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Aim: In order to show the role of foreign and international policies in shaping the EU's energy and climate policies, the history of the European Communities has been traced through the prism of individual policies. Combining several of them (energy, climate, international and foreign) in this analysis is the result of viewing them in the context of causal effects. Methodology/approach: The method of the paper was based on an in-depth analysis of the European Union source documents, published on websites and in documents of the European Commission and the European Parliament. The information gathered was extended through a library search and based on the library resources of several prominent Polish universities, as well as the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies. Moreover, the analysis included academic publications, websites of institutions, companies and organisations monitoring the course and changes of energy and climate policy. Limitations: The referenced, quoted, analysed documents or packages aim to produce and regulate a common EU energy policy. However, this multitude of documents, directives and regulations does not seem to have helped the Union to demonstrate to the rest of the world that it has a coherent energy policy. Implications: Energy and climate policy issues are analysed and described based on the historical experience of the European Union and its previous economic and, above all, political structures. Value: Managing energy security in such a complex and diverse structure as the European Union requires experience and a sense of responsibility for the decisions taken. Responsibility for mistakes is often only political, which is why it is so important that any documents, decisions, directives or regulations are the work of responsible people, so energy policy should be managed like a potential crisis, based on consensus. Energy and climate policy issues are analysed and described based on the historical experience of the European Union and its previous economic and, above all, political structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I propose a return to Jacques Lacan, I develop a Lacanian discourse analysis (LDA) as one possible method in international relations and demonstrate its potential by sketching out the case of climate change policy within the European Union. Lacan's theory of the four discourses as conceptual "mind maps" informs a method of discourse analysis enabling researchers to empirically investigate how a hegemonic discourse can be challenged and potentially subverted. A Lacanian perspective emphasizes the "subject of the enunciation" and conceptualizes subjects as socially produced but lacking: Discourse provides an historicized socio-linguistic structure sustaining the subject's societal relations, but the speaking activity always produces a cut within subjectivity, which manifests as an excess-loss of meaning in the enunciation. Via the case study of the energy efficiency policy in the EU, I first illustrate how an LDA allows us to investigate climate knowledge and the authority of the discourse. Then, by looking at how energy efficiency is spoken in the enunciation, I expose the excess of meaning produced as an effect of language, which "fractures" the discourse. Finally, I show how to leverage on these produced fractures to assess the transformative and empowering potential of the observed discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The energy policy of the European Union focuses mainly on three areas: renewable energy, reducing the emission of harmful pollutants, in particular CO2, and increasing the efficiency of electricity used. Sustainable energy management, in turn, is undoubtedly associated with the increased use of renewable energy sources ensuring energy security as well as the diversification of energy supplies that support and improve the quality of the environment. The aim of the article is to present the diversity of the European Union countries in terms of actions taken in the field of energy policy resulting from climate and energy goals. Design/methodology/approach: On the basis of the objectives of the energy policy presented in the EU directives, indicators describing the activities of the Member States in this respect were selected. Then, they were subjected to substantive and statistical verification, leaving 6 variables. The tool of Multidimensional Statistical Analysis, which is a synthetic measure, was used to develop a synthetic measure of the level of achievement of the goals of the climate and energy policy. Two types of analyses were used: static for international comparisons between the European Union countries, conducted for 2021, and dynamic, for the years 2011-2021. Findings: The most favourable situation in terms of activities aimed at reducing emissions of harmful substances and improving the energy efficiency of countries can be observed in the hitherto leaders of Sweden and Finland. Together with Denmark, these countries have set very ambitious national targets for achieving a share of at least 50% from renewable energy in gross final energy consumption. All countries have increased their energy productivity index. Bulgaria, Italy and Slovakia have made the greatest reductions in pollutant emissions. In the interests of energy independence, countries are trying to increase energy production from domestic resources. The greatest improvements in this field were made in Ireland, Latvia, Portugal and Finland. The division into three groups of countries implementing the energy and climate policy introduced by the EU showed that the indicators that differentiate countries to the greatest extent, among the group of selected variables, are greenhouse gas emissions and the energy dependency ratio. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: In the light of the threats defined, the article emphasises the importance of new tools that can be helpful for a responsible energy policy. This is why it is so important to internalise some concepts such as taxonomy, the European Green Deal or the Bauhaus as an antidote to irreversible climate change, leading to the self-destruction of humanity, for which man has only themselves to blame. Methodology/approach: The method of the paper was based on an in-depth analysis of the European Union source documents, published on websites and in documents of the European Commission and the European Parliament. In addition, materials and information published on the websites or in the source documents of individual parliamentarians (Jerzy Buzek, MEP) and EC commissioners (Franz Timmermans) were used. The information gathered was extended through a library search and based on the library resources of several prominent Polish universities, as well as the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies. Moreover, the analysis included academic publications, websites of institutions, companies and organisations monitoring the course and energy and climate policy changes. Constraints: Adapting to climate change through the prism of activating and using innovative financial mechanisms is another challenge to which the Brussels structures must give new responsible directions based on intergenerational solidarity. The spending of money should also be based on a sustainability mechanism so that financial resources are not spent today that will have to be repaid by future generations. In the same sense, solidarity between states and between regions is necessary. Implications: Europe and Poland have a challenge, the keyword of which is reorganisation, and almost all the deadly coal- and gas-fired heating plants will be subject to it. The hope is the European Union, as it is an organisation with unlimited possibilities, and it has proven many times that it will not hesitate to use these possibilities for the benefit of future generations. Value: The current assumptions of the energy and climate policy of the European Union in terms of opportunities and threats were cited and analysed. Innovative solutions and tools for financing the development of the European Union were taken into account, including the European Green Deal, Just Transition Fund and EU ETS. Moreover, the necessity to change the way the EU thinks about itself and restructure all resources in the face of the consequences of the war in Ukraine was indicated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) is determined to become the world's first climate-neutral economy by 2050. The European Green Deal (EGD) is a comprehensive policy framework, intended to lead the EU towards this goal. The European Climate Law is the first legal initiative to implement the EGD. It makes climate neutrality a legally binding target, whilst also setting a mandatory goal of reducing emissions by 55% in 2030. To achieve the 2030 mitigation objective, the 'Fit for 55' legislative package includes proposals to revise the targets, scopes, and structures of all existing legal acts in the current 2030 climate and energy policy framework. It also contains proposals for new complementary legal instruments. This article provides an in-depth analysis of the evolving legal framework with the aim of assessing its potential to accelerate the green transition in the European Union and reinforce the EU's climate legal architecture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union's relative disregard for the economic, geopolitical and climatic concerns of its peripheral Eastern countries has contributed to making the war in Ukraine possible. Its consequences are now returning in the form of energy dependence and economic instability on the Union as a whole and the risk of economic crisis and deindustrialisation. This should prompt a re-assessment of the EU's strategy towards its eastern neighbours, particularly in the energy and climate policy field. This evaluation starts from the issue of control over cheap energy as a key material foundation of state and interstate power. On this basis, we analyse the struggle between Russia and the European core states over Ukraine in terms of the ability to extract an economic surplus through the unequal exchange of energy. The current escalation should be understood as an attempt by the Russian petrostate to preserve the economic basis of its regime, which is threatened by the prospect of a low-carbon transition in Europe. We conclude that a massive acceleration of the transition away from fossil fuels is the key to economic, geopolitical and climate stabilisation, highlighting possible policy instruments the EU could use to secure its production system and protect citizens' security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union climate policy and the subsequent energy transition are expected to cause fundamental changes in individual EU countries, their economies, and industrial sectors. Furthermore, in order to achieve them, high financial outlays are essential. The main purpose of the article is to present a comparative analysis of the pace, directions, and main factors of the energy transition in Poland and Spain against the changes in the EU energy and climate policy. In particular, the subject of the study is the changes in the fuel structure of electricity generation (energy mix) and the changes in the concentration of energy generation. The analysis concentrates on Poland and Spain against the background of the group of EU27 countries. The study adopted a long-term perspective (1990–2020). The methodology used taxonomic measures of variability of structures and measures of concentration, as well as measures of descriptive and mathematical statistics. The result of the research proves that the EU common climate and energy policy has explicitly accelerated changes in the energy mix, both in the EU27 and in the studied countries, including those traditionally based on coal. The concentration analysis demonstrated an increase in diversification resulting in a significant increase in the share of renewable and low-carbon sources. The taxonomic analysis additionally proved that there was a parallel process towards making the energy mix of the studied countries more similar to the EU27. The limitation of the research is the adopted triangulation arrangement of the studied structures (EU27, EU15, countries that accessed the EU after 2004), enforced in this pilot research, but possible to expand the field of perception in subsequent research. What serves as a proof of the originality of the study is the