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This article examines the practice of using aid to control migration, which we refer to as 'inducement aid'. We examine two potential objections to inducement aid, each of which concerns a message that the practice communicates to two corresponding audiences: would-be migrants and other developed states. We suggest that the first objection has intuitive force but is undermined by a powerful reply. This finding seems to bolster the intuitive appeal that inducement aid might exhibit as a non-compulsory and apparently option-enhancing form of migration control. However, we argue that the second objection, which targets inducement aid in its capacity as a form of development assistance, has greater power. Developing the second objection, we argue that inducement aid threatens the establishment and maintenance of important international norms, thereby risking degrading the options of the world's poorest people and setting back the cause of cosmopolitan morality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the evolving landscape of immigration detention and its intersection with punishment and society scholarship. Topics include the dual role of immigration detention as a measure of both migration control and crime control, the transformation and variability of detention facilities and their purposes, and the involvement of diverse stakeholders in the management and supervision of detainees using advanced technologies and practices.

Historic accounts posit immigrant ethnic groups adopt the anti-Black attitudes of their Anglo counterparts as they acculturate in the U.S. However, contemporary evidence suggests acculturated immigrant co-ethnics may not be more likely to possess anti-Black appraisals and oppositive attitudes toward Black socio-political interests vis-a-vis their less acculturated counterparts. Drawing from reactive ethnicity and segmented assimilation theory, we posit the threatening contemporary immigration enforcement context may undercut assimilation to Anglo anti-Black attitudes among Latinxs. Using two large nationally representative Latinx surveys, we demonstrate, relative to less acculturated Latinxs, acculturated Latinxs threatened by immigration enforcement adopt attitudes concerning Black people and Black political interests akin to Black people while acculturated unthreatened Latinxs adopt or maintain attitudes closer to their Anglo counterparts. These findings suggest the extent of anti-Black assimilation among contemporary acculturated immigrant co-ethnics is conditional on the receptivity of the host society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This mixed-methods study examines school social workers' perceptions of immigration enforcement on the lives of immigrant students. The article builds upon previous sociological and education research about how the contexts of reception impact immigrant mobility, immigration enforcement, and the role of school-based personnel support for immigrant students. The paper examines the relationship between 517 school social workers' perception of the effects of immigration enforcement and their actions to improve equity for immigrant students. Relationships are compared using multiple regression analysis with and without state fixed effects. Findings reveal significant differences across some of the key constructs and relationships. Implications are discussed for school social workers in U.S. schools as they continue to promote equity for immigrant students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The influx of illegal foreign workers to Indonesia is one of the fundamental issues which has become serious concern for the Indonesian government. Debates on the international migration phenomena ccontribute to an increasing number of the illegal foreign workers issue. This qualitative research analyses the foreign worker issues in Indonesia by the document analysis from government policies from 2015 to 2018, organizational reports, and journal articles. This study examines the wickedness of the illegal foreign workers issues in Indonesia based on the Brian Head's wicked problem concept. This study discusses the characteristics of wicked problems: complexity, uncertainty, and divergence in illegal foreign worker issues in Indonesia. The study finds the illegal foreign worker issues in Indonesia are only resolved by the law enforcement taskforce among agencies in relation to collaboration, cooperation and national security. A conceptual framework is proposed the immigration enforcement team is urged to improve the use of technology, citizen participation, interagency partnership, equipment, vehicles and boats. Further research extends the involvement of citizen's participation and the use of technology in enforcing the immigration law and handling the illegal foreign workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contemporary US immigration enforcement system has disproportionately affected Latinx mixed-status families, those whose members have different legal statuses. Scholars have documented the collateral effects, often focusing on the consequences of deportation on families. Building upon this research and the framework of family work, I investigate how families react and mobilise resources during a removal process—a unique context where immigration enforcement heightens the risk of deportation by targeting a family member. Drawing on 31 interviews from 22 Latinx mixed-status families, this study conceptualises how families engage in 'anchoring work' defined as strategies these families use during a removal process to respond to the state's removal process. Anchoring work manifests in three strategies: (1) strategic secrecy, (2) attorney seeking, and (3) legal engagement. This anchoring work served to attempt to anchor the targeted family member to the United States. This research revealed that while immigration enforcement did inflict trauma and violence upon Latinx immigrant families, immediate family members mobilised to bolster one another's wellbeing and protect their targeted family members from further harm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The twin topics of immigrants and immigration have been known to generate strong debates within the American body politic due to these debates' reverberations in U.S. society. Immigration has remained a contentious policy issue for several decades because of Americans' divergent opinions about opening the nation's borders to immigrants. Using YouGov data, we show that employing the terms illegal immigrant and undocumented immigrant produced different reactions among the survey participants. We also show, via multivariate analyses, that participants who voted for Donald Trump, those who did not vote in the 2016 Presidential election, and conservatives were more likely than liberals and those who voted for Hillary Clinton to endorse Immigration and Customs Enforcement's (ICE) twin policies of separating immigrant parents from their children at the U.S.