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Religion has been associated with human values and competencies needed to shape young people into responsible citizens able to make a positive difference in the lives of others. However, this correlation remains dependent on the context. As the correlation has not yet been investigated in Mauritius, which is a multicultural and multi-ethnic country, this study aims to bridge this knowledge gap using a purely positivist epistemological approach. It will analyze the Mauritius-specific data derived from a public data set which was part of the "Mapping the Terrain" project to examine the correlation between religion and a broad set of human values and competencies, namely forgiveness, individualistic orientation, collectivistic orientation, self-efficacy, problem-solving, meaning-making, sense of belongingness, religiosity/spirituality, hope, life satisfaction, gratitude, emotion, regulation, empathy, and self-regulation. The descriptive analysis and the Structural Equation Model (SEM), developed using the SPSS and AMOS software, revealed that (i) independent of ethnic group, educational stakeholders in Mauritius have a high affinity to most of the human values and competences, and (ii) as compared with others, the Muslim community has a slightly lower affinity to forgiveness, life satisfaction, individualistic orientation, self-efficacy, and problem solving. These data, which represent important baseline information needed to inform policymakers and other educational stakeholders, were used to derive a set of recommendations that will further the development of the key human values and competencies needed to promote harmony in a multicultural and multi-ethnic country.

This paper explores the presence of the Tibetan language in the linguistic landscape of Xining, the capital of Qinghai Province in Northwest China. Qinghai constitutes the main part of Amdo, one of the historical and cultural regions of greater Tibet. The majority of the inhabitants of Xining are Han Chinese (the major ethnic group in China), and a small percentage are from minorities, mainly Tibetans and Hui (Chinese-speaking Muslims). This city is characterised by intense economic and infrastructural development and attracts people from different areas of the province. The research is based on photographs of public signs that display the Tibetan language gathered between 2017 and 2022. The paper analyses the language choices, content, and visual elements of the signs and discusses the different uses of Tibetan signs in Xining. Moreover, it explores the use of the Tibetan language in public space in light of the current language policies and language ideologies in China, particularly in the Amdo region.

This paper explores the challenges of language and cultural maintenance through education among one immigrant ethnic group, the Uyghurs within Turkey, where the Uyghur population has grown in recent years. Uyghurs are a Turkic-speaking Muslim ethnic minority group of some 10 million people within China, originating from China's northwest Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. Data for the paper are based on ethnographic research conducted in Istanbul, where the Uyghur population in Turkey is the largest. The paper illustrates how the local and global environment impact how culture is constructed, and that identity construction and language maintenance projects are not ideologically neutral. It contributes to the understudied link between language, ethnicity, politics, and education by exploring the ways in which the Uyghur community in Istanbul uses non-formal education to maintain and transmit their language and cultural traditions in their host environment.

Within the social imaginary of Australia's dominant 'White' culture, ethnic minority men, particularly Muslim men, are often depicted as 'folk devils,' resistant to the cultural norms of mainstream society. Muslim masculinities have been problematically conflated with notions of radicalisation, terrorism and violent extremism. There has been decidedly less attention to Muslim men's acclimatisation to the secular mainstream. This article presents a longitudinal case study of two second-generation young Australian-Muslim men who have attended an Islamic secondary school and spent most of their lives within a cloistered Islamic community. We document their experiences and aspirations as they come to be in higher education. The article considers the discursive production of identities of these men during a liminal time in their lives and how they construct their identities in relation to familial and community-based expectations around success and failure.

This paper examinations the nexus between creativity and teacher identity in post-war peacebuilding. It aims to understand how infusing creativity into teacher preparation geared towards peacebuilding can help language educators reflect on their identities, values and their roles in bridging a fragmented society at the end of a war. Drawing on data generated from a visual ethnography carried out in the aftermath of Sri Lanka's civil war, one of the longest civils wars in recent history, this study explores the power of self-generated identity portraits in helping teachers to visualise their identities as second language educators. This paper highlights the potential of creativity and creative approaches to teacher education to help teachers articulate their identities, expectations, responsibilities towards their learners and challenges they face. The paper highlights the power of creative approaches to meaning making, especially in tapping into identities that are otherwise hidden and the need be for teachers to be included in larger discussions on educational reforms towards peace.

The central focus of this study is the perceived frequency and consequences of ethnic microaggressions. Research in this area of adolescent literature on ethnic discrimination is underdeveloped. Evidence showing that microaggressions are not interchangeable with blatant forms of discrimination and can have a severe negative impact on well-being is scarce. This study focuses on (a) three subdimensions of microaggressions (denial of ethnic reality, emphasis on differences, and negative treatment, (b) differences in frequency based on Muslim affiliation, country of origin, and generational status, (c) the relationship of microaggressions with self-esteem and sense of academic futility, and (d) the protective role of teachers. We use a dataset of 2,763 students of immigrant descent from 64 Belgian secondary schools. The results show that a denial of ethnic reality and negative treatment are related to less self-esteem and more academic futility. The opposite is true for emphasis on differences.

