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How does demographic and religious context relate to interracial relationships among same-sex and different-sex couples? Using couple data from the 2012 to 2014 American Community Surveys matched to aggregate data from the 2010 Census and 2010 Religious Congregations and Membership Study, we test how heterogamy patterns for same-sex and different-sex couples vary by the demographic and religious makeup of cities, using multinomial logistic regressions to compare interracial and same-race couples. We find that same-sex couples are more likely to be in a White/Black interracial pairing than different-sex couples. White partners are more likely to be in an interracial relationship if they are in a city with a large minority group population. In addition, context is differently associated with interracial unions for same-sex and different-sex couples, varying for each racial combination.

Background: From a historical perspective, the transition from a pre-industrial to a modern society is associated with increasing social status heterogamy. As individuals' acquired characteristics became more important for partner selection than inherited class status, the importance of status homogamy declined and marrying outside one's own social group became more frequent. Objective: We investigate educational heterogamy in a university town at the end of the 19th century. We ask whether marriage of unequally educated partners is related to dissimilarity in the partners' other characteristics. Ethnic background, origin (place of birth), and age difference between the spouses are considered as characteristics that may associate with sorting into educationally heterogamous unions. Methods: The analysis uses data from the 1897 census in Tartu. Using logistic regression modelling, we estimate how age difference, origin heterogamy, and ethnic heterogamy of the spouses associate with educational heterogamy. Results: The results indicate a positive relationship between educational heterogamy and marrying outside one's own ethnic or origin group, but no effect for spousal age difference. Conclusions: Our study provides new evidence about marriage markets during modernisation, specifically regarding the role of education. We show that educationally heterogamous unions in Tartu were often also more heterogamous in terms of partners' background characteristics. This suggests that the partner's education may have motivated intermarriage by ethnicity and origin. Contribution: Previous literature on this period has focused on social homogamy based on occupational information, while research on educational assortative mating mostly exists for the second half of the 20th century and later. We contribute by studying the importance of education in marital selection in the early phase of educational expansion and economic modernisation.

Горанци склапају углавном етнички хомогене бракове. Постоји такође пракса избора брачног партнера у оквиру једног села. Сеоска ендогамија је присутна у оквиру горанске заједнице у континуитету један дужи период. Миграције становништва из Горе обележиле су како 20. тако и почетак 21. века. Уколико узмемо у обзир да Гора представља средину са интензивним и бројним исељавањима становништва и да миграције могу да утичу на промене у оквиру постојеће праксе избора брачног партнера, питање везе између миграција горанског становништва и етничке хомогамије/хетерогамије се чини потпуно оправданим. Нарочито ако се узме у обзир да већина мојих саговорника подржава праксу склапања хомогамних бракова јер сматра да она доприноси складним односима у браку и практиковању културних особености горанске заједнице. У раду сагледавам и образлажем праксу избора брачних партнера код Горанаца који живе у Београду и Тутину. Друга половина 20. и прва деценија 21. века чине хронолошки оквир истраживања. На основу анализа емпиријске грађе и релевантне литературе закључујем да миграције нису значајније утицале на праксу избора брачног партнера. Уједно закључујем да етнички хомогамни бракови не успоравају процес интеграције. For the most part, the Gorani enter ethnically homogenous marriages. Marrying into the same village is also a common practice. This village endogamy has continuously been present in the Gorani community for a longer period of time. Migration of population from the Gora region has been characteristic for the most of the 20 th century and the beginning of the 21 st . Considering the fact that Gora is an area of intensive and populous emigration and that migrations can influence changes in the current practices of choosing the spouse, the issue of the relation between the Gorani migrations and ethnic homogamy/endogamy seems entirely relevant. This also stands true given that the majority of the informants endorse the practice of homogamous marriages, believing that it contributes to harmonious relations in the marriage and to practicing of the Gorani community’s cultural specificities. In this paper I am presenting and interpreting the practices of choosing marital partners among the Gorani living in Belgrade and Tutin from the second half of the 20 th until the beginning of the 21 st century. Based on the analysis of the empirical data and relevant literature I argue that migrations have not significantly influenced the practice of the selection of the spouse, as well as that ethnically homogamous marriages are not slowing down the process of integration. Тема броја – Истраживање миграција (ур. Јадранка Ђорђевић Црнобрња и Мирослава Лукић Крстановић) / Topic of the Issue – Research of Migrations (eds. Jadranka Đorđević Crnobrnja and Miroslava Lukić Krstanović)

