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The article presents an overview of political conditions and events in Papua New Guinea in 2017. Topics covered include the general election, the discontinuation of Australia's offshore refugee detention and processing center, and the arrest warrant of Prime Minister Peter O'Neill.

Research on Solomon Islands and Papua New Guinea typically offers one of two explanations for the choices voters make, and the way these choices contribute to those countries' poor political governance. The first explanation focuses on culture's influence on the expectations that voters hold of politicians, contending that the Big Man style of local leadership traditionally found in both countries has shaped voter expectations in ways that cause voters to demand local or personal benefits from MPs rather than good national governance. The second explanation hinges on rational choice models of voter behaviour and does not include culture in its list of explanatory variables. In this paper I argue that neither explanation fits well with key features of these countries' politics. Drawing on quantitative and qualitative data I show that, while voters are broadly rational and can readily distinguish modern politics from traditional leadership, culture still matters. In particular, informal institutions, associated with the countries' cultural contexts, influence voter behaviour and electoral collective action, and through this political governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses political, economic and social condition of Papua New Guinea (PNG). It is stated that interim report of the Commonwealth Observer on elections state that some of the benchmarks for democratic processes had been met in 2011 elections, but many significant challenges remained to be addressed, which includes discrimination against the participation of women, increasing use of money to bribe voters and widespread disenfranchisement of citizens.

In this article, the author focuses on the positive aspects of political system of Papua New Guinea (PNG). He mentions that despite of being a chaotic political system since independence, PNG's record of parliamentary democracy has maintained it status as a default forum for selecting leaders of the nation. He further reflects on election system and fiscal strength of PNG.

This article discusses the turbulent political landscape and intraparty power struggles in Papua New Guinea (PNG) in 2011. Topics include the split in the National Alliance (NA) party caused by the appointment of parliamentarian Sam Abal as acting prime minister instead of Highlands bloc leader Don Poyle during Prime Minister Sir Michael Somare's absence, the declaration by Speaker of the Parliament Jeffrey Nape that the Office of the Prime Minister was vacant resulting in the election of Peter O'Neill, and the December decision by the PNG Supreme Court to reinstate Sir Michael Somare as prime minister.

The article discusses the political and social aspects of the Manus Highway, a road connecting inland villages on Manus Island, Papua New Guinea (PNG) to Lorengau, the capital of Manus Province, PNG. Particular focus is given to the role of the Highway in the 2007 Parliamentary Election in Manus Province. According to the author, the Highway was a highly contested subject in the election because it provide access to the modern world and was thus associated with political efficacy. It is suggested that the Highway carried symbolic meanings of exchange, connectedness, and power. Details related to the concepts of taun (town), ples (village), and gavman (state) in PNG are presented. Other topics include agency, state infrastructure, and economic development.

Michael Somare reshuffled his cabinet twice and dumped Bart Philemon, the finance minister widely credited as the architect of Papua New Guinea's economic recovery. Record prices for oil and commodities gave the government economic growth and a record surplus. The country's relations with Australia reached a new low over the arrest of Julian Moti, the Solomon Islands' attorney general, in Port Moresby. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2004, the key events in Papua New Guinea were the political survival of the Somare government, moves by Australia to take direct part in the country's administration, the fiasco over the election of the governor-general, and a slight economic recovery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reports that holding regular, free elections may not be enough to stop turbulence that threatens both the quality of democracy and the coherence of state in Papua New Guinea. Weaknesses of political parties; Politicization of the military; Difficulties in maintaining sound national policies.

In August 2001, in a constitutional reform of potentially far-reaching consequences, Papua New Guinea's parliament voted to change the country's electoral system. As a result of this decision, all elections held after 2002 will be conducted under a system of preferential voting. A similar system was used for Papua New Guinea's first three elections between 1964 and 1972, before the change to a first-past-the-post system at independence in 1975. This paper, drawing on a combination of historical records, election studies and recent observations, looks at the historical impact of both electoral systems in Papua New Guinea, and at the different kinds of political behaviour encouraged by them, including their divergent influences upon election campaigning, candidature rates, support levels for successful candidates, electoral violence and the party system. It concludes by examining the potential consequences of a return to preferential voting in Papua New Guinea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reports that Bill Skate has won Papua New Guinea's general election for prime minister on June 14-28, 1997. International observers's criticisms on the country's election process; Reforms proposed by observers.