This paper analyses the Chinese party-state's production of visual racism towards Uyghurs as a discursive foundation for its ethnic policy, as globally reproduced and disseminated by non-state actors. The paper draws from theoretical literature on the relationship between visual politics and affect, stressing the need for visual literacy to reflect on how images emotionally affect audiences' identities and insecurities. It focuses this analysis on education texts in China's post-2012 'de-extremification' and 're-education' campaigns, specifically on how images tell stories about life-or-death security issues that define Chinese identity. Chinese education about Uyghurs tends to frame Uyghur identities as racialised, culturally external existential threats to be defeated by state violence or teaching them to be Chinese. However, Uyghurs' own visibility strategies in global advocacy counter the party-state's imagery by centring their lives and experiences. The article shows how these strategies can be used as resources for teaching about Chinese politics and society.

This article examines the relationship between the upward educational and social mobility processes of young men and women of Moroccan descent in Catalonia, Spain. Through data obtained from two ethnographic research projects and life stories, we analyse and compare the experiences of twenty-four young men and women of Moroccan descent who are attending university or in the admissions process. From an intersectional perspective, we analyse how gender, religion, ethno-racial and class-based inequalities have conditioned their pathways and their opportunities for upward educational and social mobility. These young men and women use a 'minority culture of mobility' to establish various strategies and negotiations to gain better opportunities for academic continuity and social mobility. Our findings show that the benefits of upward educational and social mobility do not necessarily reflect 'outside' but rather 'within' their ethnic group.

Due to rising Islamophobia in Europe today, Muslim ethnic minority adolescents are at great risk of experiencing identity-based harassment at school. We extend previous research on ethnic discrimination by focusing on religious discrimination of Muslim adolescents and its effect on their psychological (i.e., depressive symptoms and self-esteem) and behavioural adjustment (i.e., disruptive behaviour at school). Further, we consider Muslim adolescents' ethnic and religious identification as two factors that may promote adolescents' adjustment and protect them from the negative consequences of discrimination. We used data from N = 105 Muslim ethnic minority adolescents (M[subscript age]= 13.30, SD = 0.75, 45% female). Factor analysis revealed that adolescents did not differentiate between ethnic and religious discrimination. Results show that higher perceived ethno-religious discrimination (PERD) was related to more depressive symptoms. While higher ethnic identification was associated with greater self-esteem, higher religious identification was related to fewer depressive symptoms. Contrary to our expectation, Muslim adolescents who were highly identified with their ethnic group reported more depressive symptoms when experiencing more PERD. Their self-esteem was negatively affected by higher PERD when possessing high religious identification, while for low religious identification a positive effect of higher PERD on self-esteem emerged. Results highlight the importance of developing evidence-based intervention programmes for schools to tackle identity-based harassment.

Nearly 20 years after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on New York, Washington D.C., and Shanksville, PA there is a yearly ritual in a majority of US Schools. On the anniversary each year, teachers and students across the US learn about the attacks and memorialize the events. In many classrooms this is done through witnessing the events much like in 2001 for most of the world -- through watching news or documentary footage of the events. In this article I use Hall's concepts of encoding and decoding as well and socio-cultural theories to read these media representations both in the context of 2001 and again 20 years later to understand how these events are placed into broader narratives of US history. Many teachers today focus on the shock and horror of the events, an approach I argue is problematic as the affective response is emphasized over the historical context and consequences. Instead of using these media to foster collective memory, they could instead be viewed as primary sources to inquire into the historical context of the events and response in the form of the Global War on Terror. This approach would allow students to better understand the events leading to the attacks and the impact that the resulting responses by the US and other Western nations have had on their lives and the lives of others around the globe (e.g., Islamaphobia). After 20 years of conflict after these attacks it is time to both remember the victims of 9/11 as well as understand why it happened and the global toll of the response.

A special place belongs to the historical thought of the late 19th-early 20th centuries in the spiritual heritage of the Tatar people. In a short time, Tatar historians have achieved significant results in the reconstruction and study of the national past. Their successes were appreciated by Russian and European scholars and orientalists, and their unconditional leadership among other Turkic Muslims was generally recognized. The works by Sh. Mardzhani, R. Fakhrutdinov, G. Akhmarov, H. Atlasi, G. Gubaidullin are being republished today and are returned to the reader. Their work is being successfully studied, but there are no works where the formation and development of Tatar historical science at the end of the 19th-beginning of the 20th centuries would be considered specifically. A systematized study of the historical thought of the Tatars during the Jadid period, the determination of the characteristics, trends, and the directions of its development remains an urgent task of modern science. This scientific article examines the features of Russian-Tatar relation coverage by Tatar historians of the late 19th-early 20th centuries, reveals the information and analytical activities of censorship and its special attention to historical writings, contains an overview of little-known sources -- popular editions and publications in time-based press, dated to the centenary of The Patriotic War of 1812 and the 300th anniversary of the House of Romanov, the authors of which, showing the commonality of the historical fate of Russians and Tatars, substantiated the thesis of "equal rights in a common Fatherland". The obtained analytical results are very effective in increasing the level of education of educators in this field.

