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Academic misconduct has been conceptualized as students' engagement in various types of proscribed behaviors, such as plagiarism and cheating on assignments and tests or exams (e.g., Stephens et al., 2021). While most of the current literature on academic misconduct has focused on developed countries, the problem is rampant across the world (Krou et al., 2021), especially in developing countries (e.g., Gaytán & Quintanilla-Domínguez, 2014; Stephens et al., 2010). Gaytán and Quintanilla-Domínguez (2014), for example, found that the rate of academic misconduct in Mexican universities was significantly higher than the estimated rate in the United States. More recently, Guerrero-Dib et al. (2020) found that students who reported engaging in academic misconduct were more likely to be dishonest in non-academic contexts. Surprisingly, despite the extent of academic misconduct and its association with other forms of dishonesty, little else is known about the problem in Mexico. In order to help fill this void, the present study examined the relationship between life-purpose orientations and academic misconduct among university students in Mexico.

Epidemic is an apt adjective for describing the problem of academic dishonesty. When asked if they have cheated in the past year, a "disproportionately large number" (i.e., the majority) of secondary and tertiary students in the United States (and in every other country in which it's been studied) report having done so. The problem of academic dishonesty has been labeled "epidemic" since the 1980s, but research evidence suggests it had been so for many decades (Atkins & Atkins, 1936; Bowers, 1964). In addition to being "excessively prevalent," academic dishonesty is also "contagious"--seeing others cheat significantly increases one's likelihood of doing so. Academic dishonesty not only undermines students' learning and the validity of its assessment but also their moral development and character. Students who cheat in high school are significantly more likely cheat at university and more likely to be dishonest with their spouses and employers in adulthood. With this mind, educators--at all levels and in all roles--might ask themselves two basic questions: Why do so many students cheat? And what, if anything, can been done to abate the seemingly intractable problem? In this article, the author will answer both questions as he argues that academic dishonesty is "natural" and "normal," while also "unethical" and "evitable." In doing so, the author offers faculty, administrators, and policy makers a well-grounded explanation of the nature of cheating but also a clear articulation of why it's wrong and how the epidemic can be ended.

The belief that cheating is wrong doesn't prevent its enactment. For example, many students cheat despite believing that is wrong or unjustifiable. The question taken up in this article concerns how the resulting cognitive dissonance is ameliorated; that is, how do students cheat and not feel guilty? This article will describe two "good" theories that offer some insight into the psychological and social processes underlying the reduction of cognitive dissonance. Specifically, attribution theory and social norms theory serve as conceptual lenses for understanding how students manage cognitive dissonance related to academic dishonesty. Finally, in the spirit of Kurt Lewin, these two "good" theories are discussed in terms of the design and development of "wise interventions" aimed at promoting academic integrity and reducing the prevalence of cheating.

Academic dishonesty among high school students has long since transformed into an epidemic that affects nearly every student, compromising not only their intellectual growth but also their moral development. Yet, beyond the occasional hand-wringing in the media, the problem has been largely ignored by teachers, schools, policymakers, and even character educators. To address this notable failure to respond, the authors developed and evaluated a character education program that sought to use the epidemic of academic dishonesty as an opportunity to reduce cheating and promote integrity. The present article describes the core components and central mechanisms of this schoolwide program as well as results from a 3-year mixed methods study of its implementation at 3 high schools in the Northeastern United States. These results and their implications are discussed in detail. The article also outlines suggestions for further program development and research. (Contains 3 tables and 4 footnotes.)

The past several decades of research has produced many important insights into prevalence and correlates of academic dishonesty. While these studies have offered important contributions to our understanding of such cheating, we are in need of research that allows us to hear what students have to say about it. This paper begins to fill the relative void of student voices by presenting results from individual interviews with a sample of adolescents who acknowledge cheating despite believing that is wrong to do so. Specifically, the present investigation uses a multi-case research design to explore the phenomenon of belief-behaviour incongruity, as it relates to academic dishonesty, among a demographically and academically diverse group of high school students. Four distinct cases of BBI are presented, each representing a complex configuration of psychological, social, cultural and situational factors: "unable," "under-interested," "under pressure" and "unrepentant." Educational implications and suggestion for further research are discussed. (Contains 1 table.)