issues in international and national politics today. Addressing the threats posed by climate change requires close cooperation at the international level and within each country, creating a dialogue between the political elite and society, thus promoting a common understanding and action across the European Union (EU). The aim of this research is to (1) identify what climate policy narratives are projected to the Latvian electorate (public) and (2) assess how these narratives are aligned with the EU-defined strategic climate policy narrative. The theoretical basis and methodological approach of the study is based on the concept of strategic narrative. It is assumed that the viability and impact of a strategic narrative is enhanced when there is coherence between all stages of the narrative life cycle (i.e., the EU level and the national policy level). The empirical basis of the study is based on the identification of the EU climate policy narrative in the sector's regulatory documents, as well as an analysis of the election programmes of Latvian political parties (the last European Parliament (2019) and parliamentary (2018) election programmes). The results show that the narrative that the Latvian public receives from its political elite through the European Parliament and the national pre-election programmes is significantly different from the EU strategic narrative on climate policy. Based on the theoretical concept of strategic narrative, it can be concluded that the observed dissimilarity of narratives does not stimulate the inclusion of the Latvian public in the common EU space of climate policy understanding and action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In that scenario, the EU one-size-fits-all energy and environmental policy would be deemed unreasonable as the environmental policies applied so far have not achieved the expected results. This result can be interpreted as proof of the effectiveness of EU climate policy with three exceptions (Greece, Ireland, and Sweden) due to the idiosyncratic differences of each country. European Union (EU) climate policy focuses its efforts on reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. [Extracted from the article]

The European Green Deal aims to put the EU on track towards climate neutrality by 2050. One of the key elements is a more stringent greenhouse gas emission reduction target of 55% below 1990 levels by 2030. We analyse the socio-economic consequences of alternative policy pathways to reach that target, either relying more on regulatory standards, on carbon pricing, or a mix of both. We develop a modelling framework that captures macro-economic and sectoral impacts and closely aligns economic and energy system modelling. We further decompose aggregate labour market outcomes into skill and occupation types, and downscale representative household results to micro-level household data to evaluate the distributional effects across income groups with heterogeneous expenditure patterns. By combining models and datasets, our framework enables incorporating a high degree of technological detail while revealing socio-economic aspects of the transition that may go unnoticed in coarse, aggregate assessments. In particular, our results highlight the heterogeneous impacts of climate policy across sectors, worker skill types and income groups, which may require particular attention in climate policy design and corresponding complementary measures to ensure a fair transition to a low-carbon economy. • We assess different policy packages to achieve stricter EU 2030 climate targets. • A framework for climate policy assessment needs to be both broad and detailed. • We develop such a framework by linking energy models with economic models and data. • We downscale aggregate results for labour markets and household consumption. • Results illustrate model uncertainty and policy design potential to alter outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union has pioneered the adoption of binding greenhouse gas emissions reduction targets and measures to address the climate change challenge for more than a decade. Amongst them, the European Union Emissions Trading System plays a central role. This article addresses the evolution of European climate policies, from the first emission reduction targets that were assumed under the Kyoto Protocol to the recent adoption of the 2030 climate an energy framework. Due to its importance, special attention is paid to the European Union emissions trading system, an essential tool to meet these targets at regional level and a cornerstone of European climate policies, now working for more than ten years. In this context, the European Union emissions have significantly decreased, although the effort ahead is, without any doubt, still remarkable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper suggests how the regulation of Solar Radiation Management (SRM) field research in Europe could be designed to maximise the possibility of securing legitimacy. It argues that legitimacy is maximised when regulatory frameworks are legal, and also responsive, flexible, deliberative and inclusive. By adopting an 'incorporated' approach to assessing the risk of Solar Radiation Management (SRM) field research, the EU can import elements of 'directly deliberative polyarchy' into its otherwise orthodox constitutional regulatory approach thereby maximising legitimacy. The argument is new in so far as it juxtaposes two conceptions of procedural legitimacy - one institutional and the other functional - in the context of significant scientific uncertainty in the technocratic regulatory paradigm of the EU. The significance of the work is that it draws on these conceptions of legitimacy to advance a pragmatic model of institutional design which comprises procedures that maximise legitimacy with minimal disruption to the EU's institutional balance of powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate engineering in general and solar radiationmanagement (SRM) in particular raise profound and complex political, legal, social, and ethical questions that go well beyond technicalfeasibility issues. We consider three such questions. First, can existing EU decision-making processes accommodate sufficient public engagement to ensure legitimate decisions on SRM? Second, does politics influence the choice of legislative procedure for SRM regulation? Third, does the choice of legislative procedure influence the likelihood of SRMimplementation? Three main conclusions emerge from our analysis. First, existing EU decision-making processes can - given certain conditions - accommodate considerable public engagement and hence ensure legitimate decisions on SRM. Second, politics matters; indeed, the EU's choice of legislative procedure concerning SRM may well become subject to political negotiations. Finally, the choice of legislative procedure may substantially influence the likelihood of SRM implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the prospects for the European Union (EU) to develop a coherent policy regarding climate engineering (CE). It discusses significant legal parameters derived from EU law from which such a future EU policy would have to arise. . It is opined that climate engineering carries risks unlike any of the previous policy responses to climate change.