At the end of the 20th century, changes took place in the world that forced politicians and scientists to rethink many seemingly established postulates about the laws of social life and about the ways of development of human civilization. The modern development of the social movement among the Tatars of Russia, and especially the national processes in Tatarstan largely repeat the trends in the development of the nation in the pre-Soviet period. The main role in the social movement of nations is played by the activities of the elite aimed at creating political, educational and cultural institutions. The turning point in the history of the Tatar people should be considered the end of the 19th - the beginning of the 20th century. The Tatar ideology was created during the period of rapid development of bourgeois socio-economic relations (especially noticeable among the Tatars of the Volga-Ural region) and the rise of national culture. However, until recently, the sources and works of authors of different times have not been fully studied, although they contain data on the processes of formation of the Tatar social factor and the Tatar nation itself in the context of the development of the Russian community.

Today, as many as two million Uighurs (WEE-guhrs)--a predominately Muslim, Turkish ethnic minority group--in China's northwest Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR) have been arbitrarily detained in highly-secretive, government-run mass detention centers. After years of conducting intensive surveillance--which included the collecting of biometric data and the seizing of passports--the Chinese government began imprisoning hundreds of thousands under the guise of expelling religious extremism. These detention centers have been likened to the concentration camps of Nazi Germany; and satellite imagery, leaked government documents, and testimony from released Uighur detainees have revealed numerous accounts of torture, starvation, brainwashing, organ harvesting, sexual harassment, and even execution occurring inside the camps. However, while the international community has covered the crisis, it has not been covered in sufficient depth to result in any form of large-scale, cohesive international action to protect the Uighurs. Through an analysis of over 400 news articles obtained from the ProQuest News and Newspapers database, this thesis investigates the potential reasons for why this massive-scale human rights violation has failed to garner substantial international action to put a stop to the Chinese government's systematic repression of the Uighurs. Three theories are presented for this apparent global apathy: (1) Our international human rights organizations are ineffective and lack an enforcement component, (2) China's strict censorship laws, propaganda, and misinformation campaigns have been relatively successful in keeping the issue out of international spotlight, and (3) China is a global economic superpower upon which the rest of the world relies, and we are afraid to question its legitimacy in terms of human rights.

This research aims to study the moral teachings and spirituality of the Javanese-Muslim ethnic group, as well as how it implements Islamic teachings in the digital age. It applies a qualitative research methodology that focuses on the theme of Javanese morals and Islamic teachings. The main sources of primary data were interviews and observations, while secondary data to support the research were obtained from documentary studies of ancient manuscripts and other relevant literature. The study used qualitative data analysis techniques over four steps, namely data collection, data reduction, data presentation, and finally the drawing of conclusions and verification of data. The findings revealed that the teaching of "Kejawen" morals and spirituality has its origins in the cultural traditions of the Javanese tribal community, which teaches about the "pakem" (standards/rules) for a good life and noble standards to form "hanjawani" morals (for a commendable character). "Kejawen" Islamic philosophy, which combines Islamic teachings and aspects of Javanese society, is manifested in the digital era in the form of spiritual intelligence. Through spiritual intelligence and "akhlatul kharimah," people can understand every phenomenon and act wisely in responding to various situations and conditions in the digital era thanks to such teachings. The expected implication is that stakeholders will be able to support the preservation of the positive values of Islamic "Kejawen" culture, which in turn will help increase the spirituality and noble morality of the Indonesian people in order to foster harmony among themselves, the nation, and the wider world.

Responding to transitional justice circumstances in Sri Lanka, Theatre of Friendship connects groups from Tamil, Sinhala and Muslim backgrounds. We use Playback Theatre as a participatory arts approach to transitional justice, working to build covenantal pluralism. As our work has evolved, we have extended the principle of emergence within Playback Theatre to broaden the mix of artistic disciplines we use. This gives us greater scope to adapt, which in turn encourages local ownership.

Education is increasingly becoming central to debates about how to promote peace in conflict-affected societies. Equitable access to quality learning, promotion of social justice through educational reforms and conflict-sensitive curricular and pedagogical approaches are viewed as peace supporting educational interventions. Drawing upon the existing body of literature in the area of education, conflict and peace in Southern Thailand and reflecting on Nancy Fraser's theory of social justice and applying the 4Rs framework, this paper provides a critical analysis of inequalities, cultural repression and epistemic domination through education. The paper argues that the 4Rs framework usefully exposes underlying structural tensions in education but does little to show avenues for rupturing unequal power relations and hegemonies that reproduce systems of domination and social exclusion at the macro level. The real hope, however, lies in the potential use of the 4Rs as a tool for grassroots political socialisation.

Informed by an increasing amount of research in understanding spatiality in language learning, this ethnographic case study investigates two ethnic minority university students' English language learning in urban, virtual, and classroom spaces as they relocated to an interior city for higher education in southeastern China. Data consisted of the students' informal online interactions, drawing journals, photos, and interviews. This study examines the participants' capacity in appropriating and transforming both human and non-human objects in facilitating their English language learning and the contestations embedded in their meaning-making processes as they assembled their linguistic repertoires and materiality. This study finds that the virtual spaces are more enabling for the Uyghur student's English language learning than his learning in urban and classroom spaces, whereas the urban space is more empowering for that of the Tibetan student. Instead of the traditional layout of classroom space, the two students became legitimate participants in the urban and virtual spaces where they actively engaged in utilizing resources for English language learning. This study indicates that spatiality needs to be seen as more central in shaping the participants' English language learning outcomes. Implications for future research and pedagogy are provided.

