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Economic migration is a significant and growing development around the world but has produced unequal outcomes and experiences for marginalized groups. To theoretically explain such inequalities, we argue that integration experiences of immigrants in the host country differ based on the privilege that their demographic category bestows on them (or not). We elucidate our arguments by unpacking the concept of 'privilege' to theorize two key sources of privilege—locational and historical—and explain them using the global economic divide (Global North vs. Global South) and local social divides (race and caste). We propose that locational and historical privilege manifest as various types of capital that immigrants carry into their host countries. We juxtapose these two sources of privilege and its levels (low vs. high) to develop a typology of immigrants—Marginalized, Peripheral, Assimilated, and Wanted—that captures differences in migrants' integration experiences. By shining a light on the systematic differences between immigrants based on privilege, our research brings additional nuance to the scholarship on immigrant workers and inclusive organizations; and broadens avenues to make human resource practices more ethical by taking these differences into account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the identity of students at an elite high school and how it contributes to privilege and inequality. Thirty‐two students from an elite high school in Israel were interviewed to examine two main questions: What characterizes these students' identity? How does their identity impact the cultivation and fostering of privilege and inequality? The findings identify three components of the elite student identity: (1) entitlement, as a natural experience of privilege and a developed awareness of rights; (2) the emotional burden of a competitive culture, leading to pressure to attain mind and body perfection and evoking feelings of hyper‐self‐consciousness; and (3) consequences of this burden, including pursuing corrective treatments, engaging in ethical transgressions and hazardous behaviors, and internal feelings of emptiness. The discussion interprets these characteristics of the elite student's identity in the context of their learning experience at an elite school, highlighting the consequences of these characteristics for cultivating and maintaining class privilege and social inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dilemas Contemporáneos: Educación, Política y Valores is the property of Dilemas Contemporaneos: Educacion, Politica y Valores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The pervasiveness of digital media renders people constantly connected. Digital inequality theory tends to focus on how socio-digital factors link to technology access, skills, uses, and opportunities derived from such use. It is not clear, however, whether this theoretical lens applies to a time of heightened connection when privilege may also explain intended disconnection. Drawing on data from 1,551 U.S. adults surveyed during the pandemic, we find that younger age, higher education, frequent Internet use, less dependable access, and better skills are related to partaking in voluntary nonuse (e.g. having technology-free moments, switching off the Internet). As digital disconnection emerges from a place of socio-digital privilege as well as disadvantage, in a society of technology abundance, new inequalities arise around who has the freedom to use it in moderation rather than use it at all. Our study extends theoretical notions from digital inequality to the realm of voluntary digital nonuse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Qur'anic term and principle of "qist"—generally defined as fairness, equity, and giving each his/her due share—occurs twenty-two times and forms a particular intentional discourse against social and economic privilege and against power in its various dimensions. These occurrences, their contexts, and fields of meaning demonstrate its distinctive place within the Qur'anic moral worldview, at the nexus between private virtue ethics and collective praxis. Qist is presented not merely as an abstract ideal, but as a specific, concrete social and economic goal for the marginalized and disempowered of any community. Especially in the domains of gender relations, poverty conditions, and authorial power, the divine injunction for applying equality in lived contexts becomes a call for liberation from "zulm" (injustice) and "taghut" (false deities). Can the examination of this concept and its affiliates form the basis for a scriptural theorization on an Islamic theology of social and economic justice, of resistance to tyranny and unjust constructions of privilege and superiority? Towards an answer to this inquiry, one can argue that qist directs attention to the practical ways of applying the overarching, comprehensive value of shari'ah, al-'adl (justice), as well as to its defining features of collectivity and distributiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I introduce and explicate the concept of “class blindness,” and show how it works to obscure and justify class inequality even in a small community in which social divisions are well recognized. Similar to the concept of color-blind racism, class blindness is a discursive strategy to erase and minimize class privilege and the social processes by which class inequality is created and perpetuated. Denial of these processes, and the social-structural roots of class advantage and disadvantage, undermines efforts to effectively address societal problems born of social class inequality. I show how class blindness allows those with privilege to police their social positions and secure resource hoarding within a community while holding the disadvantaged personally responsible for their struggles. I further describe how class blindness allows advantaged individuals to express concern about social problems including poverty and inequality in the abstract, while acting in ways that contribute to its perpetuation on the micro and the macro levels. This qualitative case study, based in 84 interviews and 10 months of participant observation with individuals across the class spectrum, illustrates the processes that contribute to the reproduction of social inequality even among those whose ideological stances include commitment