fulfilment of research gaps in the long-term study of the degree of changes in the concentration of the energy mix structure of EU countries, and especially the study of the degree of intensity of its similarity. The application value of the study is its use in the energy policies of countries traditionally based on coal for the indication of the taken position, the goals, and ways to achieve them based on the experience of other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European transition to green economy is based on long-term strategies. The Europe 2020 Strategy was launched in 2010 in order to promote smart, sustainable, and inclusive growth in the region. Later, the ambitions regarding this strategy were followed by the Green Deal and Sustainable Development Goals. Now, the effort of countries towards the green economy is even more relevant than ever because of the context of today's global energy crisis and economic uncertainty due to many challenges such as the COVID-19 pandemic or Russia invasion of Ukraine. This paper seeks to assess the countries' achievements in seeking climate change and energy targets of the Europe 2020 Strategy by applying the innovative multi-criteria decision-making (MCDM) technique. The kernel-based comprehensive assessment (KerCA) method was applied for the calculations of the progress achieved and countries' rankings. It allows to evaluate countries' achievements and compare them using the mathematical models. The analysis of the national target implementation in the countries allows to determine the compliance of countries with their commitments and liability towards other countries and the European Union (EU). An analysis of the implementation of the strategy can serve as a guide to further develop climate change and energy policy in the region. Furthermore, the added value of the article is systematic overview of scientific studies proposing different methodologies for the analysis of target implementation at the whole region level. The novelty of this paper also relies on the approach, which considers not only the level of achievement of the target, but also assesses the excess. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aiming to protect energy security, the European Union (EU) has sought to persuade third states to accept its energy acquis, relying on a formed strategic narrative. However, the coherency of this strategic narrative, as the prerequisite for being well-received, has not been studied before. Considering the strategic narrative theory and applying the content analysis method, our research has indicated that the EU's narrative consists of five storylines, including geopolitics, the single energy market, and climate change, the last two of which have become increasingly accentuated over time. However, this strategic narrative suffers from two significant incoherencies, which lie between its storylines and also within the storyline. The results of our analyses indicate that both incoherencies originate from the securitisation of energy in the Union. This means that the effectiveness of the narrative formulated has been diminished, which is detrimental even to the EU's climate policy. This could suggest that de-politicisation of energy is required to reinforce the narrative and enable the EU to address the world with one voice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European energy policy is based on two major pillars: integration (of infrastructure networks, markets, standards, and policies) and transition, as set out by European climate policies and by the upcoming Green Deal. The governance model for this common EU policy and the shared energy system it supports is mostly based on multilevel governance (MLG) theories, grounded in the principle of subsidiarity. This paper questions the possibility of MLG in the field of energy, in compliance with the European subsidiarity principle. The coexistence of diverse energy models promoting different scales of reference and actors may result in 'scalar clashes': this hybrid model creates a chaotic status quo, disrupting the EU's transition towards renewable energy sources. Building a common European energy policy that combines the dual objectives of transition and integration does not just require upscaling energy systems, but also setting the adequate scale(s) to implement this transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to identify and analyse potential legal avenues for phasing out fossil fuel subsidies (FFS) in the European Union (EU) using State aid rules. Our analysis reveals that the EU State aid rules would allow the European Commission to effectively target and monitor a vast number of FFS. From a policy perspective, the requirements for notification, examination, transparency, reporting, and recovery of unlawfully granted aid are of particular importance. The legal framework also provides avenues for the EU Commission to start a 'Fossil Fuel Inquiry', while providing important tools for civil society to apply pressure on states for the removal of FFS. Based on our legal analysis and pertinent literature, we discuss which of these different FFS and corresponding estimates are likely (or not) to fall under the EU State aid rules. Despite inherent uncertainties, the EU State aid toolbox offers various possibilities to the EU to actively advance its climate change policy and comply with its international commitments to reduce FFS. Key policy insights Member States in the EU still subsidize both the consumption and production of fossil fuels by a myriad of different measures, despite pledges to reduce FFS as part of the EU's ambitious climate policy. A major part of these fossil fuels subsidies could be addressed by the already existing EU State aid rules, which provide an effective system that is not dependent on Member States political will and has a powerful enforcement mechanism. A first key step would be for the EU Commission to start a 'Fossil Fuel Inquiry', which would identify and quantify all support for fossil fuels within Member States. The EU State aid rules could also provide civil society with the possibility to actively lobby for State aid control, while offering the court systems in Member States as an additional avenue for enforcement.With this in