This research examined ethnic and gender variations in early adolescents' reports of parental socialization goals among the majority Han and two Muslim ethnic minority groups (Hui and Kazakhs) in China. 1584 adolescents (mean age = 13.49; 54.6% girls) listed and ranked the five most important goals from parents. Achievement outcomes were emphasized the most across ethnicities. According to adolescents, Han (vs. Kazakh) parents emphasized relatively more on self-maximization and psychological well-being, and less on extrafamilial relationships, morality, and social contribution, with the Hui appearing to be midway between the two groups. Gender differences in perceived parental goals were mostly consistent with traditional gender roles across ethnicities. This research painted a more nuanced picture of adolescents' perceptions of parental socialization in China. Results pointed to the significance of traditional values and economic development in understanding the socialization goals of Chinese parents of different ethnicities.

This paper analyzes the textual aspects in Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) Norman Fairclough model of "CNN" news discourse about Uyghur issue. When this research is conducted, there are only at least five articles specifically discussing Uyghur issue that are 29th December 2011, 29th February 2012, 29th February 2012, 30th October 2013, and 5th September 2014 publications. The research focuses on analyzing the text representation and the relation between participants in the discourse. Objectives of the paper are: 1) to analyze the text representation of news in the news channel of "CNN" related to the Uyghur case, and 2) to analyze the relation between participants in the news channel of "CNN" related to the Uyghur case. The subject of this paper is Uyghur issue as reflected in the news articles of "CNN" International. The paper applies qualitative descriptive method. As a consequence: "CNN" often put formality features and a vague vocabulary to block and obscure the negative value from the readers to China. The relation here is presented by "CNN" to China rather than "CNN" to Uyghur. It is reflected by the power of the status of China.

This article is based on the premise that the constructed image of the national self is a fundamental criterion shaping the conceptions of history teaching in the Turkish educational system. In this regard, I argue that examining how particular ethno-religious groups are discursively positioned in relation to the idealised self-image can reveal whether and how history textbooks can be revised. Having described the historical and political context for the only curriculum revision occurred in 2013 concerning a non-Muslim community, the Assyrians, the article demonstrates that specific discursive strategies are used to position the Assyrian community in relation to the favourable national self-image, rather than a fixed categorization for non-Muslim communities. Adopting the methodological framework of critical discourse analysis, the author examines the portrayal of the Assyrian community in the secondary school Turkish history textbooks taught over the last three decades and identifies how the topoi of justice and tolerance, as well as allegiance and betrayal allow a particular group to be a member of the larger body of 'acceptable citizens.'

We are four racialized diasporic Muslim women living on Turtle Island, with roots spanning India, Palestine, Panama, Trinidad, Malaysia, and beyond. We have been involved in activism and organizing, including with and for Muslim communities, for more than five decades combined. Our conversations and correspondence about Muslim pedagogies of solidarity provoked individual and collective reflection about what it means to create and sustain community. We were made in community and have made communities intentionally with others, Muslim or otherwise, who allow us to be more fully human. We are guided by Islamic teachings, as well teachings of justice and liberation rooted in different knowledge traditions. We are shaped too by the knowledge and ways of knowing offered by radical Black, Indigenous, and People of Colour engaged in the collective struggle for freedom on Turtle Island and in the wider world. As Muslims, we are called "to come to know one another" (Qur'an, 49:13, as cited in Nasr et al., 2015). We suggest that to do so requires us to confront patterns of internalized domination and internalized subordination that prevent us from being with and for one another. Such confrontation enables us to work collectively to dismantle interlocking systems of oppression that prevent us from being more fully human. In this multivocal reflective essay, we explore the relationship between community and solidarity by delving into our memories of ummah, Muslim community, our evolving understandings of ummah, and the relational solidarity that is necessary to establish ummah. A thread that weaves together our memories and visions of ummah is the ancient and futuristic practice of mothering.

Xinjiang has witnessed constant state attempts to reinforce the status of Mandarin Chinese as 'the Common Language' and to make local Turkic languages -- mainly Uyghur and Kazak -- more 'suitable' to the modern world. Official efforts to transform the linguistic landscape of Xinjiang have engaged in a complex interplay with Turkic speakers' own understandings of speaking, writing, and modernity across China and Central Asia. While tacitly subscribing to the dominant language ideology that Chinese is more useful, practical, and suitable for the modern world, Turkic speakers in Xinjiang also take pride in their languages. Especially since the government-initiated script reform in the early 1980s, the Arabic scripts' indexical association with literacy and Islamic identity has become stronger than ever for people in Xinjiang. Today, the Arabic script is not only an index of ethno-religious identity, but also an artistic expression. Thus, to many Turkic speakers in Xinjiang, Chinese is "merely" a language of mundane concern, whereas Turkic languages are the medium of aesthetic elaboration such as oral poetry and epic stories. This paper demonstrates that attention to such historical particularities helps us better understand how certain language ideologies can remain unchallenged while others are easily contested.

