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Research shows that economic, political and social factors all drive migration, but we still know little about their interaction, especially the interplay between increasingly selective migration policies and family relations. Studies stress the role played by social capital in responding to migration restrictions and the importance of intermediaries in encouraging access to institutional resources, but we lack systematic analyses linking migrant networks and recourse to migration-facilitating programs. This paper fills this gap by investigating how siblings' influence and migration programs combine in shaping migration from the French Overseas departments (DOM). Using a survey with detailed information on DOM families' migration histories (MFV, INED, 2010), it assesses whether individuals stay, migrate with or without the support of migration programs, depending on their siblings' past trajectories. A longitudinal approach and the nesting of individuals within families allow controlling for unobserved heterogeneity. Siblings migrating without the programs' support decrease the chances of migration with it and increase the chances of migration without it. Siblings migrating with the programs' support increase the chances of migration with it and decrease the chances of migration without it. This work shows how DOM populations engage with selective pro-migration policies, stressing the role of family relations in driving cumulative patterns of migration. It contributes to uncovering the way social and political factors interact in contexts of high migration prevalence with increased selectivity of migration and especially pro-migration policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyse how State policies, on the book and in practice, shape family reunification. It focuses on child migration under constraint in France, by analysing the timing and factors of (non-)reunification among foreign immigrants, whose legal conditions for family reunification are much more restrictive than for those who obtained the French citizenship. Using a quantitative approach with a nationally representative survey, the article analyses to what extent and in what circumstances migrants took one or the other of three paths during the 1973–2009 period: bringing their children in France through the administrative channel of family reunification (de jure reunification), turning to an alternative channel of child migration (de facto reunification), or leaving their child behind in their birth country. Results show that de jure reunification is not the predominant option and strongly suggest that this pathway is impaired both by an official state selection based on socioeconomic criteria enshrined in law, and by an unofficial state selection in policy implementation due to discriminatory treatments and regional inequalities in administration resources. In response to these restrictions, families adapt either by turning to de facto reunification or by maintaining transnational ways of life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration management policies in many states have marginalized significant numbers of individuals on the basis of their precarious residency status, negatively impacting their health. This article looks at how three European states with high levels of contagion – France, Sweden, and the United Kingdom – adapted their migration management policies to the changed circumstances during the Covid 19 pandemic in which there was new pressure for prioritizing population health over other concerns. The analysis compares globally-recognized 'best practices' for migrant health during the pandemic with policies adopted by France, Sweden, and the UK – selected as prominent migrant-hosting states and that experienced high rates of Covid-19. The article draws on supplementary evidence through interviews with civil society organizations working directly with migrants living on the margins of society – what are termed here 'marginalized migrants' (MMs). As the article concludes, the national policies often fell below international 'best practices' such that migration management was often prioritized over population health despite the crisis. The perspective developed in this paper is important for understanding where migration control policies have been prioritized over public health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The adoption of the Global Compacts on Migration and Refugees in 2018 marked a turning point in international migration governance. According to objective 13 of the Global Compact for Migration, States Parties have committed to use immigration detention as a measure of last resort and work towards alternatives. As for the Global Compact on Refugees, States Parties and relevant stakeholders also pledged to contribute to the development of non-custodial and community-based alternatives to detention, particularly with respect to children. Five years later, the enhancement of human rights protection for migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers within national territories remains a challenge. We argue that two states of the Global North – Canada and France – are actually using the Global Compacts to push forward their own agenda on the international scene, as a tool to influence other states. Even if Canada and France have engaged in multilateral discussions on the regulation of migration and the protection of refugees through soft law instruments, we find that national practices have not been altered since 2018. As such, this paper will demonstrate that the implementation of the Global Compacts is, in fact, used to advance foreign national policy for both states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European continent has been