to its reduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the work on the development and maintenance of group inequality has focused on a select number of advantaged groups, resulting in a "blind spot" regarding the role of liberals in contributing to social inequality. The present work tests for a privileged liberal principle‐implementation gap, the notion that under conditions that make personal stake salient privileged liberals exhibit a gap between their self‐reported principles and behavioral tendencies. The studies focus on three areas critical to inequality: employment (i.e., affirmative action; Studies 1a and 4), education (i.e., equal access to education for the working class; Study 1b), and housing (i.e., access to affordable housing; Study 1c), as well as support for the homeless (Studies 2 and 3). The results demonstrate that privileged liberals report higher principles to reduce inequality compared to conservatives, but in settings with salient personal stake exhibit no differences in behavior compared to conservatives. The findings also provide direct experimental evidence for the role of personal stake in shaping the privileged liberal P‐I gap. Implications for the study of inequality and impact on Black/Brown working‐class communities, as well as a class‐based approach to social change, are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians of classics now focus on unknown and previously untold stories: on women classicists,[5] on the intersections between classics and homosexuality,[6] on classics and racism,[7] on the role of classical scholarship in colonial projects[8] or in Nazism and Fascism,[9] on previously disregarded areas,[10] and so on. Kanigel and Güthenke problematize the traditional history of classics, correcting and complicating the image of the classicist and of the disciplinary methodology. Kanigel, Güthenke, and Hall and Stead show that all these elements have already been part of the discipline. Hall and Stead's approach hence differs from Kanigel's or Güthenke's. [Extracted from the article]

This paper extends the study of passing to a privileged identity. From qualitative interviews, we examine Norwegian professors' everyday self‐presentation. When in new encounters, like meeting other parents through their children's leisure activities, our respondents' leave their occupation and especially title undisclosed before cautiously negotiating possible disclosure. The existing literature mostly highlights passing that happens for self‐protection. While (soft) self‐protection is one concern for professors, they also pass for additional reasons: protecting interactants from insecurity or discomfort and preventing imbalance and "fuss." Theoretically, we combine Goffman's treatise of passing with interaction ritual and facework. We discuss whether this analytical model may also help clarify instances of stigma passing and consider the consequences of privilege passing for social inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discrimination continues to plague society, creating stark inequities between groups. While existing work has considered the role of prejudice in perpetuating discrimination, we draw on emerging research on privilege and inequity frames to offer an overlooked, complementary explanation: Objectively discriminatory decisions that are described as favoring, compared with disfavoring, are less likely to be recognized as discrimination. We further theorize this is because favoring decisions are perceived to be motivated by positive intentions. We find support for our hypotheses across eight studies. First, using both qualitative (Studies 1a-b) and experimental approaches (Studies 2–7), across a range of discrimination contexts including race, sex, nationality, and age, we find that inequity frames affect perceptions of discrimination. Further, we find that even human resource employees are less likely to recognize discrimination when described as favoring (Study 3), in turn affecting their reporting behaviors: They are less likely to report potentially discriminatory decisions for review. Next, sampling language from U.S. Supreme Court cases, we find that people support litigation less when discrimination uses a favoring frame, versus disfavoring frame (Study 4). Then, we find that this pattern is driven by inequity frames shaping perceived intentions, rather than perceived harm (Studies 5–6). Finally, we find some evidence that inequity frames regarding a discriminatory decision committed by an organization may affect candidates' job pursuit behaviors (Study 7). This work contributes to a nascent perspective that advantaging mechanisms are critical for creating group inequity: given individuals are less likely to recognize favoritism as discriminatory, favoritism may especially contribute to the persistence of inequity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reports on the findings from a qualitative, longitudinal study on lay perceptions of opportunity structures among young adults in Denmark. Previous research suggests that people often underestimate the extent of inequality and that rising inequality aggravates misperceptions. Our study deepens the understanding of the multi-layered processes that form meritocratic beliefs, and it identifies key factors at the macro-, meso- and micro-level. A macro-level factor that proved influential was a cultural script revolving around the Danish lay concept, social arv [social inheritance]. At the meso level, the factor of reference groups in socio-economic heterogeneous schools was instrumental for formations of inequality perceptions, but in dissimilar ways depending on micro-level subjective factors. Overall, the participants viewed the free educational system in Denmark as part of a welfare system that equalises opportunity structures in principle, while the majority simultaneously exhibited a nuanced awareness of social forces negating meritocracy in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Quaestio Iuris (QI) is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents an interview with Shamus Rahman Khan, professor of sociology and American Studies at Princeton University writing on culture, inequality, gender, and elites. Topics include explaining about the term ‘ease of privilege' which being something like ideology; the way of shaping everyday social policy or politics in the US; and main difference between elites and oligarchy.