This study analyses social heterogamy in western and southern Finland during the early stages of industrialisation, from 1700 to 1910. Marriage patterns are examined by comparing the social classes of spouses' parents, which can be understood as the social origin of the spouse. The rate of heterogamy within the freeholder class was only 19.8%, whereas it was 71.1% in the upper classes, 59.7% in the tenant class and 76.5% in the labour class. In addition, only roughly 20-30% of grooms whose fathers were landowners married brides from lower social classes. Certain individual- and family-level characteristics increased the odds of a heterogamous marriage: remarrying, age difference, being an illegitimate child or a single mother, and the first marriages of those in the labour class. Regarding macro-level variables, we found that higher rates of emigration and poor-relief recipients, along with having a larger Finnish-speaking population, led to higher levels of heterogamy. Other issues increasing the odds of heterogamy included living in the more urbanised or industrialised regions and moving to different regions. This study identified strict marriage patterns, which did not significantly change with respect to heterogamy. Nevertheless, indications exist that industrialisation and urbanisation began eroding the prevailing traditions.

Interracial couples continue to grow in numbers, though there has been little research aimed to understand the experiences and unique challenges of this population. Among these challenges are stressors associated with the interplay between cultural differences and similarities. In this paper, we present an intervention called the visible invisible grid, that can be used to help interracial and intercultural couples discuss their invisible and visible differences and similarities. To illustrate the intervention, a case example is provided along with contraindications and clinical implications.

Marriage research consistently shows that spousal religiosity is positively associated with higher marital quality and stability (for reviews, see Mahoney, 2010; Mahoney, Pargament, Tara- keshwar, & Swank, 2008; Waite & Lehrer, 2003). Yet, with few exceptions (e.g., Brown, Orbuch, & Bauermeister, 2008; Bulanda & Brown, 2007; Ellison, Burdette, & Wilcox, 2010; Wilcox & Wolfinger, 2007), the majority of studies linking religious commitment to marriage outcomes have ignored the potential moderating influence of race and ethnicity. This is a notable oversight, for two reasons. First, religious beliefs and practices often shape social life differently across racial and ethnic groups as a consequence of differential access to power and collective group exposure to stigma, discrimination, and socioeconomic deprivation (Taylor, Chatters, & Levin, 2004). Because religion may function differently according to racial and ethnic identity, it is reasonable to suspect that the link between religion and marriage outcomes may also vary according to racial and ethnic identity. Second, scholars have noted the paradoxical finding that whereas religious commitment is positively associated with marital quality, racial and ethnic minorities, who tend to be more religious than non-Hispanic Whites (Espinosa, Elizondo, M Taylor et al., 2004), consistently report lower marital quality relative to non-Hispanic Whites (Broman, 1993; Bulanda & Brown, 2007; Cherlin, 1998; Raley & Sweeney, 2009). This paradox also suggests that the religion-marriage link may differ across racial and ethnic groups.Among the few studies that have examined how race and ethnicity potentially moderate the association between religion and marriage outcomes the focus has either been limited to predicting marriage entry or its dissolution (Brown et al., 2008;Wilcox W Ellison, Trinitapoli, Anderson, & Johnson, 2007; Ellison et al., 2010). Drawing on insights from deprivation theory as well as recent research on religious intimacy, in the present study I shifted the focus to examine how perceived spousal religiosity (holding constant a respondent's own religious characteristics) may be associated with greater returns or benefits to marital quality for particular racial and ethnic groups. To accomplish this, I analyzed data on married Americans from the nationally representative 2006 Portraits of American Life Study (PALS; http://www.thearda.com/pals/). Before I describe the present study in detail, in the following sections I briefly survey what is known about the links among religion, race, ethnicity, and marriage outcomes. I draw on this research to generate expectations about the potential moderating effect of racial and ethnic identity on the relationship between perceived spousal religiosity and marital quality.Religion and Marital QualityWithin the enormous body of research on religion and marriage outcomes (see Mahoney, 2010; Mahoney et al., 2008), findings consistently underscore the importance of religious homogamy in predicting marital quality and stability. Spouses who are homogamous in terms of religious practice (Call & Heaton, 1997; Heaton, 1984; Myers, 2006; Shehan, Bock, & Lee, 1990), broad religious tradition or denominational affiliation (Heaton, 2002; Heaton & Pratt, 1990; Lehrer & Chiswick, 1993; Ortega, Whitt, & William, 1988; Wilson & Musick, 1996), and beliefs (Curtis & Ellison, 2002; Ellison et al., 2010; Lichter & Carmalt, 2009; Vaaler, Ellison, & Powers, 2009) are less likely to separate or divorce, and their marriages are more satisfying for both partners. Conversely, marriages in which there is a good deal of heterogamy in the areas of religious practice, identity, or belief tend to have lower marital quality and stability (Call & Heaton, 1997; Curtis & Ellison, 2002; Lehrer & Chiswick, 1993; Lichter & Carmalt, 2009; Perry, 2015a; Waite & Lehrer, 2003). …