facing a significant challenge causing social, economic and political inequality among not only the countries, regions and cities but also the community members. What would be problematic within this broad context is to formulate a European immigration policy irrespective of framing a European immigration policy. Some primary issues, such as economic and employment integration, public goods sharing, ethnic and cultural diversity, social and political participation should be discussed in terms of the EU policy goals. Having applied the nationalism theory, this research scrutinizes nationalism and immigration influx in France. The study analysed that the French policy‐making process and the political rhetoric that influenced the immigration flow in France; those policies did not integrate the immigrants or stabilize France's situation. This analysis illustrates that France is becoming one of the toughest countries in Western Europe concerning its immigration laws and measures, which trigger the nationalistic sentiments. Nationalism, nevertheless, and its naturally opposing organization can also mutually boost anxieties and disputes in Europe, especially in France. The paper concludes that there is a paradigm shift in understanding immigration as a concept; throughout the twentieth century, it was considered a positive factor that proves France's attractiveness, which altered the perception of nation and the citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the dynamics of wage adjustment to an exogenous increase in labor supply exploiting the sudden and unexpected inflow of repatriates to France resulting from Algerian independence in 1962. I measure the impact of this particular supply shift on the average wage of pre-existing native workers across French regions between 1962 and 1976. I find that regional wages decreased between 1962 and 1968, before returning to their pre-shock level 15 years after. I also investigate the dynamics of skill-specific wages in response to the regional penetration of repatriates and find that the wages of high and low educated native workers declined initially but fully recovered by 1976. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do non-established far-right actors reach visibility in the media? While much research focuses on media visibility of progressive movements and established parties, little is known about the coverage of grassroots far-right mobilization. Inspired by insights from media studies, social movement literature, and scholarship on the far right, the paper suggests that media coverage is a function of the protest strategies of non-established far-right actors. To this end, We use a new dataset measuring political claims made on the websites of CasaPound Italia (CPI) and the Bloc Identitaire (BI), and from newspaper reports in France and Italy. We use logistic regressions to quantify increasing media coverage based on specific characteristics of mobilization (issue ownership, dramatization, confrontation and counter-mobilization). Focusing on two countries with comparable political contexts but major differences in other factors relevant to far-right mobilization (number of migrants, asylum seekers, perceived most important problem, and proximity to elections), we illustrate that news coverage is more likely when CPI and BI mobilize on immigration, engage in street protest, and create public controversy. While broader comparative evidence is needed, the paper offers a novel meso-level perspective on the interplay between far-right mobilization and media attention, and it sets out an innovative method to combine online and offline data for the study of protest in far-right politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conscription typically involves migration to the duty base location. According to DaVanzo's theory of repeat migration, this military-motivated migration might foster post-military migration. This paper investigates this issue empirically using individual-level data drawn from the 1992, 1998, and 2001 editions of the French survey of labor market entrants 'Génération.' The methods used to identify the causal effect of compulsory peacetime conscription on the post-military propensity to migrate exploit the abolition of conscription in France in October 1997 plus information on the timing of service among those who served. Conscription stimulated the post-military propensity to migrate for work of French male labor-market entrants with upper-class origins. Furthermore, there is evidence of a previously overlooked anticipatory effect of conscription: French males who were waiting to be called up for military service were approximately 25% less likely to migrate for work than comparable non-conscripts. Some implications of these findings and a consideration of their external validity are also provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the results of an ethnographic study of recruitment processes in the public service of a French city. It begins by engaging with the existing literature on representative bureaucracy and discrimination of members of minority groups and then surveys some of the existing literature on French exceptionalism in this domain. Based on an analysis of gate-keeping practices and recruitment, set off against the numerical under-representation of candidates with an immigration background, the paper argues that a series of seemingly minor mechanisms help to explain why so few of these candidates are being selected. It concludes by arguing that the empirical study of these mechanisms provides avenues for strategic interventions in selection processes aiming to create more genuine equal opportunities for members of minority groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper systematises the framing of the terrorism