This paper aims to explore the potential of using dialogue between intersectional and pragmatist theorising of transactional social relations. By considering tensions within intersectional research, a position is developed which utilises a mutual constitution approach to intersectional theory and the dynamic, ongoing, complex social relations captured in pragmatist theorising. It is argued that from this position race and ethnicity become actions in which, for example, Whiteness and Brownness are defined in ongoing relation to each other. Example data from a pilot study, designed to explore experiences of campus life, is analysed using this action sense of race. The 'Racing' of experience within the data identifies how Whiteness and Brownness become constituted through a Male, South Asian, Muslim student's experience of studying sport. Whiteness in this context becomes secular, partying, and sporty-bravado-competitive, while Brownness is supressed Islamic, working not to perpetuate crude Brown-Muslim stereotypes and upset convivial, post-racial discourses. It is envisaged that further data collection from student experiences of studying on the university campus will help to develop deeper insight, and importantly, dialogue about race, ethnicity and privilege.

Children are powerful agents of change when given the chance to succeed. However, due to protracted crises and natural disasters, an estimated 33 million children have been forcibly displaced worldwide and denied their childhoods and an opportunity to reach their full potential. Psychosocial support is key to bridging the learning gap that displaced and out-of-school children face. Introducing this support through social emotional learning (SEL) allows children to build the resilience they need to thrive. The lack of psychosocial support and the impact of forced displacement on the mental health of children is an ongoing problem that has been further exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. Working to address the effects of toxic stress and adverse experiences in childhood, can mitigate the vicious cycle of trauma and violence and reduce the rippling effect on future generations.

Multilingualism in a multi-cultural setting could be a problem especially where there is a politics of winner takes all. It creates room for marginalisation especially where there is no functional system to check the excesses of the policy implementers. This study examines multilingualism and marginalisation in Nigeria politicisation. The specific objectives are to explore the different manifestations of marginalisation that underlie the concept of Nigeria entity as a result of multilingualism and to propose the danger inherent in allowing Nigeria multilingual diversity be a divisive criterion rather than being a uniting factor thereby mitigating multilingual discontent. Data are drawn from secondary sources such as textbooks, journal articles and theses. The study discovers that multilingualism that is misapplied is the harbinger of marginalisation and other ethnic conflicts in Nigeria. The findings of the paper also reveal that Northern Muslims have some advantages over their non-Muslim brothers because of their proclivity to the Arabic language. The study suggests that Nigeria's multiple languages should be a blessing and not a curse. This research contributes to knowledge as it adapts Bodomo's "localised trilingualism" to propose a model that can salvage Nigeria's multilingual woes.

Creativity is often explored from a Western-dominant perspective. This means that cultures that do not follow dominant culture or Western principles, such as non-Western or minority ethnic cultures, are often misjudged in creativity research and assessment. Additionally, scholarship that does address Asian creativity does so in a way that presents Asian culture as monolithic. This article presents an example of how creativity is defined, recognized, and enacted in four interactive Uyghur language websites that were active between 2014 and 2016. These Uyghur language websites present an interesting example of how an Asian, ethnolinguistic minority culture expresses creativity and innovation while under controlling and conforming pressures of the dominant culture (in this case the Chinese government). Findings suggest that Uyghurs define their creative identity as one that promotes love, joy, and hope for their community, overcomes adversity, and comes from a heritage of scholars and writers. They recognize creativity that aids in community cultural preservation, is selfless, and is the result of hard work. As a result of their controlled status, online Uyghurs articulate that their creativity is limited by the majority culture and emphatically express how their cultural creativity is unique.

Recently, national populist politics has been translated with the emergence of two overlapping narratives of Islamophobia and anti-EU immigration media discourses. Such discourses have been made highly visible in the increased spike in hate crimes that have been a hidden cost of the national(ist) debate about Britain leaving the European Union (Brexit). This is the context in which we can trace a remarkable shift in the state representation of the schooling of the South Asian/Muslim community and the reclassification from promoting South Asians as central to the future of a modernised multicultural Britain (1970s) to positioning Muslims as a 'suspect community' (2020). This article unpacks two cultural moments in the critical exploration of the State production of the "Muslim School" within a post-Trojan Horse era. First, a national dominant image of the "Muslim School" operating within the State ascribed 'no-go' ethno-religious Muslim neighbourhoods, as a repository of regressive (extreme) Islamist religiosity; thus, reconstructing their religious belief as racialised identities, as they disconnect from British values. Second, the "No Outsiders" programme, with the accompanying framing of intolerant (Muslim) parents. In this case, the ensuing tension between 'homophobic Muslims' and 'British values' sets in place a homogenisation of differences. Deploying a simultaneity of categories of difference perspective, we address an underlying discursive re-politicising of South Asian ethnic communities as religious communities, which is resulting in a perpetual negotiation of the meanings attached to being Muslim. This will enable an international application of the article beyond the specific focus on the city of Birmingham, identified in the international media as the Jihadi capital of Europe.

The spread of Islam to the nomadic Kazakh community that lived in the steppes of Asia has followed a difficult historical path over many centuries. In recent centuries, a system of Islamic religious education in the regions where Islam was the main religion gradually began to generalize and spread. This process continued until the more recent introduction of an updated and broader educational program. This article shows how religious education developed in this minority faith community, ultimately strengthening educational levels generally as well as a sense of Kazakh identity.