mind, the EU State Aid rules could be used effectively to help the EU to phase out a major part of FFS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does strength of domestic NGOs influence participation in the Covenants of Mayors program? Launched by the European Commission in 2008, this program invites local and regional authorities to voluntarily commit to implementing EU climate change and energy policies. We focus on the transitional countries of Eastern Europe and Eurasia to examine whether the strength of their domestic NGOs correlates with cities’ decisions to participate in this transnational program. To operationalize NGO strength, we suggest thinking of it as a stock variable that cumulates over time, instead of a single-year, flow variable. With country year as the unit of analysis, we examine the percentage of urban population covered by the Covenant across a panel of 26 transitional economies for the period 2008–2014. We find that the key variable of interest, cumulative NGO strength, is a statistically significant predictor of program participation, even after controlling for domestic and international factors, including the salience of international NGOs and the years since the country began the formal process to join the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the rapid process of globalization, merchandise trade has increased year by year, and the circulation and consumption of the energy embodied in the merchandise trade have increased. To study the relevant nature of the global embodied energy trade network (GEETN) from an overall perspective and the control and dependence relationships between various countries and regions from a partial perspective, this paper establishes a GEETN model, through an ecological network analysis (ENA) method and the motif of complex networks for research. From an overall perspective, a GEETN is a system that achieves stability quickly. Some developed countries, such as the United States and the European Union, and some emerging economies, such as China and Russia, play important roles in GEETN. From a partial perspective, in the GEETN model, US is mainly controlled by Asian countries and CA (Canada), EU is mainly controlled by other European countries, both due to their industrial layout in some extent. The scientific value of this article not only includes the improvement of model, but also provides a new perspective and a reference for the formulation of energy and climate change policies. [Display omitted] • We integrated ecological network analysis (ENA) with motif. • We analyzed the nature of global embodied energy trade network (GEETN). • The key countries and regions within the GEETN are detected. • The key control and dependence relationships within the GEETN are detected. • The results support policies of energy consumption and climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses Poland's climate policy from 1988 to 2010. The author presents background, as well as the main factors affecting climate policy in Poland - the foremost factor being European Union policy. In the author's opinion, the main problem of Polish climate policy is the lack of political will to effectively address energy issues and their effects on climate change. The article also describes the predicted directions of climate policy and the necessary changes that should be implemented in Poland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the different biofuels provisions in the Renewable Energy Directive (RED) adopted by the European Union (EU) to speed up the transition to renewable energy. It explores the sustainability criteria included in the directive, and describes their significant effects on energy and climate policy goals. It is argued that these sustainability criteria can weaken the potential impacts of the directive on both international development objectives and global energy markets.

The issue of integrating environmental concerns into energy policy decision making is increasingly addressed, not least related to climate change. Although the United States, unlike the EU, did not sign the Kyoto Protocol, several U.S. states promote renewable electricity (RES-E), and some of these initiatives are linked to climate-change mitigation efforts. The present article assesses in this connection the six New England states of the United States, comparing their efforts of integrating RES-E with climate change to the Nordic countries in Europe. In order to explain different approaches, the article focuses on the importance of different EU and U.S. multilevel governing structures. The analysis indicates that the New England states' RES-E promotion thus far has not been substantially integrated with climate-change concerns, whereas in the EU's more top-down approach, climate change figures more prominently vis-à-vis RES-E. EU policies represent an increasingly important driver for the Nordic countries. In the United States, on the other hand, it remains an open question as to how future federal policy efforts will relate to existing policies at the state level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the European Council's December 2008 summit and with the European Parliament's decision a week later, a political agreement was reached on the Commission's Climate-Energy package of January 2008, which will profoundly shape Europe's climate policy for the next decade. Europe is therefore the first actor in the run up to the global climate negotiations in Copenhagen to come forward with a detailed program confirmed by parliament. Center of attention in the negotiations was the EU's emissions trading system. From 2013 this will be centrally administered by the European Commission and so guarantee the same conditions throughout Europe. In order to get all the member states to agree, however, the French Council presidency had to include numerous derogations in a compromise package: the promised reduction targets were not changed, but the effectiveness of the instruments was weakened. Alongside the Directive on emissions trading a decision was passed that imposes limits on member states' discharge of greenhouse gases in the sectors not covered by the emissions trading regime. These targets are legally binding by 2020. Though only mentioned