-Mexico border and arresting illegal immigrants who have overstayed their visas, even if they have not committed a crime. The implications of our findings for policy, group relations, and future research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States has a long history of pernicious immigration enforcement and surueillance. Today, in addition to more than 34,000 people held in immigration detention, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) shackles and surueils an astounding 376,000 people under its Alternatives to Detention" CLATD') program, The number of people subjected to this surveillance has grown dramatically in the last two decades, from just about 1,700 in 2005. ICE's rapidly expanding Alternatives to Detention program is a digital cage," consisting of GPS-outfitted ankle shackles and invasive phone and location tracking. Government officials and some immigrant advocates have characterized these. 3, digital cages as a humane reform, ostensibly an effort to decrease the number of people behind bars. This Article challenges that framework, illuminating how, instead of moving us closer to justice and liberation-and toward abolition-digital cages disperse the uiolence of immigration enforcement and surveillance more broadly, and more insidiously, ensnaring hundreds of thousands more immigrants, families, and communities. The increasing digitization of immigration enforcement and surveillance is part of a growing, and expansive, geography of violence. This Article argues that if we want to take deportation abolition seriously-that is, an end to immigrant detention, enforcement, and deportation-we must consider the impact of this growing surveillance. Building upon deportation abolition literature situating immigration detention as a form of uiolence, this Article posits that rather than mitigate uiolence, digital cages create a "violence of inuisibility" that is equally, if not more, dangerous. Digital cages, masquerading as a more palatable version of enforcement and surveillance, create devastating harms that are hidden in plain sight, while duping us into thinking of these measures as more humane. This Article concludes by arguing that digital cages are a reformist reform" that merely make more efficient the kind of oppressive and racialized violence that has long informed the United States' immigration enforcement regime. If we truly seek an end to this uiolence, this Article argues for abolition-not just of detention, but of digital cages as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Chilena de Antropologia is the property of Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

First of all, Kukathas draws on Michel Foucault's works in order to emphasize the dangers of a surveillance state and underline the threat that the normalization of migration controls poses to the freedom of the host society. In the first four chapters, Kukathas scrutinizes the everyday practices of migration policing and controls, and he examines how they undermine basic liberty-rights of the citizens and residents in contemporary societies. Normative approaches to migration, mobility, and citizenship have been a growing area of interest in political theory in the last two decades. [Extracted from the article]

The article investigates the role of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in the global migration regime against the backdrop of the European Union (EU) border externalisation process in Niger. Over the last few years, UN agencies have been considered an essential component of the EU strategy to prevent irregular migrants from reaching Europe. Drawing on qualitative research and ethnographic fieldwork, combining empirical observation with critical analysis, we explore the 'humanitarian–security nexus' by focusing on the IOM's 'humanitarian borderwork' under the financial umbrella of the Emergency Trust Fund for Africa (ETFA). While the results of purely securitarian measures in Niger may have been 'disappointing', the outsourcing of migration management through IOM balances the interests of the Nigerien government and the EU. By focusing on IOM humanitarian operations and assisted voluntary returns and reintegration (AVRR) programmes, the article shows the further expansion of European humanitarian borders into the heart of the Sahel, highlighting new interdiction practices, hidden forms of deportation, side effects and contestation from below. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK's family immigration regime involves the routine separation of partners from their families. Most obviously, it keeps apart those who are unable to meet the income and other requirements for family (re)unification, and those refused visas. But separation for at least several months, and sometimes much longer, is the norm even for those whose applications are eventually successful. This article draws on creative, co-produced accounts of immigration-related separation to reveal multi-faceted temporalities of crisis in the 'experiential migrantisation' of British citizens seeking to reunite bi-national families in the UK. The bureaucratic temporalities of immigration control impede aspirations for life-course progression and shared futures, while increasing the tempo of working and caring lives. In exploring the accounts of British citizens kept apart from partners by the immigration regime through a temporal lens, we chart this experiential migrantisation through the varied and intersecting temporalities of bureaucracy and immigration control, and of biography and (transnational) family life. These can become intertwined with and compound other temporalities of crisis at different levels, from the global Covid-19 pandemic and other international geo-political events, to the more intimate and familial, leading to 'times of crises'. Such crises are, moreover, often expressed through temporal tropes of key dates missed—birthdays, anniversaries, holidays—and phases of family life postponed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is an increasing call for addressing the Eurocentrism of research on the external dimension of European Union (EU) migration and border policies and practices. A growing body of work attempts to remedy the discipline's Eurocentrism through postcolonial theory. This article argues that more needs to be done to unsettle the Eurocentrism of migration studies with regard to the question of non-EU political