The ambitious 2050 decarbonization strategy of the European Union (EU) must implement and reconcile several economic, social, and technological targets, such as continuous prosperity, growth, and increases in energy production and reductions in fossil fuel (FOS) intensity. These dimensions are included in a modified Kaya identity that, consequently, becomes a considerably useful accounting identity to analyze convergence among the EU member states toward a carbon neutrality target. Surprisingly, no comprehensive analysis of the convergence of the growth of all Kaya components toward the decarbonization target among the EU countries and the rest of the world has been conducted thus far. This study fills this gap in the literature by providing the first comprehensive evidence for the simultaneous convergence process of FOS reduction for all the Kaya components from 1990 to 2018. A balanced panel data is used in the study. The results reveal that there is evidence of σ -absolute and conditional β -convergence process for several groups of EU countries. Furthermore, to provide policy recommendations, we simulate alternative scenarios to assess when the target levels of decarbonization can be reached, providing relevant policy implications for the credibility of the 2050 EU policy regarding climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on findings of the study titled "The EMF24 Study on U.S. Technology and Climate Policy Strategies," along with an introduction to the issue. Topics include aim of the study, which is understanding interactions between climate policy architectures and energy technology availabilities in the U.S.; comparison between models of the U.S. and European Union (EU); significance of United Nations Climate Change conference; and stabilization of greenhouse gas (GHG) concentrations.

As a regional organization, the European Union's role in global climate governance faces constraints that do not apply to other members of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and Kyoto Protocol. Addressing that uniqueness, this article provides a theoretical and empirical analysis of how the elements of actorness (recognition, capability, opportunity and cohesion) shape the EU's engagement with the international climate change regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses and explains the level of climate policy integration (CPI) in the EU's energy sector, and challenges the widespread assumption that a high level of CPI has been achieved in this sector. We introduce a conceptualisation of CPI and outline an analytical framework to explain levels of CPI, drawing on Environmental Policy Integration (EPI) literature and on theories of European integration. We thus add conceptual value by bringing strands of EPI literature together and situating them in broader theories of European integration. We analyse CPI in two cases of energy policy: the EU's renewable energy (RE) policy and EU policies on gas pipelines. We argue that even in the relatively climate-friendly RE case, the level of CPI remains insufficient to reach long-term climate policy objectives. CPI has been virtually absent in the EU's gas import pipeline policy. The lack of CPI may remain hidden without taking a long-term perspective. The explanatory framework helps us in understanding the insufficient levels of CPI and the differences between the cases. We argue that serious consideration of long-term climate objectives in the policy process is fundamental for the occurrence of CPI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the international trade and climate change joint agenda. It states that trade-climate change intersection policies expanded to the European Union, World Trade Organization (WTO) and U.S. It notes that modern research contributions on the possible interactions between international climate and trade government are focused on international competitiveness, issues on greenhouse gas leakage, and problems related to the multilateral climate change contracts. It mentions that the agenda includes counteracting border measure that deals with international competition and free-rider problems, tariffs and non-tariff barriers to trade, investment and technology transfer of climate-friendly goods and services, and international aviation and maritime shipping industries issues.

The article provides information on the global climate regime that has evolved under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and its Kyoto Protocol. It discusses the main features of the approaches taken by the U.S. and the European Union (EU) for climate policy. Some of the factors related to the European and American policy trajectories, including their attitudes towards international law, are explored. Furthermore, it provides an evaluation regarding the impact of those factors on the future of UN climate regime, and the leadership roles of the EU and U.S. with the regime.

The article presents the author's views on climate change with specific reference to the policy of European Union (EU) in this regard. It is informed that the Commission has adopted very aggressive targets for reducing the greenhouse gas emissions that cause climate change, and intends to allocate 20 percent of the EU's budget for climate-related activities. It mentions that Europe was at the forefront in crafting the new Paris climate agreement.