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Autorica se osvrće na neke dijelove dviju novih knjiga Nikole Dugandžije "Etnonacionalni sindrom – Između čovječanstva i plemena" (Zagreb, 2004) i "Od nacije do reakcije – Nacionalne manjine i nacionalni agnostici" (Zagreb, 2006), ponajviše na one koji govore o položaju manjina u novostvorenim nacionalnim državama bivše Jugoslavije, ali i šire u zemljama zapadne Europe, o kompleksnom odnosu većine i manjine u naciji-državi. Posebno se ukazuje na problem podijeljenog identiteta odnosno dvostruke lojalnosti i dvostrukog kulturnog lociranja u novonastalim državama, ali i na mogućnosti rješavanja problema ravnopravnosti u multikulturnim društvima.

Prilog ukazuje na neka osnovna obilježja odnosa europskih zemalja imigracije prema novim (migrantskim) etničkim manjinama u svojim sredinama, odnos koji ujedno upućuje na različite oblike etničnosti prisutne u razvoju europskih nacija-država. Razlika u nacionalnim odgovorima spram nazočnosti novih etničkih skupina odražava upravo razlike u razumijevanju etničkog/nacionalnog identiteta pojedinih zemalja. Autorica se potom posebno osvrće na nazočnost suvremene muslimanske populacije u zapadnoeuropskim zemljama, koja se - možda više nego i jedna druga strana skupina - nalazi u procjepu između zapadnoeuropske prakse rasne, ali sve više i kulturne diskriminacije i nekoga općeg vjerovanja Zapada u tradicije liberalizma, pluralizma i demokracije. U okviru toga razmatra se, prije svega, pitanje uloge islama i muslimanskog identiteta među muslimanskim zajednicama u kontekstu zapadnoeuropskih društava.

Najčešći ishod migriranja, bez obzira na početni poriv i pravu prirodu te pojave, jest naseljavanje velikog broja migranata i stvaranje etničkih zajednica, odnosno manjina, u novoj sredini. Migracija bosanskih muslimana odnosno Bošnjaka iz Bosne i Hercegovine u Hrvatsku, započeta još krajem prošloga stoljeća kao posljedica austrougarske okupacije i aneksije BiH i nastavljena u okviru zajedničkih država prve i druge Jugoslavije sve do najnovijeg razdoblja nastanka nezavisne Hrvatske, rezultirala je danas u drugu po brojnosti etničku zajednicu (odnosno manjinu) u Hrvatskoj. U tom kontekstu autorica prikazuje povijesni tok naseljavanja bosanskih muslimana te osnivanje i djelovanje Islamske zajednice u Hrvatskoj, ukazujući pritom na pojedine aktualne sociokulturne i političke aspekte prisutnosti muslimana-Bošnjaka u Hrvatskoj., The most common and obvious result of migration, regardless of its initial character and the real nature of the phenomenon, is the settlement of a large number of migrants and the formation of ethnic communities or minorities in the new place. The migration of Bosnian Muslims to Croatia commenced already towards the end of the last century as a result of the Austro-Hungarian occupation and annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It continued within the common states of the first and second Yugoslavia up to the newest period of independent Croatia and has today resulted in the second largest ethnic community or minority in Croatia. In the given context the author presents the historical course of the settlement of Bosnian Muslims in Croatia as well as the formation and activity of the Islamic community in the country. She indicates some contemporary socio-cultural and political issues pertaining to the presence of Muslims-Bosniaks in Croatia. Accordingly, the first part of the paper presents the relevant historical facts relating to the migration of Muslims from Bosnia and Herzegovina to Croatia, together with the main characteristics of migration movements – migration based mainly on economic reasons, but also including a considerable “brain drain” flow, resulting in an outstanding “input” of Muslims to Croatian arts and sciences. The first part of the paper also treats the contemporary legal status of the Muslim-Bosniak minority, the second largest (after the Serbs) minority community in Croatia (43,469, according to the 1991 population census). After Croatia gained independence, Bosniaks, as a constitutive element of the former Yugoslav Federation lost their status and were not recognised as an indigenous minority, which resulted in a considerable reduction of their previous rights. The second part of the paper considers the formation, activities and the status of the Islamic community in Croatia, which in 1991 became independent from the Islamic community in Bosnia and Herzegovina and for the first time established a Meshihat (the highest executive body of the Community) in Croatia. The paper further discusses the overall importance of the Islamic community in the religious, cultural and socio-political life of Bosniaks and other Muslim populations, including its possible role in integrating the socially and otherwise heterogeneous Muslim peoples of Croatia., Les migrations, indépendamment de leur caractère originel et de la véritable nature de ce phénomène, aboutissent le plus souvent à l'installation d'un grand nombre de migrants et à la formation de communautés ethniques, ou minorités, dans un nouveau milieu. La migration des musulmans de Bosnie ou Bosniaques de Bosnie-Herzégovine en Croatie, entamée à la fin du siècle dernier à la suite de l'occupation et de l'annexion de la Bosnie-Herzégovine par l'Autriche-Hongrie et qui s'est poursuivie dans le cadre des États communs qu'étaient la première et la deuxième Yougoslavie jusqu'à un passé récent, où la Croatie a acquis son indépendance, a fait de cette communauté ethnique la seconde minorité de Croatie. Dans le contexte donné, l'auteur montre le cours historique de l'installation des musulmans bosniaques et la formation ainsi que l'activité de la Communauté islamique en Croatie, en mettant l'accent sur certains aspects socioculturels et politiques de la présence des musulmans-Bosniaques en Croatie. La première partie présente les grands événements historiques concernant la migration des musulmans de Bosnie-Herzégovine en Croatie, en citant les caractères fondamentaux de ces mouvements migratoires, motivés essentiellement par des considérations économiques mais qui s'accompagnent d'un notable "afflux de cerveaux", à la faveur duquel les musulmans ont assumé un "rôle" exceptionnel dans la science et les arts croates. L'auteur s'intéresse également au statut légal contemporain de la minorité musulmane-bosniaque, la plus nombreuse minorité derrière la minorité serbe en Croatie (43.469 personnes d'après le recensement de 1991). En effet, après l'accession de la Croatie à l'indépendance, les Bosniaques, élément constitutif de l'ex-Fédération yougoslave, ont perdu ce statut et cessé d'être reconnus comme une minorité autochtone, ce qui a eu pour effet de réduire sensiblement les droits dont ils jouissaient précédemment. La seconde partie traite la formation, les activités et la position de la Communauté islamique de Croatie, qui s'est séparée en 1991 de la Communauté islamique de Bosnie-Herzégovine et s'est dotée pour la première fois d'un Conseil exécutif supérieur. Dans la suite, l'auteur s'interroge sur l'importance globale de la Communauté islamique dans la vie religieuse, culturelle et socio-politique des Bosniaques et des autres musulmans, en montrant le rôle qu'elle pourrait assumer à un niveau social ou autre dans l'intégration de la population musulmane hétérogène en Croatie.

