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The discovery in the manuscript papers of Charles, Lord Bruce, of three lists enumerating the voters in important divisions in the house of lords in the early 18th century - on the ' Church in Danger' (1705), the Septennial Bill and the Bill to Resume the Forfeited Estates of ' Traitors' after the Jacobite Rebellion (1716) - help to illuminate the state of party allegiances and affiliations in these periods, for which no other division lists are extant. This note provides the voting results from these division lists in tabular form, accompanied by indications of the current state of our knowledge of party affiliations for each of the individuals listed. However, the origin and accuracy of each of these lists are not clear-cut and this note also details the discrepancies and anomalies in each list. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the literature on the Sacheverell affair as it stood when it was delivered as a paper to the symposium held in March 2010 to commemorate the 300th anniversary of his impeachment. The basic narrative and prevalent interpretation of its significance were established by the late Geoffrey Holmes in his monograph The Trial of Doctor Sacheverell published in 1973. Holmes placed it in the context of a crisis in Church and state brought about by the Glorious Revolution and its aftermath. This led to the formation of the party conflict between high church tories and low church whigs. When the whigs, led by the junto, came to power between 1708 and 1710, their ascendancy provoked a reaction from tories claiming that the established Church was in danger. It was in this context that Sacheverell preached his provocative sermon on 5 November 1709, which brought on his impeachment for high crimes and misdemeanours. Holmes's detailed account of the trial, together with his separate analysis of the 'Sacheverell riots', have been generally accepted as definitive. Consequently, scholarly attention has tended to shift to the cultural aspects of the affair such as poems on affairs of state and political prints. These investigations have led, in turn, to attempts to establish an appropriate methodology for analysing their significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

British foreign policy from 1700 to 1790 serves as a way to consider the Tory and Whig visions of Britain's relationship with the wider world. This article uses foreign policy to ask and answer broader questions about British political culture in the eighteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anne's accession was greeted warmly in the University of Oxford, the intellectual centre of Toryism in the early eighteenth century, and she made Oxford the destination of one of her earliest excursions out of London in 1702. Yet Anne never returned to Oxford again, while majority opinion in the university was disappointed at her unwillingness to champion wholeheartedly the high-church cause. It was only after 1714 that the reign of Anne came to be represented by Oxonians as a golden age for the university; the reality was more variable and confused. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]