subjectivity. The article adopts an alternative conception of subjectivity, which looks at the "affective" dimension of international relations. Through a close engagement with postcolonial studies on the question of political subjectivity, the article underscores the significance of history and historical relationships in constituting an affective politics of borders and migration in the non-EU world. The argument is illustrated through an empirical focus on Turkey. Drawing on interviews with Turkish border officials, the article aims to contribute to the literature in two ways. First, it argues that affective attachments shape how Turkish actors perceive and attribute meaning to national borders and human mobility across the national territory. Second, and relatedly, Turkish actors' identification with and positioning towards the EU's migration control regime are products of affective attachments rooted in historical experiences and encounters with Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research Summary: This research asks whether jail‐based immigration enforcement leads to the profiling of Hispanics by municipal police. I leverage a natural experiment to examine the effects of 287(g) jail partnerships on traffic stops and arrests by municipal police in North Carolina in the late 2000s. I find that stops of Hispanic drivers fell in the wake of 287(g) agreements, and show that this fall was driven by changes in Hispanic road use. While I cannot unambiguously disentangle police and driver behavior, I find no evidence that municipal police officers increased pretextual stops and arrests of Hispanic drivers. Policy Implications: While there is existing evidence of racial profiling under 287(g) agreements by sheriff's deputies, this behavior does not appear to have extended to nonsignatory municipal police agencies. Despite this, the signing of 287(g) agreements appears to have prompted Hispanic outmigration and changes in driving behavior, adding to a growing body of evidence on the ripple effects of local‐federal immigration enforcement partnerships in Hispanic communities. This serves as a reminder that changes in demographic composition of the immigrant population may mediate the effects of immigration enforcement efforts on other outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on the external dimension of EU migration governance has focused on the EU's interests, preferences, and policy efficiency and coherence. Little attention has been paid to the myriad ways both partner and third countries react to the union's external action. We explore the European influence on immigration and refugee policy liberalisation in South America, a region not directly targeted by extra-regional migration governance. Based on the analysis of 130 original interviews with government officials and NGO and IO representatives in eight South American countries we show that - although South American policymakers generally regard the EU as a model of 'efficiency', in terms of the EU's intra-regional mobility regime – the remarkable legislative liberalisation in the region took place in the context of both political and moral opposition to restrictive shifts in EU extra-regional migration governance. The paper contributes to the literature on the EU external migration governance, policy diffusion, and Latin American migration policies by uncovering some of the unintended consequences of European migration governance in South America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Itinerant Roma migrants travelling from Eastern European countries have featured across the European Economic Area (EEA) since the European Union's eastward expansions in 2004 and 2007. Being unskilled, many Roma migrants engage in casual work and street work such as playing music, selling magazines, collecting and recycling bottles and cans, and begging, making them conspicuously visible in countries with public welfare services and low poverty levels. Citizens of EEA countries can enter and stay legally in other countries in the EEA for up to three months, after which they must register as workers or jobseekers, and generally leave. It is well documented how the countries Roma citizens of EEA countries travel to have enacted migration control measures, often in the form of complex and fine-grained regulations, that exclude them from public welfare services. This is also true of the Nordic countries, such as Norway, where they coincide with universalistic welfare states aiming to cover everyone living in their territories with the same benefits and services. In the Nordic countries, as in other countries, service provision for Roma migrants is largely in the hands of non-governmental organisations, many of them diaconal organisations running emergency shelters, soup kitchens, and other humanitarian services to alleviate suffering for people at the margins of the welfare state. The diaconal organisations also engage in case work and advocacy work to ensure the realisation of the Roma migrants' rights. Many of the organisations depend on public grants, making their relationship to the welfare state ambiguous. This article investigates Christian social practice in the form of diaconal engagement for Roma migrants in Oslo, Norway at the intersection of migration control, the universalistic welfare state, and the theological underpinnings of the organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Border Within: The Economics of Immigration in an Age of Fear" by Tara Watson and Kalee Thompson is a comprehensive analysis of the costs and benefits of interior immigration enforcement in the United States. The authors present a balanced and accurate picture of immigration and immigration policy, highlighting the devastating costs to individual immigrants, their families, and their communities. The book is divided into three sections, covering the economic implications of immigration, the interior enforcement policies of ICE, and the impact of enforcement on immigrants and their communities. The authors provide evidence that poorly educated U.S. residents are most affected by immigration, and they offer practical recommendations for a more humane and effective enforcement strategy. [Extracted from the article]