Paul B. Thompson and Patricia E. Norris: sustainability-what everyone needs to know: Oxford University Press, New York, NY, USA, 2021, 250 pp, ISBN 9780190883232s Sustainability is a key word of our times that has become commonplace in many diverse areas, from environmental management to finances, including governmental programs, industrial processes, scientific research, education, and individual everyday practices. But on the other hand, when Thompson and Norris refrain from addressing directly and in detail the profound social transformation required to tackle the current environmental crisis, there is a missed opportunity to introduce and discuss some powerful leverage points (Meadows [1]). [Extracted from the article]

Invisibility makes privilege powerful. Especially when it remains unexposed, privilege perpetuates inequity by giving unearned advantages to certain groups over others. However, recent social movements (e.g., Occupy) attempt to expose class-based privilege, threatening its invisibility. Across 8 experiments, we show that beneficiaries of class privilege respond to such exposure by increasing their claims of personal hardships and hard work, to cover privilege in a veneer of meritocracy. Experiments 1a–c show that when people are provided evidence of their own class privilege, they claim to have suffered more personal life hardships. Experiment 2 suggests that these claims are driven in part by threats to self-regard. Experiment 3 finds that such self-defense is motivated specifically by a desire to attribute positive outcomes to the self (i.e., sense of personal merit). When given the chance to first bolster their sense of personal merit, those benefitting from privilege no longer claim hardships in response to evidence of privilege. Experiments 4 and 5 further suggest self-concerns are at play: only self-relevant privilege evokes defensive responses, and self-affirmation reduces hardship claims more than does system-affirmation. Finally, Experiment 6 suggests that people claim hardships because they believe these imply personal merit on their part. Preventing the privileged from claiming hardship leads them to claim increased effort in the workplace and to increase effort on a difficult task. Overall, results suggest that even when those benefitting from class privileges are confronted with evidence of their "invisible knapsack," ideologies of personal merit help them cover the privileges of class once again. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Privilege is often silent, invisible and not made explicit, and silence is a key question for theorizing on organizations. This paper examines interrelations between privilege and silence for relatively privileged professionals in high-intensity knowledge businesses (KIBs). Design/methodology/approach: This paper draws on 112 interviews in two rounds of interviews using the collaborative interactive action research method. The analysis focuses on processes of recruitment, careers and negotiation of boundaries between work and nonwork in these KIBs. The authors study how relative privilege within social inequalities connects with silences in multiple ways, and how the invisibility of privilege operates at different levels: individual identities and interpersonal actions of privilege (micro), as organizational level phenomena (meso) or as societally constructed (macro). Findings: At each level, privilege is reproduced in part through silence. The authors also examine how processes connecting silence, privilege and social inequalities operate differently in relation to both disadvantage and the disadvantaged, and privilege and the privileged. Originality/value: This study is relevant for organization studies, especially in the kinds of "multi-privileged" contexts where inequalities, disadvantages and subordination may remain hidden and silenced, and, thus, are continuously reproduced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses key findings from edu LIFE, a cross-national project that examined the emergence of social inequalities in 17 countries characterized by different models of secondary education. First, we build upon existing international studies and propose a broader classification of forms of differentiation in secondary education. Second, we elaborate a fourfold typology of secondary education systems. Third, we provide a longitudinal and comparative analysis of how social background, academic performance, and forms of secondary schooling create heterogeneous educational opportunities for recent generations. In particular, we discuss: (1) the allocation of students to different forms of secondary schooling; (2) student mobility among different types of education; and (3) the consequences of differentiation in secondary schooling for students' educational careers. Our findings suggest that, on average, more privileged families successfully exploit the opportunities provided by specific institutional configurations of school systems in order to secure the most favourable outcomes for their children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the inequity and privilege in the Ivy League Athletic departments in the U.S. Topics discussed include group of university coaches accused of facilitating the admission of wealthy White applicants by designating them as recruits for sport teams; raising important questions about race, class, access and representation within Ivy athletic departments; and lack of enhancing gender and racial diversity in participation rates or hiring practices.