The way religion is taught in Chinese schools is drawing attention, as challenges arise associated with the resurgence of various religious traditions in contemporary Chinese society. Existing research has revealed that the decades-long institutional separation of religion and education in China has had a complex effect on Chinese students' understanding of religion. Efforts have been made to understand how Chinese textbooks present religion, but little is known about how students form their own perspectives on religion. Drawing on data collected in two geographical regions of China, this study explores how students conceive the meaning and role of religion. The findings reveal several key themes in the students' understanding of religion, on topics including the association of religion with superstition, the relationship between religion and science, and the role of religion in modern society. The findings also have implications for how the Chinese school curriculum might be reformed in regard to the teaching of religion.

This study examined responses from a questionnaire administered to 98 second- and third-generation Rohingya refugees living in Mecca, Saudi Arabia. Questions concerned participants' self-reported language proficiency levels in the Rohingya heritage language and Arabic and patterns of language use in various domains. Findings demonstrate that the respondents from both generational groups reported a good level of Rohingya oral skills, which is a departure from the typical patterns of language shift over three generations. While Arabic seems to dominate the public, media, and religious domains, Rohingya is habitually used in the private domains of the family and ethnic community. The most important factors that seem to encourage intergenerational language transfer of Rohingya include (1) habitual use of the Rohingya language at home, (2) geographical concentration of Rohingya refugees in certain ethnic enclave neighbourhoods that provide exposure to the Rohingya language and usage opportunities, and (3) the ability of bilingual Rohingya refugees to utilise their language use patterns to index their status as ethnic Rohingyas and Muslims in the Saudi Arabic-dominant context. This study contributes to the current understanding of language contact situations and calls for greater attention to be paid to contact dynamics between languages in refugee contexts.

Pakistan was bifurcated and Bangladesh emerged as a sovereign state in 1971 after the culmination of a separatist movement that was raised on the basis of Bengali nationalism claimed on ethnic and cultural grounds. Since the pronounced demand as well as well-defined goal of the movement changed from autonomy to the separation only after Pakistan Army?s action on 25th March 1971 and also Awami League (AL) and Mujibur Rehman, the party and leader that spearheaded the separatist movement, got prominence as separatists after Agartala Conspiracy Case in 1966 the time and events of the origin of the Bengali Movement need to be looked for. This paper highlights the ideological origins of Bengali separatism even before the partition of India in 1947. It also finds out the early organisations which, when got matured in later decades, became instrumental in promotion of the Bengali separatist movement. The paper then examines the development which for the first time generated the cultural and lingual feelings as well as economic grievances that nurtured the Bengali separatist movement. Therefore main research question of the paper is when and how the Bengali Movement started.

This article is based on the data cultivated from a teaching experiment carried out in one of the institutions in the city of Tyumen. The purpose of the experiment was to determine the necessity for education of religious and national tolerance through the study of special disciplines of the confessional and ethno-cultural content, for removing psychological barriers to religious and formation of a multicultural consciousness in the future. The authors emphasize that the increase in tolerance level involves the use of teaching methods rooted into the structure of the educational process, the result of which would be the change of personal characteristics within an individual. Such personality changes included the system of relations, values and general outlook. This article deals with the impact of forms and methodical possibilities on the correction of inter-ethnic and inter-religious interaction of students, their normal behavior in different social situations. To appreciate the realization of this purpose, the authors developed a course on "Religions of the region under study". He emphasized the requirements of the educational standard which determines the necessity to study history, culture and religion of the region under study for the specialty "Regional studies" in the sphere of religious and interfaith relations. Historical and cultural aspects of the course content are harmoniously integrated into the context of religious relations. The experiment had been running for over four years and had shown positive benefits in the dynamics of formation confessional tolerance for students and elements of a multicultural consciousness.

The objective of the study is to investigate the effects produced by confessional belonging on the conditions of the ethnic identities of the diasporas and on the character of the inter-ethnic relations in regional communities. Religious identity can reveal itself both as a factor of inter-ethnic integration and as an additional indicator of ethnic and cultural identity that increases the distance between different groups of the population. The investigation has been developed based on the analysis of statistical and sociological data that illustrate the existence of confessionally heterogeneous ethnic diasporas in regional community. It has been established that in the Rostov region, the hub region of the South of Russia, confessional identity presents an additional factor of maintaining the ethnic identities within the ethnic and cultural communities as follows: Jews, Armenians, Greeks, Poles, Georgians, Assyrians, and Koreans. The majority of these groups possess confessional institutions of their own, though the degree of consolidation with them is different. Thus, while for Jewish and Armenian diasporas of the Don the institutions of national religion are the key forms of maintaining their identities; for Poles the importance of the confessional factor is lower, and for Greeks and Georgians this factor is purely symbolic affecting just a negligibly small part of the community. At the same time it has been established that Islamic identity of a number of diasporas that live in the territory of the Rostov region and in many other regions of the South of Russia are practically meaningless in terms of strengthening the identities of the ethnic communities, but, nevertheless it produces an effect of cultural differentiation on the system of social interactions in the environment of the regional community.