Since 2015, Niger has been actively committed to migration control in West Africa in the context of the European Union Emergency Trust Fund for Africa. To enable better comprehension of the making of security in Niger, this article studies the implementation of biometrics under the EU Trust Fund by international agencies (Interpol, the International Organization for Migration, UNHCR) and national actors. Drawing on in-depth interviews, observation and anthropology of aid studies, I argue that biometrics is a travelling organizational model translated into a multiscalar process by state and non-state actors embedded in relations of power. Biometric technologies cannot be reduced to an added-value instrument for Nigerien authorities in order to enhance legibility, to better identify Nigeriens and foreigners crossing Niger's borders within the free-movement area of ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States). I focus on heterogeneous actors' situated discourses and practices to demonstrate that they do not share the same dream about biometrics. In practice, however, biometrics helps international actors to produce their own security knowledge in Niger that, in the end, augments the capacity to trace ECOWAS citizens and reinforce the EU border regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 3 September 2015, Mexican immigration authorities detained four Indigenous Tzeltal Mexicans who were travelling by bus to the northern state of Sonora. Despite identifying themselves as Mexican citizens, the authorities considered their documents false, and they were detained for nine days until their identities were certified. The Mexican State took four years to acknowledge publicly and apologise for this arbitrary detention. Similarly, in 2017, a 39-year-old man born in Oaxaca, living in the streets of Puebla after being deported by the United States Government, was detained for being 'identified' as a Salvadorian citizen by Mexican authorities. However, it would be a mistake to consider these cases an exception or anomaly in the Mexican Transit Control Regime. Drawing on statistical and archival information from 2010 to 2020, as well as semi-structured interviews conducted in 2021, in this article, we examine the arbitrary detention of Mexican citizens by Mexican immigration authorities. We highlight the multiple rights violated, question how these detentions have been framed in the official discourse and examine the outcome of these detentions. Our analysis sheds light on the racialisation of migration control in Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the place of storytelling and magic in immigration policing in the United Kingdom. 'Immigration stories' are important for grasping the role of narratives in migration policing. While aimed at rendering a complex social world legible, this form of knowledge reveals its limitations. Rather than producing a cognitive template to make sense of a boundless world, immigration enforcement practices show illegibility as a hallmark of the state. The work of immigration officers is dominated by hazardous and arbitrary practices and rules' which I call 'immigration magic' which often leave them devoid of power and control. As an exercise in southernising border criminology, I interrogate the received division of labour in theorising the state in the south and north, on the one hand, and state and society on the other. In doing so, I seek to lay this northern policing bureaucracy open to underexplored dimensions and angles, as frontline staff are tasked with re-spatialising state power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late nineteenth century, colonial governments across Australasia began experimenting with ways of documenting the identity of mobile Chinese residents – including naturalised and natural-born British subjects – who were exempted under colonial anti-Chinese immigration laws enacted from 1881 onwards. In this article, we begin to catalogue the remaining fragmented collections of these colonial-era Chinese exemption documents and, concurrently, explore the introduction and use of identification photography in Australasian systems of immigration control. By analysing the photographs on colonial Chinese exemption documents and historicising them in comparison with photographs of prisoners, we consider the negotiated processes embedded within them. They are simultaneously evidence of Chinese residents' rights of belonging in colonial Australasia and the ways that Chinese residents were, regardless of formal legal status, made into second-class citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. Immigrant-related social policies and immigration enforcement contribute to a sociopolitical environment that affects immigrants' health. This exploratory study in six metro-Atlanta counties examined associations among immigrants' perceived vulnerability to harmful immigrant-related social policies and county-level 287(g) agreements (which facilitate cooperation between local law enforcement and federal immigration authorities), county-level immigration enforcement levels (arrests, community arrests, detainers, and removals), and immigrants' mental health. Methods. Using data from a 2020 study among Latinx parents who were undocumented or members of mixed-status families (N = 140), we merged data on individuals' perceived policy vulnerability and depressive and anxiety symptoms with county 287(g) status and immigration enforcement levels. Results. Perceived policy vulnerability was not associated with county-level 287(g) status or immigration enforcement levels. Greater policy vulnerability and Immigration and Customs Enforcement arrests were associated with higher depressive and anxiety symptoms, but 287(g) status was associated with lower depressive and anxiety symptoms. Conclusion. Perceived policy vulnerability, 287(g) status, and immigration enforcement levels do not always align and can have different associations with mental health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is based on an understanding of the global immigration control regime as one of legal violence. It analyses the specialist literature that reveals the existence of an economy of deportability, understood as the unequal distribution of the forms of state power in the lives and freedoms of non-nationals, with gender playing a preponderant role. Taking a gender perspective, a selection of texts from the past two decades are reviewed that analyse the deportation and anti-trafficking apparatus in Europe, the United States and South America. The literature corroborates the existence of a gendered economy of deportability that generates social suffering that, in different ways and to differing degrees, shapes the (im)migrant presence in the national order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the concept of immigration disobedience, which refers to acts of defiance against the unjust immigration system, including hunger strikes and defying deportation orders. The acts have fundamentally changed the policy possibilities for immigration reform and have been used by a diverse set of activists, including undocumented immigrants, immigrants with lawful status, and native-born citizens.

