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Purpose: This paper aims to investigate whether multinational enterprises (MNEs) are more or less likely than local firms to violate their employees' human rights in emerging economies, whether regional institutional pressures influence the likelihood of violating employee human rights and whether the density of MNEs in a region affects the likelihood of employees' human rights violation by local firms. Design/methodology/approach: Building on neo-institutional theory, this paper hypothesizes that, in an emerging economy, MNEs violate their employees' human rights significantly less than local firms do. Moreover, it is hypothesized that the quality of regional institutions only influences the social behavior of local firms toward their employees. In addition, it is hypothesized that the density of MNEs in a region has a positive effect on local firms' attitudes toward employee human rights. These hypotheses are examined using a sample of 1,211,638 respondent–year observations in 32 Mexican regions between 2005 and 2014. Findings: This paper shows that MNEs are less likely to violate their employees' human rights than local firms are. It also provides evidence that regional institutions do not influence MNE behavior toward employee human rights violation, but affect local firms. Furthermore, contrary to what was hypothesized, the density of MNEs in a region has a negative rather than positive influence on local firms' respect of employee human rights. Originality/value: This paper advances understanding of the behavior of MNEs in an emerging economy setting and contributes to the ongoing debate in the literature on their social impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The changes in Mexican economic policy within neoliberalism implied serious transformations in labor relations and forms of labor organization. Based on this, the aim of this paper is to analyze the implications that practices such as protection contracts and subcontracting had on the organization of workers, and the subsequent labor reforms, still limited, which make possible new schemes of dynamization within unions, through new demands framed within the rights of labor citizenship. Methodologically, a brief description is made of the main changes in the Mexican economy and the labor context since the last decade of the last century and the first two of the present Century. This is linked to the conceptual elements of the centrality of labor and labor citizenship. It concludes by pointing out that labor reforms make possible new scenarios of opportunity for Mexican trade unionism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic and particularly, mitigation measures taken by government institutions in Mexico, such as the closure of all schools at all levels of education, have brought strong regressive consequences in terms of both education and gender equality. In this paper, we start from a theoretical framework of gender and family to analyze, along with the negative repercussions of this measure (especially for women and children), an embodied experience of upbringing and community education in Mexico. This experience seeks to preserve educational and labor rights violated by school closures such as sociability, guardianship and custody of minors, the right to a life free of violence, work-life balance, among others. Our aim is to suggest some keys for an ecofeminist and community solution to the education crisis in this country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the recent recognition in Mexico in the Federal Labor Law of the right to digital disconnection, as part of teleworking, explaining its scope, objectives and implications; likewise, the limitations of this right are commented, with the support of the doctrine and references of comparative law, in addition to the difficulties for its application. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the way in which, within the agro-export model that has been developed in the framework of neoliberal restructuring, the processes of valorization and accumulation of capital are sustained in conditions of extreme exploitation of the labor force that violate, with the consent of the State, the most elementary precepts of labor legislation; conditions whose persistence has been expressed in recent decades in various forms of resistance that, in the case of the San Quintín Valley in Baja California, have led to the formation of an independent union with which new perspectives are opened in the struggle for rights class interests of agricultural workers in Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conference paper about the history and development of the labor law in Mexico is presented in March 2011 at the University of the Pacific, McGeorge School of Law Symposium. It examines the workers' right and comparative advantage in Mexico with comparison to other developing countries in this globalization era. It discusses relation of the North American Agreement on Labor Cooperation of 1994 (NAALC) with North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).