The article provides a critical commentary to current use of the concept "minority" in Russia, particularly in academic and political discourse. The direct borrowing of the concept as it exists in international law or western social sciences is prevented by a number of limitations inherent to its meaning, the main limitation being that Russia could not be properly characterised as a democracy. The usage of the term "minority" in the context of the so-called "transitional societies" could be misleading, as the position of a particular group in a power hierarchy as well as its influence on political decision-making process here is not a function of a group's numerical strength, but depends on such resources as the group's wealth, access to education, and position in administrative institutions, security and army, effective monopoly of important sectors of social life and economy, group's solidarity etc. Moreover, the conceptual field of in which the concept is situated is markedly different from its western analogues, where in such political concepts as "a titular nation", "an indigenous ethnos", "a state-founding people" remain virtually unknown and normally does not belong to semantic field of "minority". As the concept "minority" in Russia is firmly tied to ethnic reality interpretations, the current paradigms of ethnicity research are outlined. Finally, a description of contemporary attempts of minority rights monitoring within the framework of an early warning research is sketched., Članak kritički komentira pojam "manjina" što se rabi u ruskoj društvenoj znanosti i politici. Postoje mnoge poteškoće u vezi s izravnim preuzimanjem tog pojma iz jezika međunarodnog prava ili zapadne društvene znanosti. Među najvažnijima možemo navesti to što je pojam "manjina" najprikladniji u demokratskim državnim ustrojstvima. U tzv. "prijelaznim društvima" u kojima položaj skupine u sustavu odnosa vlasti ne ovisi toliko o njezinoj brojnosti, koliko o drugim resursima − bogatstvu, razini obrazovanja i grupne solidarnosti, dostupu do struktura moći i tijelima upravljanja, monopolu nad najvažnijim socijalnim i gospodarskim sferama itd. − uporaba pojma "manjina" manje je umjesna. Osim toga, koncepcijsko polje u koje rasprave u ruskoj znanosti i politici stavljaju "manjinu", oštro se razlikuje od zapadnih analogija. Ovdje se "manjina" suprotstavlja ne toliko "većini", koliko političkoj stvarnosti nepoznatoj na Zapadu kao što su "titularna nacija", "korijenska /indigena/ etnija", "državotvorni narod" i dr. Budući da je pojam "manjina" u Rusiji tijesno povezan s predodžbama o "etniji", znatno mjesto u članku nudi analizu paradigama istraživanja etničke stvarnosti. U zaključku opisani modeli za rano otklanjanje sukoba, sastavni su dio promatranja kako se prava manjina poštuju.

Sa svrhom analize etno-socijalnih obilježja Židova u Hrvatskoj daje se pregled migracija Židova na sadašnji teritorij Hrvatske kako bi se objasnio specifičan status židovske zajednice kao manjine u Republici Hrvatskoj. Nakon što je židovska zajednica stekla poziciju unutar koje može aktivno sudjelovati u javnom životu Republike Hrvatske, analizirani su aspekti suradnje između vlasti i židovske zajednice, te konflikti i pojave protužidovskog raspoloženja. Jedan od postignutih zaključaka jest da još nepotpuno definirana manjinska politika proizvodi model korekcije državnih akcija kao rezultata prosvjeda židovske zajednice i istovremenog iskazivanja volje za suradnjom. Odnosi židovske zajednice i države definiraju se i "u hodu"., The paper analyses the ethno-social traits of Jews in Croatia explaining them through Jewish migrations and history in order to provide an explanation for the specific Jewish status as a minority in the new Croatian state. After the Jewish community has attained a position in which it can actively participate in the public life of the Croatian Republic, the form of co-operation between government authorities and the Jewish community as well as conflicts and possible anti-Semitism between authorities and with general communities were analysed. One of the conclusions which was advanced is that a still not defined minority policy produced a model in which corrective state measures were undertaken either as a result of protest on the part of the Jewish community, either by after-the-fact actions of the state, or by simultaneous expressions of a will to co-operation.