A much-anticipated end of the COVID-19 pandemic is on the horizon. It is important to reflect on the ways in which the pandemic has impacted the international politics of migration and especially on the migration-security nexus, which is still little understood but affecting policies and population movements with future implications. How the pandemic has shaped tradeoffs between securitization of migration, health, and economic concerns in governing migration? What are the new trends emerging from the pandemic on the migration-security nexus? And how can we study these in the coming years? This Research Note features insights from scholars associated with the British International Studies Association's working group on the 'International Politics of Migration, Refugees and Diaspora'. They argue that the pandemic has exacerbated tendencies for migration control beyond reinforcing nation-state borders, namely through foregrounding 'riskification' of migration discourses and practices, adding to an earlier existing securitization of migration considered as a 'threat'. Digital controls at borders and beyond were ramped up, as were racial tropes and discrimination against migrants and mobile persons more generally. These trends deepen the restrictions on liberal freedoms during a period of global democratic backsliding, but also trigger a counter-movement where the visibility of migrants as 'key workers' and their deservingness in host societies has been enhanced, and diasporas became more connected to their countries of origin. This Research Note finds that enhanced controls, on the one side, and openings for visibility of migrants and transnational connectivity of diasporas, on the other, are worthy to study in the future as political trends per se. Yet, it would be also interesting to study them as interconnected in a dual movement of simultaneous restriction and inclusion, and in an interdependent world where the power of nation-states has been reasserted due to the pandemic, but migrant transnationalism has remained largely intact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I draw from ten years of accompaniment with migrant caravans in Mexico to argue that the caravan as a mobility tactic emerges in response to the increased difficulties and costs of moving across space without authorization as a consequence of the externalization of the US-Mexico border. I demonstrate how, in this context, the caravan and coyotaje – the term used across the Americas to loosely designate the practice of migrant smuggling – are parallel strategies that migrants employ to navigate the shifting terrain of immigration enforcement, exploitation, corruption, and organized crime in the space of transit. The collectivity that emerges in the caravan, though full of potential for political action, is delimited by the conditions that shape it and produce it in the first place. People come together in a caravan because heightened enforcement and the corresponding dangers and rising costs have left them with few other options. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically examines how senior figures in the UK Labour Party and wider labour movement discussed the topic of immigration in the immediate aftermath of the UK's vote to leave the European Union in 2016. Influenced by the Discourse Historical Approach, the paper is based on an analysis of 86 public interventions by Labour figures, over a 6-month period, delivered in speeches, articles and essays. The paper examines argumentative strategies adopted by Labour figures – including Members of Parliament, advisors and trade union leaders – who called for stronger immigration controls from an avowedly 'left-wing' perspective. Foregrounding their commitment to progressive politics, Labour politicians argued that restricting the number of migrants entering Britain was democratic, anti-racist and an expression of the Labour Party's commitment to the interests of working-class people. Nevertheless, it is the contention of this paper that the Labour Party's rhetoric tapped into right-wing populist discourses which constructed immigration as a threat to the racialised privileges of a 'white' working class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study uses the comparative statistical analysis of the number of inbound international students, the costs and benefits of education, the immigration laws and enforcement processes, and the foreign policy objectives to explain the growing number of African students in China and its political implications. China's "Going Out" policy focused on economic growth with little regard for world affairs. By 2010, as it matured and became the world's second largest economy, China's focus shifted to expansion, securing new sources for raw materials and securing markets for its exports. Therefore, it started a new "offensive" in underdeveloped nations, particularly in Africa, by developing a stream of cooperation in all sectors including education whereas a substantial number of Africans seek higher education in China. In their response to China's strategy, the United States, and allies, who have been losing influence in Africa in the last decade (2010-2020), promised to increase their investments in all sectors including education on the continent. However, the data show China increasing the number of African students while these numbers are either flat or decreasing for the US and Allies. The lower costs of education to Africans in China, its benefits, and the immigration laws and processes in both China and the West make this a complex equation for the US and its allies and may lead to China increasing its net influence in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The intricate relationship between border control and migrations is the core puzzle of this paper, which takes voluntary returns from Morocco as a case study and autonomy of migration (AoM) as a theoretical framework. More precisely, the paper examines voluntary returns from the perspective of migrants themselves to grasp border control through the lens of its disputed, distorted and sometimes subverted implementation. The paper draws on data collected during fieldwork conducted between 2016 and 2018 in Morocco, including ethnographic observations and interviews with staff from the International Organisation for Migration (IOM), migrants and local intermediaries. It focuses on the case of sub-Saharan migrants leaving Morocco through "Assisted Voluntary Return