Purpose: This paper aims to present the qualitative findings on students' and teachers' experiences in communicating and interacting with students and teachers from different ethnic backgrounds in the Malaysian vision schools initiative. Design/methodology/approach: Face-to-face interviews were conducted involving 15 informants comprising of three headteachers, three teachers and nine students. The interviews centred on the informants' experiences and views living and experiencing the reality of the vision schools which is comprising three major races; Malays, Chinese and Indians; which is represented by the three school types which are a national school, Chinese vernacular and Indian vernacular schools. Findings: The interview data revealed that the intercultural communication in the vision schools had triggered intercultural understanding and awareness of cultural diversity in the schools. However, the interview data with experienced teachers showed some drawbacks of the intercultural dynamics at the school complex. Among the weaknesses were the absence of structured and formal training on intercultural and multicultural education, lack of trust and poor social skills which may have hindered effective intercultural communication from taking place. Originality/value: This study presents the informants' experiences and views on the reality of intercultural interaction among students and teachers in the context of the Malaysian vision school initiative.

The plight of refugees has recently received considerable media coverage. Yet, little attention is given to groups who are internally displaced. The purpose of this article is to model one way to teach about internally displaced peoples, drawing on the Rohingya crisis as a specific example. We first provide a background of the Rohingya crisis, and then use that context to describe a lesson to help students better understand issues associated with internally displaced peoples. The lesson is a history lab--an inquiry-based activity through which students recognize societal problems, evaluate evidence, and consider possible solutions or consequences. Using the history lab approach, students can investigate the Rohingya crisis from multiple perspectives and develop a better understanding of the Rohingya crisis, specifically, and of internally displaced peoples, broadly. There are currently 65 million + displaced people in the world. Questions of where they should go, who should harbor them, and what should be done about the violent situations that force them from their homelands are complex. The lesson aligns with the C3 Framework and as such, this article offers teachers an inquiry-based approach to examining a complex, global issue that currently receives little attention in formal social studies curricula.

What goes on within educational institutions can be pivotal for whether and how democracy and political tolerance are nurtured, and peaceful relations between groups encouraged. Several studies oriented to the content of curricula have shown that education in India must be reformed if it is to promote inter-ethnic peace, political tolerance and democracy. The focus of this study, however, is more on the praxis of education -- how it is conducted, in what kind of institutional setting it takes place, and what the implications are for inter-ethnic peace. This unique case study of Jammu and Kashmir in India provides unexpected insights into how democratic norms can be promoted in disadvantageous contexts, where open violent conflict prevails and politically intolerant attitudes might normally be expected to result. The findings of this study have important implications for educational reform. First, the authoritarian approach to teaching currently employed in India's system of primary education needs to be replaced by more modern methods, and corporal punishment must be abolished. Second, the praxis found in at least some of the country's institutions of higher learning should be encouraged, due to the role it plays in bridging ethno-religious divides and breaking path-dependent trajectories towards political intolerance.

This paper explores ways the classroom environment can fertilise ethnic and religious tolerance in students. In a pre/post test design, 76 students at a university secondary school in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria were randomly selected to respond to a twenty-item survey. Afterwards, the experimental group was exposed to a critical thinking game that focused on rational appraisals of ethnic and religious prejudices. A t-test analysis indicated a significant difference in prejudice between the experimental and the control group. It was concluded that classroom language experiences could foster positive changes in ethnic and religious prejudices.

This study examined the pattern of students/teachers' population in schools as a result of the crises witnessed in Jos and its consequences on quality of teaching as well as peaceful living in Jos. Stratified simple random sampling technique was used to select the 18 schools that were used for this study. Questionnaire was used to collect qualitative and quantitative data on students' enrolment/population by religion; teachers' mix by religion; and on general information on how the crises affected the schools. The data collected were analyzed using percentages and frequencies as presented in tables and charts. The study revealed that a significant difference exists between the students' population before 2001 and from 2001 to 2014 along religious lines in schools as a result of the crises. It was also revealed that quality of learning was affected negatively in many schools as a result of movement of Christian teachers from their earlier settlements to seemingly new safe places. The paper recommends among others that the pattern of settlement along ethnic and religious lines should be discouraged by the government. In order to achieve this, result oriented dialogue should be facilitated by the state and local government, where ethnic, religious groups and individuals should be encouraged to embrace peaceful co-existence. Besides this, to assuage the scourge of the crises, houses and other properties burnt and destroyed during the crises should be built by the government or adequate compensation paid where necessary.

Bosnia and Herzegovina is a postconflict nation challenged with interethnic reconciliation. This study sought to understand the views of Bosniak (Muslim) youths on their schooling experiences in Srebrenica. Their voices can provide meaningful insights into the reality of the segregated education system and the role of schools in affecting social cohesion. The data were primarily collected through 10 focus-group interviews with Bosniak youths. Study participants appreciated the religious subject of Islam, while expressing discomfort and resentment at being separated from their classmates in other ethnonational subjects (history/geography and language). They generally appreciated learning with the Serb students in an integrated environment. The study indicates that these youths developed a resilient attitude to claim the normality of their school life, despite the existing interethnic tensions and the resulting segregated system. The study also affirms the important role of the secondary school as a place of interaction and intercultural learning.