issue in the programmatic agenda of the Front national (FN) by focusing on nationalism. We argue that the FN's position on terrorism constitutes part of its strategy to justify its anti‐immigrant agenda by offering ideological rather than biological rationalisations for national belonging. To test our argument empirically, we operationalise four categories of nationalism, including ethno‐racial, cultural, political‐civic, and economic, and code official FN materials published in reaction to seven terrorist attacks on French soil during the period 1986–2015. We find that whilst older documents draw on all four categories, Marine Le Pen documents draw almost exclusively on the cultural and political‐civic categories, confirming our argument. Building on the "normalisation" or "de‐demonisation" approach, our nationalism framework presents a distinct theoretical advantage by allowing us to conceptualise the shift in the party's programmatic agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that contemporary hegemonic projects such as ‘Fortress Europe’ exercise violence at their borders forcing certain people to be borders. Those very borders and the people who inhabit them constitute paradoxically the very conditions of possibility of any hegemonic order. This paper focuses on Sangatte, the site of a Red Cross ‘reception centre’ outside Calais for refugees and migrants seeking entry into Britain, as one manifestation of the border in the context of asylum and migration in Europe. This paper draws on contemporary Marxist and feminist theory to think through how those on the borders of the state provide real, material insights into practices that subvert the power of the sovereign state and its corollary hegemonic projects of violence, and to argue that attempts to envision alternatives to the contemporary hegemonic political orders in Europe must begin at the political apertures opened up by thinking the border as paradox. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the late 1980s, international skill mobility has become a topic of academic enquiry, examined from a variety of disciplinary perspectives. Economic theorisation has centred on the elite professional migrant moving within corporate spheres of influence concentrated on ‘world cities’ such as London, New York and Paris. Whilst accepting the value of this work—particularly in terms of its contribution to the broader re-theorisation of migration studies—this paper is critical of the focus on a privileged economic form of career-based mobility. I argue that skilled international migration, although still practised by a relatively small number of people, has nonetheless become a ‘normal’ middle-class activity rather than something exclusively confined to an economic elite. This implies complexity with regard to the skilled migrant communities that form within the contemporary world city, complexity that has hitherto been overlooked. This omission is addressed through a six-faceted lifestyle typology derived from 36 interviews with skilled British residents in Paris. The typology underpins the main argument of the paper: namely that skilled migration has developed an increasingly diverse ‘human face’ since studies of the phenomenon began in the late 1980s, and that traditional notions of the economic ‘expatriate’ need to be placed within a much broader contextual and conceptual framework. In the final part of the paper, reasons for the development of this complexity are briefly explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates how immigration can affect the labor market outcomes of native workers when their wages are rigid. I use a rich dataset for France and decompose the native workers according to whether they are covered by fixed-term or indefinite-term contracts. Indefinite-term contracts are associated with higher wage protection than fixed-term contracts that allow firms to adjust wages as contracts expire. I use an empirical methodology which captures the direct effects of an immigrant-induced increase in labor supply on the labor market outcomes of natives who have similar skills. I find that the monthly wage of native workers covered by fixed-term contracts decreases in response to immigration, while employment is the margin through which native workers on indefinite-term contracts is affected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mass migration of non-Europeans into Schengen Europe and the terrorist attacks perpetrated in the name of Islam in various cities in the European Union have led to a series of mediated public debates on the control of the nation-state border over the past few years. Right-wing populist parties have been prominent in structuring these debates. However, can the urban media, and specifically the commercial ones often accused of sensationalism, be considered as tools that promote the securitization and progressive closure of the state border within Schengen Europe? Based on a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the representation of non-European migration and terrorism by a metropolitan commercial paper in borderland France, the current article shows that reporters can be instead instrumental in the definition of a "Mediapolis" that is a debordered, global, and moral space of mediated appearances helping to deal with international crises. The promotion of this Mediapolis is presented as the result of multiple spatial and temporal conditions in a series of interconnected cities contained in the French nation-state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Akdeniz University Faculty of Communication / Akdeniz Iletişim is the property of Akdeniz University, Faculty of Communication and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this paper is to reveal how misconceptions--or using