and Reintegration" programmes led by IOM and confronts empirical data with the AoM theoretical framework. The paper demonstrates that migrants' entangled appropriations of return are defined in close relationship with a wide range of actors intervening during the process of return. Ultimately, migrants reformulate the meaning of their involvement in voluntary return into strategic, moral, relative, and symbolic terms. However, these entangled appropriations of a deportation device simultaneously reinforce social norms and institutional regulations underlying migration dynamics and border control. Eventually, the paper draws conclusions on the political effects of migrants' entangled appropriation of a deportation device on the production of intertwined im/mobility regimes between the Mediterranean and sub-Saharan Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Atherosclerosis (AS) is the leading underlying cause of the majority of clinical cardiovascular events. Retention of foamy macrophages in plaques is the main factor initiating and promoting the atherosclerotic process. Our previous work showed that ox-LDL induced macrophage retention in plaques and that the guidance receptor Uncoordinated-5 homolog B (Unc5b) was involved in this process. However, little is known about the role of Unc5b in regulating macrophage accumulation within plaques. Results: In the present study, we found that Unc5b controls macrophage migration and thus promotes plaque progression in ApoE−/− mice. The immunofluorescence colocalization assay results first suggested that fucosyltransferase 8 (Fut8) might participate in the exacerbation of atherosclerosis. Animals with Unc5b overexpression showed elevated levels of Fut8 and numbers of macrophages and an increased lesion size and intimal thickness. However, these effects were reversed in ApoE−/− mice with Unc5b knockdown. Furthermore, Raw264.7 macrophages with siRNA-mediated silencing of Unc5b or overexpression of Unc5b were used to confirm the regulatory mechanisms of Unc5b and Fut8 in vitro. In response to ox-LDL exposure, Unc5b and Fut8 were both upregulated, and macrophages showed reduced pseudopod formation and migratory capacities. However, these capacities were restored by blocking Unc5b or Fut8. Furthermore, the IP assay indicated that Fut8 regulated the level of α-1,6 fucosylation of Unc5b, which mainly occurs in the endoplasmic reticulum (ER), and genetic deletion of the main fucosylation sites or Fut8 resulted in hypofucosylation of Unc5b. Moreover, the macrophage migration mediated by Unc5b depended on inactivation of the p-CDC42/p-PAK pathway. Conversely, macrophages with Unc5b overexpression displayed activation of the p-CDC42/p-PAK pathway and decreased migration both in vivo and in vitro. Conclusion: These results demonstrated that hypofucosylation of Unc5b regulated by Fut8 is positively associated with the delay of the atherosclerotic process by promoting the migration of foamy macrophages. These findings identify a promising therapeutic target for atherosclerosis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Title 42 is an old U.S. health policy implemented in the service of immigration control in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. This article aims to discuss the argument about the logic behind the migratory containment strategies involved in this provision. From a documentary and bibliographic review of official data and testimonies of migrants expelled under this policy, the effects of this rule are reviewed, especially towards the populations seeking international protection, who were expelled to territories where their lives were in danger. Three ways of understanding are proposed to critically reflect on how a health policy has been implemented as a migratory restriction: the bionecropolitical governance of migrations, the global regime of security and health immunization, and the securitization of borders through constructing external threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This Article documents the United States' century-long efforts to humanize our borders. In the end, law has been insufficient to tame immigration law's enforcement. How the United States enforces borders, however, can and should be more humane. Two important principles should guide this process. First, the United States should recognize that borders' impacts are as severe as other forms of punishment, especially when the means to enforce the immigration power have become indistinguishable from criminal enforcement. Second, human trauma should guide immigration policy toward meaningful inclusion. After significant reckoning over the travesty of shutting our borders, the United States has embraced certain experiences of trauma as grounds for welcoming immigrants or has shown mercy to permit immigrants to stay when family and communal bonds in the United States are strong. Yet, the discretionary nature of these central efforts to humanize borders has not translated to sustaining gains. Borders are still open and shut at the whims of xenophobia and nationalistic tendencies to blame the "other" during difficult socio-political and economic crises. Moreover, the lack of basic due process protections in immigration law and punitive enforcement practices functions as a significant barrier that substantially undermines the very efforts to expand immigration's inclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the abandonments of Mexican migrants by their smugglers while crossing clandestinely the US–Mexico border. Drawing on the Emif-Norte survey, we examine the diversity of forms of abandonments and their adverse impacts to migrants while crossing the border; we discuss the agency capacity of migrants to anticipate and control the migration process in order to manage the risks of clandestine travel; and we use a logistic regression model to analyze the role played by the selection of the smuggler and the physical fitness of migrants in the risk of migrants to be abandoned by smugglers. Our findings suggest the presence of migrants with profiles vulnerable to abandonment (i.e. women, not having previous migration experience to the USA, hiring smugglers in border towns, or paying low smuggler fees), and preventive and protective strategies to reduce such risk (i.e. hiring smugglers in the place of origin, physical training prior to the journey or traveling accompanied by family members and friends), which are within the reach of some migrants more than others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the new asylum laws implemented in Germany from 2015 to 2020 and places them in the wider context of the bordering process developed in Europe to control migrants' mobility since the year 2011. 