Global citizenship education (GCE) has recently been promoted by national education systems and supranational organisations as a means for facilitating social cohesion and peace education. We examined the perceptions of GCE held by teachers from the three main education sectors in Israel: secular-Jewish, religious-Jewish, and Palestinian Arab, and found stark differences in the way teachers from each sector interpreted the term. For marginalised groups (Palestinian Arab), GCE is seen as offering a way of securing a sense of belonging to a global society. For already well-resourced social groups (Jewish secular), GCE is viewed as a way of promoting global futures. Meanwhile, for the Jewish religious minority in Israel, GCE is seen as a threat to national identity and religious values. Our findings cast doubt on the unifying potential of GCE, and we conclude by calling upon scholars and policymakers to examine unique obstacles facing GCE in their various contexts.

The purpose of this paper is to problematize the place of religious authority in politics and education. Specifically, this essay highlights the role of religious authority in establishing a moral order that values compliance and conformity at the expense of liberty and critique. In doing so, the essay reflects on Israeli politics and Islamic political thought. Pondering on both, the essay explains how the authority conferred through the use of religious language creates a condition of hyper-solidarity. Under conditions of hyper-solidarity, religious authority becomes pervasive, permeating, and more entrenched and difficult to challenge. It becomes increasingly difficult to be critical, because to criticize is to forgo that hyper-solidarity, and to assume a position of exteriority. Therefore, obedience becomes a choice and a position taken in favor of stability, consistency, and continuity of the group.

When a third-generation, British-born young Muslim student in a British state school says to researcher "I am a Muslim "first" …," it makes one think. What are the factors underpinning this statement? In a highly diverse multi-faith, multiethnic, multicultural society such as Britain, why does a young British Muslim student become so emphatic in proclaiming faith identity? The article looks into identity dynamics with a focus on Muslim youth in the UK and discusses how these might impact on their educational experiences. The article also explores the challenges facing educational leaders in managing "Muslimness."

Multiculturalism and multi-ethnicity have assumed the status of the most charged signs characterizing social contingencies and resultant violence in the increasingly glocalized world today. Minoritization continually interrupts and interrogates the homogeneous, horizontal claim of the projected democratic liberal society. Solidarity turns out to be situational and strategic while the concept of commonality is negotiated through contingencies of social interest and political claims. As Homi K. Bhabha points out in "Cultures in Between": "How did we allow ourselves to forget that the nationalist violence between Hindus and Muslims lie just under the skin of India's secular modernity? ...We have entered an anxious age of identity" (p.59). Experimenting with UNESCO's vision of promoting a "culture of peace" through education, 70 trainee teachers from varied socio-cultural and religious backgrounds were exposed to ELT exercises that opened up new avenues of peace education.

In this article, we explored Hui students' lived experiences in school in eastern China and the impact of their experiences on their identity construction. We used postcolonial theory as a theoretical framework and narrative inquiry as a research methodology to guide questions that we asked, data collection, data analysis, and interpretation and discussion of the findings in the study. We found that schooling for the two Hui students in eastern China is a process of reproducing mainstream Han ideology; taking away their culture, beliefs, knowledge, and identity; and imposing the mainstream Han culture and knowledge on Hui students as truth. The participants, two Hui students in an elementary school in eastern China, accepted the identity constructed by mainstream Han teachers and were confused about their Hui identity.

This paper is based on a participatory action research. The research is based on a process of resolving real-life moral dilemmas in the Moral Education classroom. It critically analyses the types of real-life moral dilemmas that a selected group of secondary students thought about. It also indicates the moral choices that they make based on their negotiation skills and cultural background. Participants in this study were twenty-two 16-17 year old adolescents from three different types of secondary schools in a Form Four Moral Education classroom in Malaysia. They were from different ethnic and cultural backgrounds, but within a non-Muslim community of students. Moral Education in Malaysia is designed to cater for this group while Muslim students study Islamic Studies. Findings show that students were concerned about moral issues and values that were relational and context dependent. Multiple factors contributed to the problems they described. These factors included national legislation, Malaysian culture, ethnicity, and religion as well as the effects of history, in particular the Japanese occupation.

Middle Eastern American (MEA) college students in the United States navigate normative developmental changes related to peer relationships, academic achievement, and college adjustment, often while facing discrimination, stereotyping, and racial profiling. We interviewed 25 MEA first-year and second-year college students about their perceived discrimination experiences and the influence of those experiences on their college adjustment. We present a theoretical model on MEA students' college adjustment in the context of discrimination across socioecological domains, including societal, campus community, and relational levels, both inside and outside of the university experience. Implications for future research and support services for MEA college students are discussed.

This article examines the lives and multifaceted identities of a group of young Bangladeshis from east London. Qualitative research--involving predominantly group and in-depth one-to-one interviews--was undertaken with 16 young Bangladeshis aged 15-19. Two key findings emerge from this research. Firstly, the knotty and fluid concept of identity is important to these young people as their narratives demonstrate that they are negotiating meanings of what it means to be a British-born Bangladeshi Muslim. Secondly, through a detailed examination of two aspects of their multifaceted identity--the mother tongue and the hijab--this article argues that their identity problematic poses important questions for educational spaces. One of the key conclusions of this article is that by embracing a culturally responsive model of education and exploring--however difficult and ethically challenging it may be--our pupils' cultural, linguistic, ethnic and religious identities within the curriculum can be meaningful and ultimately educational.