the concept of Arkoun, "the crisis of meanings"--about the role and position of Islam in Europe is impacting on the discourse on sport, Islam, and immigration. France is selected as a case study for this paper as it is in this country where the debate on religion in general and Islam in particular seem to be more contentious in relation to the questions of integration of Muslim communities to secular (French republican) values. Recent sources of tensions include the ban of the Burqa in the public space; the debate on national identity instigated by the former French president Nicholas Sarkozy, which became centred around the question of Islam and Muslims in France; the provocative cartoons about Prophet Mohamed in the satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo; opposition against the provision of halal meal in France's fast-food chain Quick; and resistance toward Qatar's plan to invest in deprived suburbs of France, to name just a few. The other context which this paper examines in relation to the question of sport, Islam, and identity-making of Muslims in Europe is the phenomenon of "reverse migration" or the re-connection of athletes of Muslim background in Europe, or so-called Muslim neo-Europeans, with their (parents') country of origin. The paper argues that sport is another highly politicised space to judge the level of "integration" of Muslim athletes in European societies, and the degree of "religiosity" in their (parents') country of origin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analysing parties' media representations in the context of France's 2010 legal ban of Islamic facial coverings and Québec's (rejected) Charter of Values in 2013, this paper foregrounds the neglected role that party competition plays in shaping the construction of nationhood in public debates around immigrant religious practices. Our findings show that in these debates, political parties aim to maintain their distinct identities by generating a particular universalism, in which purportedly "universal" values, such as gender equality, are imbricated with particularistic images of nationhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the interaction between labour market integration, 'work values' and entrepreneurial capital inside minority communities. A simple model of labour market segmentation with ethnic capítal and endogenous transmission of cultural values inside a minority group is presented. It emphasizes the role of entrepreneurial capital as an important driver of labour market integration and as a promoter of meritocratic work values inside the community. The case immigrants in France is then empirically studied as an example. We show that the contrasted labour market outcomes and work values of immigrants from Maghreb versus Southern Europe are, statistically, totally explained away by their different levels of entrepreneurial capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proliferation of more restrictive border controls governing global mobility provides important sites of crystallization through which differentiated and stratified rights to movement are produced, negotiated, and reimagined. One such form, the detention of migrants, is often understood through a logic of exception as the exclusion of unwanted migrants from the borders of the political community. Critical scholarship on detention informed by an autonomous migration perspective suggests a more nuanced reading of detention as the differential inclusion of migrants through positions of precariousness, transformations of legal statuses and subjectivities, and control over the direction and temporality of migratory flows. Building on this trajectory, this paper argues that the very meaning of the camp also needs to be brought into the analysis of a politics of migration and of control. For spaces of detention are sites of contestation that can be used by migrants (and those in solidarity with them) as resources to navigate border controls, reimagine political community and subjectivities and through which migrants engage in practices of citizenship. Reflecting on the destruction of the migrant camps in and around Calais, the paper examines three different images of the camp space known as 'the jungle' and draws attention to camp spaces as social and political spaces, in which the struggles to define them are an integral part of what is at stake in the struggle between a politics of control and a politics of migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the effect of the flows of immigrant workers on the French labour market from the mid-1970s to the mid-1990s. Using a system of equations for unemployment, labour-force participation, the real wage and the immigration rate, it is shown that, in the long run, both legal and amnestied immigrant workers, and immigrant families lower the unemployment rate permanently. In the short-run, the arrival of immigrants increases unemployment slightly with an impact effect similar to that of an increase in domestic labour-force participation. The composition of immigration flows matters and the results indicate that the distribution between workers from the European Union and other regions of the world, also more skilled and less skilled workers, should remain balanced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Political Science Review is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The transfer of population from the rural areas to the cities was one of the central features of the period known as the Industrial Revolution. Previous work on the topic has emphasized the changes in migration patterns which occurred during this period. This Paper examines the factors underlying regional variations in rates of migration to the largest cities in England and France and concludes that