'Asylum packages' and the Integration Act combine a restriction of asylum rights with measures to quickly channel refugees into the German labor market. Focusing on a specific regulation that aims at integrated rejected asylum-seekers through vocational training programs—the Ausbildungsduldung —this article highlights the contradictions from the attempts to meet the German economic needs and the efforts to enforce migration control. Moreover, this work highlights how the moral economy of deservingness, which underpins the practices of confinement and selection of the migrant population, influences the new laws. Ultimately, the asylum realm is deprived of being the source of the right to stay, whose conditionality became anchored to the needs of the German economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia's detention-deportation regime is setting the agenda for New Zealand's domestic criminal justice system, with implications for criminological understandings of 'crimmigration' and 'bordered penality'. In response to recent changes in Australian migration law which have seen an increased number of deportations to Aotearoa New Zealand, the New Zealand government introduced legislation, the Returning Offenders (Management and Information) ("ROMI") Act 2015, which created a monitoring regime for returning New Zealanders convicted of criminal offending in an overseas jurisdiction. The sentence an individual is subject to in Australia is extended, both geographically and temporally, creating multiple punishments for this particular group of offenders. While ostensibly modelled from domestic parole arrangements, in practice the ROMI regime entails greater restriction while offering less in the way of legal protection. The differential treatment of returning New Zealanders is sustained through their discursive construction as both "criminals" and de facto "aliens". By treating returnees as threatening outsiders to be contained, rather than vulnerable people to be supported, the New Zealand state also extends the risk logics underpinning the Australian regime. Although the ROMI Act is novel, the regime conforms to the racialised patterns of exclusion and criminalisation which have persisted in Aotearoa New Zealand since colonisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: There are concerns about the representation of vulnerable and underrepresented racial-ethnic minorities in biomedical and public health research, particularly when the research requires the collection of biospecimens. The current paper reports on the acceptability, feasibility, and ethics of saliva collection in a study examining the relationship between chronic stressors among mostly mixed-status, Latinx families (N = 30) during high immigration enforcement.Methods: Data for this study included anthropometric measures and salivary biospecimens from each family member (N = 110) and a household survey. Data for this analysis are from ethnographic field notes, which were analyzed using a bricolage of critical ethnography and case study analysis techniques.Results: We discuss the feasibility, aversions, acceptability, and ethical implications of integrating salivary biomarkers with Mexican-origin mixed-status families living in an area with restrictive immigration enforcement policies. We present the recruitment and data collection strategies used by the research team to gain participants' trust, retain families, and maintain confidentiality.Conclusion: We recommend that researchers who obtain biospecimens from Latinx, Mexican-origin, and/or immigrant populations answer the participants' questions honestly and without fear that they will not understand the science to obtain voluntary assent and consent. We recommend that researchers be knowledgeable of the sociopolitical context that the Latinx, immigrant, and in particular, mixed-status families inhabit so that they are prepared to provide informational resources. Finally, we think it is imperative that the study team in the field be bilingual, multicultural Latinx persons who identify with the community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a reflection of changing geographies of US migration control, when Essex County, New Jersey's local government adopted a new immigration detention contract with the federal government, an elected official noted: 'This is a very unpleasant way of getting revenue. But it's going to be helpful.' Despite politically liberal leanings as well as active and expanding resistance to a pec sistently conservative immigration enforcement agenda from the national level, New Jersey has been a leading provider of detention in the United States, with numerous counties benefiting significantly from immigration crackdowns. This article examines local debates in three New Jersey municipalities alongside public records data that detail financial relationships central to immigration detention operations, to argue that the ensuing relationships intersect and intertwine in ways that make detention economies a critical facet of municipal development. Further, following a 2021 paper by Lauren Martin, we argue that attention to the array of entities that are linked through detention economies demonstrates the usefulness of understanding the migration 'industry' as an assemblage. Using a site-specific investigative focus we trace myriad entities' involvement in immigration detention and reliance on income from Immigration and Customs Enforcement. We detail how these multifarious actors, sometimes with opposing views on detention and distinct rationalities, converge in ways that contribute to the further entrenchment of detention in municipal areas. Through this focused case study, our analysis advances a critical migration industries approach and details how detention economies are 'assembled' and entangled with urban areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the entanglement of mobility, immobility, labour control, and immigration control in Washington State in the US. I analyse two cases: first, one where aggressive immigration enforcement has destabilized a local labour regime, impacting workers' im/mobilities in ways that employers felt made their businesses vulnerable. In this case, employers