Algorithmic discrimination has become one of the critical points in the discussion about the consequences of an intensively datafied world. While many scholars address this problem from a purely techno-centric perspective, others try to raise broader social justice concerns. In this article, we join those voices and examine norms, values, and practices among European civil society organizations in relation to the topic of data and discrimination. Our goal is to decenter technology and bring nuance into the debate about its role and place in the production of social inequalities. To accomplish this, we rely on Nancy Fraser's theory of abnormal justice which highlights interconnections between maldistribution of economic benefits, misrecognition of marginalized communities, and their misrepresentation in political processes. Fraser's theory helps situate technologically mediated discrimination alongside other more conventional kinds of discrimination and injustice and privileges attention to economic, social, and political conditions of marginality. Using a thematic analysis of 30 interviews with civil society representatives across Europe's human rights sector, we bring clarity to this idea of decentering. We show how many groups prioritize the specific experiences of marginalized groups and 'see through' technology, acknowledging its connection to larger systems of institutionalized oppression. This decentered approach contrasts the process-oriented perspective of tech-savvy civil society groups that shy from an analysis of systematic forms of injustice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although a rich body of research provides insights to understanding stigma within the marketplace, much less is known regarding its direct corollary, privilege. We posit that this void is problematic as it may inadvertently support and legitimate existing socio-political arrangements which inhibit consumer wellbeing and marketplace equality. The present study addresses this gap by offering a theoretical understanding of privilege within the marketplace. Using a Foucauldian approach to privilege and power, we draw on the discursive perspective on legitimation to critically investigate the contentious debate over the inclusion of halal meat at a popular burger chain in France. In light of French political secularism (laïcité), we demonstrate how power discursively operates through narratives on rights and moral responsibility to constitute, defend and challenge a certain state of privilege within the marketplace. Our resulting theoretical discussion extends existing studies on marketplace equality and the growing body of literature related to the “marketization of religion”. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article discusses Indian Christians and the denial of justice in the form of government reservations and privileges. The birth of a new social consciousness among the depressed castes after their Christian conversion was attributed to the growth of education and occupational mobility where certain basic ideas of equality and upward social mobility worked in a progressive direction. However, upon achieving independence from foreign rule, and in subsequent political calculations, the welfare of Indian Christians has been hindered as they were not extended the same privileges that are enjoyed by depressed caste people from non-Christian faiths (Hindu, Sikh and Buddhist). Therefore, this article details the denial of social justice to Indian Christians from Dalit backgrounds and calls for a redefinition of the concept of social justice to remove all inequalities and provide equal opportunities for all citizens irrespective of which religion that they choose to follow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anthropology has done much to challenge the idea of the natural inferiority of races, but at times this challenge has ignored the problem of racism. This article explores an important but largely ignored foundational text about race and equality written by Anténor Firmin, a Haitian intellectual who in 1885 set out to critique the categories and concepts of nineteenth-century French anthropology. I show how Firmin’s critique of race thinking and the doctrine of racial inequality were rooted in a broader critique of colonialism, racism, and inherited privilege. Drawing on Firmin’s argument that the end of racism would facilitate the abolition of all privilege, I suggest ways in which the discipline of anthropology might build on his critique to develop a more powerful response to the reemergence of ideas of innate difference and inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study the role of family wealth for children's educational achievement using novel Swedish register data. In particular, we focus on the relationship between grandparents' wealth and their grandchildren's educational achievement. Doing so allows us to reliably establish the independent role of wealth in contributing to long-term inequalities in opportunity. We use regression models with extensive controls to account for observed socioeconomic characteristics of families, cousin fixed effects to net out potentially unobserved grandparent effects, and marginal structural models to account for endogenous selection. We find substantial associations between grandparents' wealth and their grandchildren's grade point averages (GPA) in the 9th grade that are only partly mediated by parents' socioeconomic characteristics and wealth. Our findings indicate that family wealth inequality--even in a comparatively egalitarian context like Sweden--has profound consequences for the distribution of opportunity across multiple generations. We posit that our estimates of the long-term consequences of wealth inequality may be conservative for nations other than Sweden, like the United States, where family wealth--in addition to its insurance and normative functions--allows the direct purchase of educational quality and access. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the convergence of inequality across social and economic dimensions in the United States. Chief among these are wealth accumulation, labor, and education. Specifically, I discuss the transference of wealth to the top of the income hierarchy, the automation and polarization of labor, and threats to public education. Additionally, I implicate neoliberalism in this multidimensional decline of social privileges, and I conclude with a glimpse into a dystopian future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Wilson argued back in 1978 that by the mid-twentieth century social class mattered more for getting ahead than race, he launched a rigorous scholarly debate about the relative importance of race and class that continues to this day. Since the 1970s, the gap between the black middle class and the black poor has widened, lending credibility to Wilson's claim, but also raising new research questions for scholars to ponder. In this essay, I suggest that extending Wilson's model to include a new period, encompassing the last twenty-five years, would help to illuminate more recent structural advantages that contribute to class privilege in American society as well an emerging fault line within the black middle class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• The research sheds light onto the gradual process of digital inclusion by creating a typology with three different types of people according to their level of digital inclusion, namely Advanced, Intermediate and Basic. • Our analysis shows the self-reinforcing effect of digital and social exclusion, by highlighting how, despite their access to the Internet, those people at risk of social exclusion are more likely to lack the digital experience necessary to fully exploit the possibilities the Internet can offer. • Those who tend to obtain more benefits from the use of the Internet are, on average, young, well-educated and with a higher income, thus reinforcing their already privileged social positions. • Socially vulnerable people have more difficulties in using digital technologies and gaining benefits from them, leading to further marginalisation of their position and deepening of inequalities. • By highlighting how different levels of digital inclusion are related to socioeconomic and sociodemographic features, this research contributes to reinforcing the idea that offline social structures and practices influence individuals' ability to use digital technologies as an empowering tool of social inclusion. Since an increasing number of daily activities are carried out online, an exclusion or limited access to the Internet prevent citizens from entering a world full of opportunities that cannot be accessed otherwise; in this sense, inclusion in the digital realm is strictly connected to social inclusion. Digital inclusion is not conceived as a mere dichotomy, access versus no access, but in terms of the degree to which e-inclusion improve wellbeing for individuals, community and society. Using a quantitative method based on a multivariate analysis, multiple correspondence analysis and cluster analysis, applied to a representative sample of UK citizens, this article sheds light onto the gradual process of digital inclusion, highlighting how social and digital inclusion are intertwined and how people who have one or more social or economic vulnerabilities are more likely to be in the group of those who are digitally excluded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Feminist concerns about the epistemological problems of quantitative methods have resulted in an underdevelopment of quantitative approaches that could contribute to existing intersectional theory. Further, feminist scholars commonly consider the effects of gender as it intersects with race or class, but relatively little of this research has included nativity (being either an immigrant or native-born to a society). This article addresses these shortcomings by examining patterns of earnings inequality at the intersection of gender, race, and nativity, comparing cohorts of African-born Black and white immigrants to their US-born counterparts over multiple time-points. Further, the depressive effects of gender are large enough so that while there are differences in women's earnings across race and nativity, nearly all groups of men still earn more than nearly all groups of women. The article's results demonstrate that privilege has a magnifying effect, with the advantages conferred from one privileged status increasing the effects of other privilege statuses, which become larger over time. These findings contribute to how feminists understand privileges and oppressions emerging from the intersections of gender with other social statuses, and how such intersections shape economic inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An important part of the China Dream is the development of a comfortable middle class lifestyle for all. This is not such a surprising development since a public discourse surrounding the emergence of a middle class has been in the making for over a decade. There is though nonetheless an apparent paradox in a Communist Party embracing the middle class. Understanding how and why this has occurred, as well as attempting to identify the consequences for social stratification in China is clearly important. While it would seem reasonable to attempt to analyse China's middle class in terms of wealth, or occupation or even lifestyle, it is argued that this is fairly meaningless: in this context the middle class is more a discourse than social structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I propose a principle of non-domination as a benchmark for assessing the justifiability of unequal residence statuses for non-nationals in liberal democracies. This has advantages over the principles of equality and