At a time of crisis in news media organizations, with changes in the world of work occurring in different regions, a significant number of newsrooms have been affected by the mass firing of journalists. Multiple layoffs can be understood as part of a broader process of organizational change that is linked to deterioration in the working conditions of media workers and a transformation of journalistic modes of production. To understand the processes of organizational change in news organizations with multiple layoffs, this critical case study of news organizations in a western Mexican city relied on the analysis of data from multiple sources of information. It was found that the processes deriving in multiple layoffs do not develop homogeneously, but take shape according to context-specific characteristics such as, in the Mexican case, the institutional fragility of journalism and the uneven protection of rights across the territory. The collected data set illustrates how the processes of downsizing, convergence and precarization "commonly studied separately" may occur simultaneously and in an integrated fashion. Specific interplays of global and local trends found in this case study include pressure from governments and lack of tools for claiming labor rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2018, former President Donald Trump signed the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), also known as NAFTA 2.0, fulfilling a campaign promise to renegotiate "the worst trade deal ever made." NAFTA 2.0 contains major changes that are consequential to trade relations in North America. Most notably, in a concession to congressional Democrats, the agreement contains improved labor standards and an updated labor dispute settlement mechanism--the Rapid Response Mechanism (RRM)-- which was designed to cure the antiquated, ineffective labor dispute settlement body created by the original NAFTA agreement. In light of two highly publicized labor dispute settlements involving U.S. owned auto-parts manufacturers in Mexico, known as 'Maquiladoras,' the RRM appears to be a success. But while these two settlements certainly illustrate a historic victory for labor rights, the RRM, as it currently stands, contains loopholes that leave labor abuse and human rights victims without adequate remedy. This Note, while highlighting the strengths of the RRM, argues that it nonetheless contains gaps that leave employees in both Mexico and the U.S. without adequate remedy when their labor rights are violated. This Note probes the viability of remedying such violations through the Alien Tort Statute given recent Supreme Court precedent that narrows the statute's applicability via the presumption against extraterritoriality doctrine. While recent Supreme Court precedent in Nestle v. Doe limits the statute's viability in certain contexts, this Note contends that vindicating labor violations through litigation in U.S. courts is the best way to ensure that the USMCA's goals are fulfilled and to ensure that the benefits of globalization are achieved for everyone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article presents results from research conducted among migrant indigenous female farmworkers. We analyse social inequality by focusing on the work conditions imposed by agroindustries. Seen as a process, labour conditions articulate several factors, such as hiring practices and forms of payment linked to the restructuring of horticultural production, and fluctuations in demand from the North American market for these export products. Structural determinants regarding employment, precarious labour conditions and increased poverty, linked to the little value given to the labour of farmworkers, have resulted in the violation of labour rights on the basis of class, gender and ethnicity. The place of study was an agricultural valley in the state of Baja California, located 300 kilometres south of the Mexico-United States border. For over forty years this region experienced considerable growth and the establishment of export agroindustries becoming consequently a pole of attraction for migrant farmworkers from southern Mexico. A qualitative methodology was utilized. Group interviews were conducted with sixty women. Our findings allow us to make evident the unequal social relations and practices that intensify the vulnerability of these women, placing them in marked disadvantage with respect to other social groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latino immigrants are 50% more likely than all workers in the United States to experience a fatal injury at work. Occupational safety and health (OSH) organizations often find that the approaches and networks they successfully use to promote OSH among U.S.-born workers are ineffective at reaching Latino immigrants. This article describes the collaboration between the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH) and the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores) to promote OSH among Mexican immigrant workers. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs operates 50 consulates throughout the U.S. that provide four million discrete service contacts with Mexican citizens annually. The focus of this ongoing collaboration is to develop the internal capacity of Mexican institutions to promote OSH among Mexican immigrants while simultaneously developing NIOSH's internal capacity to create effective and sustainable initiatives to better document and reduce occupational health disparities for Mexican immigrants in the U.S. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on Alien Tort Statute (ATS) and the effect of North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) on the labor force of Mexico. It further discusses the living conditions and decay in worker's rights in the factories of Mexico. The advantages of ATS on workers, human rights violation by the U.S. corporations and combating corporate abuse are also discussed. It also states that this statute is applicable to all aliens of the U.S.

The article focuses on the alternative approaches to protect workers' rights such as the solidarity-led and company-led strategies in the clothing and automotive industries in Puebla, Mexico. It mentions that Mexmode, a Nike Inc. and Reebok contractor, activists developed a solidarity strategy that allows them to recognize a democratic union through which the workers take control of the collective bargaining agreements. It mentions that Volkswagenwerk has implemented an innovative program that advances social protection, health and security among its suppliers. Moreover, it presents the limitations of the strategies they employed including mixed effects of Volkswagenwerk's recognition of representative unions on job quality and reversed workers' benefits at Mexmode.

Domestic service continues to be one of the principal means for poor women and girls to earn a living. Yet, household workers do not have the same legal protection and employment rights enjoyed by other workers. This article examines changes in the sector in Mexico over the past 20 years. During this time, organisations supporting household workers have struggled to keep going against the odds, and to make this 'invisible' work visible to legislators and policymakers. Also, social reproduction - the work of caring for people within the home - has gone global, and an increasing number of Mexican women are migrating to work in households in the North. In this context, the International Labour Organisation has finally decided to begin a consultation process that is expected to lead to a convention protecting labour rights in domestic service worldwide. In this article I will highlight some of the changes in working conditions in Mexico, the continuing demands of household workers, and the ways in which they are organising at a local and national level, and internationally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the politics of labour legislation reform in Mexico. The interest in the flexibilization of labour and the resulting challenge to the legal basis of the corporatism of the official labour movement has revealed two critical problems facing neoliberalism in Mexico. The first is the impossibility of developing a corporatist relation between state and labour along with any broad politics of labour inclusion when the state is no longer the guarantor of basic workers' rights, but must continue to control labour's demands. An the second is the failure of neoliberalism to generate a viable alternative social consensus based on present patterns of accumulation. Because the relationship established between the official labour movement and the state has acted as the major obstacle to the growth of independent labour organizations and to the protection and extension of labour rights, calls for changes in the legislation that sustains it have been a deeply held demand of the alternative labour movement. In general, the demand for effective union freedom from party and government as a prerequisite to protect working class interests in a period of rapid economic change is central in building an alternative that defends the rights of labour.