in passing in the media a Directive on renewable energy was passed that for the first time includes all sectors - that is, electricity generation, transport, and heating / cooling - and also lays down binding national levels by 2020. Alongside these central aspects of future European climate policy outline conditions and financing mechanisms for carbon capture and storage technology and for emissions caps for new cars were legally enshrined. While its final compromise means that the European Union formally retains its leadership role in the campaign against climate change, at the same time it has left a number of losers at various levels. One of them is the European Parliament. Under pressure of time and the member states' entrenchment, MEPs were confronted with a matter of conscience but were severely constrained in bringing to bear their own long nurtured and ambitious position. The developing countries may be regarded as the second losers. They are largely innocent victims of anthropogenic climate change, yet for the most part they are excluded from relief measures within the framework of Western climate policy. The EU heads of state and government denied them financial aid from the emissions trading system and technological support. Despite its flaws, the scope of the compromise package is of enormous significance and its targets are ambitious. Europe is therefore entitled to claim its exemplary role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the historical progression of changes and arguments indicating the need to move from fossil energy sources to the green economy in the European Union (EU) countries. It shows trends in the EU's climate and energy policy compared to the rest of the world. At the same time, it points to the elements of the necessary compromise between the climate requirements and the energy security of countries and their economies. The aim of the article is to present the main quantitative challenges for the development of the green economy in the EU, which are analyzed from the perspective of the year 2030. For this year, specific values have been established to be achieved by European countries in several fundamental areas. On the other hand, the strategic goals and further development perspective are included until 2050. This undoubtedly indicates the complexity of the issue, which is intensified as a result of the various economic and political strategies of many European Union members. At the same time, as part of the analysis carried out, efforts are made to develop concepts and practical recommendations for the development of a green European economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ongoing climate changes necessitate an effective climate policy. The energy transition is now an important topic and problem, especially in Poland. (1) The undertaken analysis of the problem of energy transition is important for political, social and technological reasons. Political, because it shows the weakness of the implementation of Polish energy policy in regards to climate change. Social, because energy transition will bring about significant social changes in the largest industrial region of Poland. Technological, as the departure from fossil fuels requires the introduction of other sources of energy on a massive scale, for which Poland is not prepared. The aim of the study was to critically analyse the activities to date in the field of energy transition in Poland. The second goal of the analysis was an attempt to answer the question of whether the process of energy transition and achieving the goals set in the EU's European Green Deal are possible at all until 2050. (2) To achieve the goals, the system method and the decision-making method were primarily used. These methods allowed for an examination of the main determinants of the Polish energy transformation. (3) The main results include the confirmation, contrary to the announcements of the Polish government, that despite the adoption in Poland of the strategy "Poland's energy policy until 2040", the effective implementation of the energy transition before 2050 is not only very difficult, but may even be impossible to implement in the assumed time. This is due to political, economic, social and technological conditions. Coal energy is outdated, expensive and ineffective. Due to natural conditions, wind energy is not able to meet the energy demand of the industry. The development of nuclear energy is only in the planning phase. (4) To sum up, in the next thirty years, Poland will not be able to achieve the assumed effects of the energy transition, which is in contradiction with the official declaration of the government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the EU's policies for energy and climate, using Börzel's theoretical framework on Europeanisation, and examines Member States' Green Deal responses, strategies, and compliance. As expressed in their final NECPs, although Member States' responses vary, most of the critical components were partially addressed, while the others were largely addressed. We observe a considerable variation in Member States' strategies. Member States classified as foot-dragging beforehand are fence-sitting now, while those previously categorised as fence-sitting are now either foot-dragging or pace-setting. The root cause of these classification changes for the Member States within the EU can be traced back to their internal environments in which the involved stakeholders each have a different response pace regarding environment, climate, and energy. We present and analyse our theoretical context, discuss the EU's energy policies and the NECPs, examine Member States' responses and compliance with this new framework, and propose several challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the need for Europe to implement an effective environment, climate, and energy policies that do not threaten economic competitiveness. It says that high electricity and energy prices are driving energy-intensive industries out of the continent and the European Union (EU) climate policy is at least in part to blame. It contends that economic benefits of unspent subsidies and lower electricity prices outweigh the negative effects on the profitability of industrial sectors.