rights alike, in accommodating both the inclusive and exclusive logics of liberal democratic citizenship. Non-domination requires the state to grant upon first admission a degree of inclusion in the social privileges of citizenship that is sufficient to guard against the most severe forms of domination in social relationships. However, as resident non-nationals become more permanent and come to be in relationships open to other, if less severe forms of domination, it requires gradually increasing the degree of inclusion, over time, to protect non-nationals against these forms of domination also, and, finally, eventually giving them access to the sites of political decision-making that contribute to shaping the background conditions for independent action in social relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper compares the working lives of different generations of British expatriate women living in Johannesburg, South Africa. The city has strong and established transnational connections with Europe and consequently has a substantial population of white, highly skilled professionals who have come to take advantage of the benefits that South Africa has consistently delivered to whiteness. However, now nearly twenty years since the post-apartheid Government came into office, an important question to ask is how aims for racial equality are playing out in everyday life. This paper explores this question by drawing on new research evidence which looks at the changing labour market fortunes of British women migrants in South Africa. I argue that whilst the resources of whiteness/Britishness are becoming increasingly less certain, contemporary migrants may still draw upon their transnational advantages to maintain their expectations of cultural and economic privilege. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, return migration trips to the ancestral homeland by diasporic individuals have been increasing, often framed as a search for roots and a sense of belonging and home. This study offers a gendered analysis of return migration based on the work narratives of second-generation Korean American women in the South Korean context. Through an examination of the experiences within the South Korean labor market, the study found Korean American women relied heavily on dominant notions of white privilege and patriarchy that upheld a hierarchical relationship of the US to South Korea. These interlocking ideologies constructed the US as a modern, gender egalitarian country that has achieved gender equality. while South Korea remained constrained by traditional patriarchal attitudes and practices that left little room for successful women in the workforce. In response, the participants create new identities that highlight their agency as the ideal cosmopolitan worker in a rapidly globalizing South Korean economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the privilege and the lamentation of people involve at the Occupy Wall Street (OWS) protest movement. It states that OWS seeks of having a total transformation of the human relations' hierarchical structure which perpetuates injustice and gross inequality. It adds that OWS participants of the movement are obligated and empowered to speak for themselves and nobody has been elected or appointed to represent special interest or constituencies.

Based on Peggy McIntosh's (1988) pioneering investigations of white and male privilege, we can, by analogy, understand Christian privilege as constituting a seemingly invisible, unearned, and largely unacknowledged array of benefits accorded to Christians, with which they often unconsciously walk through life as if effortlessly carrying a knapsack tossed over their shoulders. This system of benefits confers dominance on Christians while subordinating members of other faith communities as well as nonbelievers. These systemic inequities are pervasive throughout societies of many nations across the globe. They are encoded into the individuals' consciousness and woven into the very fabric of their many social institutions, including schools, having enormous implications on all students. The current exploratory qualitative study investigates the relative level of awareness of Christian privilege among preservice teachers who self-define as 'Christian' at a large Midwestern United States research university, and situates this awareness and level of resistance upon Watt's Privilege Identity Exploration (PIE) model (2007, 2009). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Job-market discrimination research in the United States and Europe measures discrimination by a majority against racial minorities, discrimination that stems from historical patterns of inequality and privilege. Chilean researchers have applied these models to study class-based discrimination, finding some evidence to support its existence. Their innovative methods make race as well as class visible, and contradictions in their work show racial differences among Chileans. This research note highlights the interesting research from a new generation of labor economists who have simultaneously pushed the sanctioned limits of social debate and reaffirmed dominant explanations of inequality. Critical race theory is useful for making sense of the contradictions in their work and, it is argued, can improve the quality of Chilean social science research so as to reach a more accurate and self-reflective understanding of the sources and effects of inequality in Chile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on racism and inequality in the U.S. and focuses on the academic perspectives of this problem. It discusses the personal damages due to white privileges and the inequality persisting in the public schools of the U.S. It further discusses colour-blindness, racial silencing and threat of racial division or balkanization on social cohesion with reference to several trails of equality in schools.