the extent of change in migration patterns has been overestimated. The majority of migrants to London and Paris during the last half of the nineteenth century continued to come from the immediate hinterlands of the two cities or from traditional sources. The impact of distance overwhelmed the effects of most other social and economic factors commonly cited as responsible for regional variations in migration patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relevance of rhetorical analysis for the theory and practice of rights-claiming. Recent work in the field of human rights proposes that what is important about rights is not what they 'are' but what they 'do'. Utilising performative theory, they suggest that rights-claiming is best understood as a perlocutionary practice of persuasion. The question is, 'How might rights claims be most persuasive?' This article applies insights from the field of rhetoric to investigate how practices of rights-claiming by migrants in France contest French citizenship. It argues that rights claims are ethico-political negotiations of a political situation and that such practices are persuasive when they mobilise transcendent principles embedded within particular political communities. Rhetorical analysis explains how rights can be both inventive and efficacious. In so doing, this article extends the human rights literature by providing a refined rights-claiming analytic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we seek to unveil the intricacies of Roma migration in the north of France and the shift in the public discourse calling for the protection of human rights. In the first part of the article, we will establish the general framework for the migration of the Roma population in the region of Lille, France and Romanians' perception regarding this matter. In this paper, we attempt to present, in a concrete manner, how the faults in the management of immigration and politics have influenced the alleged relationship between ethnicity and crime, taking into account concepts such as Roma population exclusion, poverty and marginalisation at home and abroad. Moreover, we will show the important changes presented by the public opinion, taking into consideration several highly publicized events that cast a shadow upon the situation of the Roma population in the region. After the Romanian integration in the European Union, the issue of the Roma people has been discussed by the media from all parts of the continent, sliding from a tone of disapproval to proclaiming the need to take political measures. The migration of Roma Romanians in the north of France is a result of an influx of immigrants that grew in the last five years. The dramatic changes happened, especially after 2007, and were followed by a stabilization of migration flows after Romania joined the European Union. As expected, the latest statistics on Romanian immigrants into the French community continue to indicate their important presence in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Like other European democracies, France appears to be moving towards a ‘new politics’. Cultural issues such as immigration and multiculturalism are now said to be more influential on voting behaviour than socioeconomic issues. In this paper we question the impact of values on the French presidential elections since 1988 and show that: (1) both new and old politics are playing a role; (2) this two-axis politics is the result of a transition period begun in 1995 and accomplished in 2007; and (3) it has changed dramatically the way parties (including the Union pour un Mouvement Populaire and the Socialist Party) and voters interact with each other. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Through the examination of British migration to rural France, the article explores how imagination is put into practice and aims to determine what it is that makes some individuals act on the basis of these imaginings to improve their quality of life. It becomes clear that, for lifestyle migration to occur and in order to explain the timing of migration, it is necessary to question and consider the other factors—structural, cultural and biographical—that might drive people to act on the basis of their imaginings. Through recognition of the various contingencies that need to be in place for lifestyle migration to occur, the paper argues for a theoretical approach that accounts for the dialectic between structure and agency in the act of migration. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper analyses narratives about immigration and immigration policies as geopolitical discourses. It focuses on the diverse geopolitical imaginations and representations of the immigrant “invasion” in Western Europe. It builds upon insights from critical geopolitics, especially Ó Tuathail's grammar of geopolitics (2002), and adapts this framework for analysing geopolitical reasoning about specific flows of people. It distinguishes three main storylines of the “invasion” at three scales: Invaded Neighbourhood, Nation at Risk, Western Europe under Siege. Although each shares the “invasion” storyline, these complementary and at times competing discourses of fear target different groups of immigrants and call for different type of policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A FUNDAMENTAL ISSUE IN THE TRAJECTORY OF IMMIGRATION IS THE ACT OF ESTABLISHING A MORAL AND LEGAL BOND OF THE INDIVIDUAL WITH HIS NEW SOCIETY, THROUGH THE PROCESS OF NATURALIZATION. THIS PAPER AIMS TO IDENTIFY AND ANALYZE TWO PARTICULAR NATIONALITY LEGISLATION MODELS OF TWO HISTORICALLY DIFFERENT, YET SIMILAR CULTURAL SPHERES: ROMANIA AND FRANCE. SIGNIFICANT IMPORTANCE IS GIVEN TO THE CULTURAL MEANING OF THE TRADITIONAL EUROPEAN LEGAL PRINCIPLE OF "JUS SANGUINIS", OPPOSED TO THE AMERICAN BIRTHRIGHT CITIZENSHIP ("JUS SOLI"), PARTLY PRESENT IN THE FRENCH LEGISLATION CONCERNING CITIZENSHIP. ALONG WITH THE HISTORICAL TRENDS, THE OUTCOME OF THE LEGISLATION'S EVOLUTION WILL BE PRESENTED FROM A LEGAL POINT OF VIEW, WITH REFERENCES TO THEORETICAL MODELS AND JURISTIC OPINIONS. THE ROLE OF THIS ARTICLE IS TO DETAIL THE CULTURAL PECULIARITIES THAT SHAPED THE ROMANIAN AND FRENCH NATIONALITY LAWS AND ALSO DEMONSTRATE THEIR INTERCONNECTEDNESS AS PART OF A UNIFIED EUROPEAN CONTINENTAL NATIONALITY TRADITION. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article responds to the paper "Multicultural Citizenship Within Multination States," by Will Kymlicka. It recognizes the paper for offering a convincing normative position on citizenship education. It assesses the proposed inclusion of citizenship in the curricula of England and France. The securitization of immigration is also discussed.

Réunion has been a French Overseas Territory since 1946. It is located in the south-western Indian Ocean near Madagascar and Mauritius. Because of its history, the contemporary demographic dynamics of Réunion Island is in no way comparable to metropolitan France. The first objective of this paper is to trace the population policy in Réunion since the 1950s, mainly in the areas of migration and birth rate. We shall see that this policy evolves over time, but in form rather than substance. The second objective of this paper is to examine whether in the long term we can truly speak of population policy in Réunion. The third objective is to analyze the interrelationships between demographic measures taken in Réunion and the broader goals of the French state. This may be an item for reflection in a context of globalization where there is considerable mobility and national population policies are increasingly linked to other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares the 'laique' and 'multiculturalist' conceptions of ethnic minorities' 'integration', which prevail in France, for the former, and in the UK, for the latter. It is argued that beyond their surface antagonism there is a clear convergence between the two approaches. Indeed, the British have given up on multiculturalism whose shortcomings have been well documented and publicised. Moreover, they have reactivated the much criticised notion of 'integration' through the use of the expression 'interculturalism', which has become the new buzz word. Conversely, the French have understood that it is useless and counterproductive to keep on denying the strength of community feelings and bonds, and open up tentatively to the expression and the recognition of individual and group specificities. This is exemplified by their frequent use of the phrase 'open laicite' which describes this new trend. For both nations, it is now essential to reinforce 'social cohesion' said to have unravelled dangerously in recent years. The strict regulation of unwanted immigration is also advocated at European level by both countries to control the rise of 'hyper-diversity' which is often blamed for the failure of the integration process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses homelessness in France with regard to three major mutually interacting sets of factors: labour-market strains, illegal migration and institutional inadequacy. Macroeconomic challenges have resulted in the loss of jobs and subsequent labour-market hardships, and these have tended to affect those without adequate skills. As a result, labour-market problems together with a lack of social capital and adequate housing at affordable prices, accompanied by insufficient institutional support, has resulted in increased homelessness. All of this indicates that there should be active government intervention in the housing market in order to create space for the relatively weaker section of the population in the growth process, which is often unequal. Another important issue is how to create jobs with positive growth in real wages because, without adequate purchasing power, simply providing housing would mean transferring poverty from one space to another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transition to retirement marks an appropriate juncture for older migrants to relocate to countries of origin if so desired. As recent survey data from France demonstrate, most older immigrants are well integrated and prefer to live out their old age in the host country. This paper examines return decisions at retirement in the case of older men living in migrant worker hostel accommodation, who seem on first inspection to be far from integrated in France. Despite this lack of integration, they tend not to return definitively to places of origin at retirement. Instead, their preference is for regular back-and-forth trips. In order to make sense of these mobility decisions, several theories of migration are presented and evaluated against qualitative data from interviews conducted in several hostels in the Paris region in spring and summer 2008. While no one theory adequately accounts for all the phenomena observed, the evaluation shows that at various points in the data there is support for several theories. The added value of each theory becomes most apparent when levels of analysis are kept distinct: at the household level as regards remittances; at the kinship-village level as regards reintegration in the home context; at the meso-level of ethnic communities in terms of migrants' transnational ties; and at the macro-level of social systems concerning inclusion in healthcare and administrative organisations. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The figure of Georges Mauco looms large over studies of the politics of French migration in the 1930s and 1940s. Influential in debates about the deleterious impact of migration on the French population and cultural identity in the 1930s, Mauco re-emerged after Liberation to head the Consultative Committee for Population and the Family (Haut Comité Consultatif de la Population et de la Famille), which was charged with, among other things, the drafting of a new immigration law (adopted 25 November 1945). Historians find Mauco's influence in 1945 evidence of a "return to kind" in French ideas about population and immigration. Mauco's advocacy of rigorous selection among prospective immigrants, based on racial preference, suggests a return to the racialist tendencies of the latter years of the Third Republic and, by extension, that these racialist ideas are deeply embedded in post-war policy. This paper recalls, however, that Mauco's ideas found little support. A study of the challenges to Mauco not only contests the historically accepted view of the influence of racial thinking of post-war French migration; it also questions why historians seem compelled to emphasise the racial currents of debates on migration, however marginal they may be. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Population (00324663) is the property of Institut National d'Etudes Demographiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines which types of individuals are attracted to or repelled from rural and urban areas in France. Migration decisions among urban centers, suburbs, and rural areas are examined for three age groups. Differences between locations are assumed to be driven by agglomeration economies and externalities resulting from densities. We therefore stress the role of labor-market size, land markets, and commuting time in migration decisions. The results from multinomial mixed logits show that large labor markets attract the youngest and in particular educated individuals. Larger family size favors migration from city centers to suburbs, whereas divorce and widowhood increase the probability of moving to an urban center. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose — The purpose of this paper is to illustrate the ways in which the European Union (EU) is influencing policy making in EU member states. It covers the historical development of the UK, France and Germany. There is evidence to suggest politics and economic policy making in these countries are now similar particularly in the areas of adopting anti inflationist strategies and opening up markets. However, some differences remain particularly regarding the flexibility of labour markets in the various member states. Design/methodology/approach — The paper draws on the various components of integration theory and incorporates also a business history approach. Findings — The main findings indicate that the EU is gradually having more influence over member states, newer areas of development include social policy, immigration and an increasing neoliberalist approach towards opening new markets. However, countries are still given some flexibility, for example, there are still a number of countries not yet willing to join the Euro currency. Originality/value — The paper illustrates the important role of the EU in formulating policy for member states in today's increasingly competitive business environment Business needs to be fully aware of these implications in order to become more successful while operating in the expanding European market [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Language & Intercultural Communication is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the papers in the present issues of the periodical about the Cite national de l'histoire de l'immigration (CNHI) in Paris, France. The papers are intended to review the objectives, phases and components in the planning of CNHI which is due to open in June 2007. It also compares the French project in an international context.

This paper analyzes the opposition to immigration, comparing the European Union as a whole and Portugal, United Kingdom, France and Germany. The first hypvothesis that was examined posits that the perception of economic, security and cultural threats are significant predictors of the orientation towards immigration. The second hypothesis states that racial prejudice is an important predictor of threat perception. Results show that, globally, attitudes towards immigration in EU are more close to openness than they are to closure. As predicted, cultural, economic and security threats are significantly associated with the opposition to immigration. These results are stable across compared countries. Moreover results show that in the EU as a whole political conservatism and racial prejudice are the main predictors of the perception of threat in the economic, security and cultural domains. These same results were obtained in France, Germany and United Kingdom. Except in the case of security threat, also in Portugal prejudice is an important predictor of threat perception. These results are discussed in the context of the immigration integration policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the relationships between the migratory policies of the EU countries with more experience of immigration and their national political cultures. It focuses on France, Germany and the United Kingdom. It then looks at Italy, a relatively new country of immigration, which, with 3,000,000 legal immigrants, has become the fourth country of immigration in Europe and the first in the Mediterranean basin. In its final part it highlights the incipient process of 'communitarisation' of the immigration policies of EU countries in the last decade. This process, which has already entailed a significant convergence of their migratory policies, is expected to continue after the recent enlargement of the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]