responded with a politics of protection that involved cooperation with immigrant rights groups, but not in ways that challenge immigrant marginalization. Next, I analyse the H2A visa programme, a temporary foreign worker programme that concentrates power over labour's mobility with the employer in ways that have made workers vulnerable to unfree work conditions. Together, these cases demonstrate how state control of im/mobilities can do different kinds of work in the context of the struggle between employers and workers. I apply this lens to reimagining labour solidarity that centres the freedom to move rather than the protection of workers' marginality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the article is to fill a gap in the literature on the externalisation of immigration control by focusing not on practices of extraterritorial immigration control but on the externalisation of immigration control at the EU external border. The article will examine four parallel and inter‐related trends of preventive injustice on the border: the denial of law and pushbacks, and their handling by judicial authorities and EU institutions and agencies; the emerging framework of the instrumentalisation of migration; the normalisation of border procedures based on the fiction of 'non‐entry'; and detention of third‐country nationals at the border, to back up non‐entry policies. The article will highlight the rule of law deficit such externalisation entails. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Tied visa' regimes are labour migration policies that condition migrants' visas on employment with a particular employer, thus restricting their access to the labour market. This article considers how, under such regimes, control by the state shapes control by employers, and investigates the resemblance between official migration control policies and private means of control and coercion, amounting to forced labour and trafficking. The discussion includes the theoretical analysis and empirical consideration of a case study: the Israeli tied visa regime, regulating migrant workers and Palestinian workers. The consideration of two groups of non‐citizen workers, subject to different but related regimes, enables a novel analysis of the coercive impact of common labour migration policies, and of the justifications offered for such policies. The Israeli Supreme Court demonstrated some commitment to constitutional principles protecting non‐citizens, but later withdrew from these principles and justified tied visas on the grounds that they serve the perceived public interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Disaster and Displacement Assistance: Seeking Policy Coherence" highlights the importance of promoting coherence between immigration and disaster response policy frameworks. It mentions that disaster risk management frameworks primarily focus on internal displacement rather than cross-border movements. The need to expand disaster risk management frameworks to address the broader implications of displacement within a country is emphasized. Additionally, the role of disaster risk management frameworks in responding to mobility in disaster situations is discussed, emphasizing the need to ensure compatibility between immigration controls and disaster assistance needs. Lastly, the importance of utilizing international disaster risk management frameworks to respond to the impact of mobility-related disasters is mentioned. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines Morocco's migration diplomacy with a focus on the New Migration Policy (NMP) it launched in 2013 as a destination country. It argues that the NMP serves the objectives of Moroccan foreign policy towards both Africa and the EU, as international socialization by/with the latter remains a primary driving force for the country's migration policies. The main recent change in Morocco-EU socialization has been a return from norm-driven role playing to an overt exhibition of rational choice and a transactional attitude around migration and border control practices – while role playing has been reoriented towards Africa and the wider international community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the prospects for pursing citizenship under the administration of U.S. President Jose Biden and uses the Covid-19 pandemic as a stress test for extending citizenship to immigrant workers and immigration enforcement. Topics discussed are implications of economic conditions, shifting political conditions and legislative changes for citizenship applications, ethics for extending citizenship to essential workers, and policies and political programs to support essential workers.

A significant yet overlooked aspect in many states' extraterritorial migration control efforts is their immigration liaison officers (ILOs) posted to foreign jurisdictions, who make decisions and take actions abroad to support their country's immigration goals. Importantly, this occurs within an interconnected system of nation-states, requiring mid-level officials from multiple states to co-operate. Yet, there is very little analysis on what happens in these foreign jurisdictions where officials from across national and organisational boundaries interact and negotiate the management of migration flows. This article aims to fill this gap by drawing on empirical research on the UK's overseas immigration liaison network. Analysis is based on original interviews with Home Office officials, Freedom of Information requests, and documentary research. I find that UK ILOs are a main contact point between the country they represent, local authorities in the host state, and Global North counterparts from other states, making them key sites for the transnational exchange of information, 'intelligence' and 'know-how'. In this way, they are like 'knowledge brokers', contributing to a 'global–local diffusion' of ideas. Despite power hierarchies, this is not a one-way transfer from the Global North to the South. Instead, I find Global South actors are also key subjects in this process. By going beyond policies on paper and formal inter-state agreements, this study offers important insight into a largely hidden yet central part of a state's extraterritorial migration control: informal spaces of negotiation between mid-level officials from across national and organisational boundaries who negotiate and contest migration control practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]