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Soziologie is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article investigates homeowners' perceptions of race and class within a racially integrated neighborhood in Baltimore, Maryland. Forty-two semi-structured interviews were completed with 59 white homeowners between September 2005 and September 2006. Adding a social class component to Bonilla-Silva's (2006) color-blind racism perspective, I ask if white homeowners in a racially-integrated neighborhood accept a color-blind worldview, or if they have an alternate framework for understanding race. Akin to O'Brien's antiracists (2001), there was a range of rejection of color-blindness, from selective to reflexive race cognizance. Most homeowners recognized the institutional basis of racial inequality and their own white privilege. However, many conflated race and class and argued that it was really class differences that caused racial differences. While many supported more racial integration, most rejected class integration in the neighborhood. This paradoxical set of attitudes will most likely continue to be an obstacle to the maintenance of racially integrated neighborhoods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Housing in postwar America became a critical focal point for issues of race and social equality. Housing and race relations became a real-world laboratory for psychologists and other social scientists, including several of the leaders of , to examine developing theories of intergroup relations, especially as potential means to reduce prejudice. Further, it is argued that psychologists sought to impact emerging housing policy and to ameliorate an enduring social problem. The author concludes that the efforts by social scientists to provide workable solutions, typically from an unacknowledged place of White privilege, proved largely ineffective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on various topics including wages, work, and legal education. It offers information on the economic inequality in the U.S., legal academy and economic privilege, and legitimacy. The author claims that the legal academy is inattentive to the largest shortcoming of the actual operation of the American justice system, which is the denial of access of millions who cannot afford to pay.

The article offers the author's insights on how the victory gained by diversity, particularly in the workplace, in turning into a shared mainstream goal ended or limited some essential issues on power and privilege. She suggests that diversity is more mainstream, acceptable heir to the idea of equality called for by the feminist and civil rights of the 1960s and 1970s. She says that diversity enables the introduction of changes and inclusion of individuals who used to be excluded into areas hostile to claims on power or justice. She discusses how the ideal of diversity is insufficient and sometimes obstructs justice.

The article explores the role of cultural capital in educational research. The potential pitfalls of cultural capital is mitigated by defining the theoretical and empirical applications of cultural capital. Cultural capital is considered as an excellent theoretical framework in identifying the way that some groups are privileged over others and in providing a compelling explanation for the way cultural status signals are rewarded in schools. The idea of cultural capital shifts the educational thought toward structural notions of acquisition and perpetuation of privilege and inequality.

Recent discussions in South Africa about the role of the so-called patriotic bourgeoisie highlight the much debated question of what role elite Africans can and ought to play in the upliftment of the poor. Those supporting the notion of a patriotic bourgeoisie believe that national or racial solidarity is sufficient to allow privileged Africans to act in the interests of their poorer fellow citizens. However, a reconsideration of an older discussion of African elitehood, that of Amilcar Cabral, suggests that something more may be needed before elites can act in the interests of the poor. Cabral argues that elites need to renounce their privilege and to live and struggle alongside the poor if pro-poor societal transformation is to be achieved. While Cabral may be right that shared racial or national identity is insufficient for elite solidarity with the poor, he does not consider all the complexities that arise when elites actually try to work with and for the poor. A consideration of the experiences of a long-standing Senegalese NGO reveal some of these complexities and suggest that any attempt by African elites to engage meaningfully in the upliftment of the poor, will inevitably involve continuous and difficult negotiation between paternalism and naïve egalitarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Law & Society/Revue Canadienne Droit et Societe (University of Toronto Press) is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article argues that despite legislation granting formal equality before the law as of the late 19th century in German judicial proceedings, sentencing privileges continued to be extended according to local power relations and "scientific" assumptions about the credibility of witnesses and their testimony. Social inequalities thus tended to be perpetuated rather than eliminated in the judicial system. Using a case study from the period, the author claims that judicial "truth" was a less compelling factor in judgment than local power relations.