A common stereotype holds that in Mexico male violence toward women is common among indigenous peoples and reflects cultural norms that sanction a male's domination of his female partner. We employ a recent Mexican survey to examine the relative risk of violence against women as a function of the couple's ethnic homogamy. Among couples in which both partners are either non-indigenous or indigenous the female's risk of partner violence is similar. Among heterogamous couples non-indigenous females in relationships in which the male is indigenous are at elevated risk of violence, while indigenous women in relationships with non-indigenous males are at a lower risk of violence. The stresses associated with heterogamy appear to be more salient in determining a woman's risk of violence than ethnicity per se. The implications for future research and the need to deal with the issue of ethnic homogamy in culturally heterogeneous populations are discussed.

INTRODUCTIONMany studies have found that ethnic heterogamy, or exogamy, is associated with increased dissolution risks of marriages and cohabiting unions (Jones, 1996; Finnas, 1997; Kalmijn et al., 2005; Dribe and Lundh, 2012; Saarela and Finnas, 2014). As compared with ethnically homogamous unions, partners of ethnically mixed unions can be assumed to have more divergent cultural norms, values and tastes, which will make it more difficult to make joint decisions about the future, including plans about marriage, childbearing, and upbringing (Kalmijn, 1998). In that perspective, the relatively high dissolution risk of ethnically mixed couples comes as no surprise.The traditional approach has been to use information about the ethnic affiliation of each partner in the couple, as generally recorded in population censuses of different countries. In unions with children, additional insights into the relation between ethnic heterogamy and union stability can be gained by infomation about how the offspring is ethnically categorised. To our knowledge, this approach has not been fully utilised in previous research. In this paper, we demonstrate how it can be accomplished using data from Finland.The decisions made after union formation may be more thoughtful than behaviours before mating. If parents of ethnically mixed unions are forced to make a decision about the ethnic categorisation of their children, a conscious choice must be made and this choice might reflect some agreement based on the parents' ethnic preferences (see Xie and Goyette, 1997; Qian, 2004). Ethnic awareness is then reflected by how the ethnically mixed couples choose their children's ethnic affiliation. This is particularly the case in Finland, since the parents must choose how a new-bom baby is ethno-linguistically classified at the time when it enters the country's electronic population register, and this generally occurs when the child is baptised. In contrast to classical assimilation theory, which considers intermarriage to be the final stage of a minority group's assimilation into mainstream society (Gordon, 1964), ethnic awareness may instead be heightened just because of the contrast and competition with the norms of mainstream society and the direct contact with the majority group (Olzak, 1983; Saenz et al., 1995). Ethnic identification of children from interethnic marriages provides an opportunity to exercise one's options (Hout and Goldstein, 1994), and actual behaviour rather than attitudes serves as a guide to individuals' orientation towards their own and other ethnic groups (Finnas and O'Leary, 2003).In this study, we focus on the stability of ethnically mixed and homogamous unions in Finland, and argue that the first-bom child's ethnic affiliation can be used as a rough indicator of individual preferences towards ethnically related norms, values and tastes. Using detailed longitudinal data from population registers, which contain a single classification of each person's ethno-linguistic group, we demonstrate how information about the children can be used to enhance our understanding of previous research on union stability. Since these electronic registers cover the entire population of the country, access to representative samples are easily obtained. The primary aim is to analyse whether it is possible to find effects of ethnic-related individual preferences in terms of how parents in ethnically mixed unions have chosen to register the child. In spite that the prerequisites for this kind of detailed analysis are unusual in an international perspective, we are confident that the behaviour studied here is not unique to this one society, but should be applicable to many other ethnic or religious groups as well (see e.g., Chew et al., 1989; Judd, 1990; Xie and Goyette, 1997; Qian, 2004; Finnas and O'Leary, 2003; Lee and Edmonston, 2005). The particular case of Finland is described next.CONTEXTApproximately 90 per cent of the population in Finland consists of native Finnish speakers, while there also is an indigenous ethno-linguistic group of Swedish speakers that amounts to 291,000 persons, or 5. …

SummaryHumans in many societies are known to mate, or marry, assortatively for a number of characters such as eye colour, height, IQ and place of birth. In this assortment an element of active choice may be involved. It is not known whether this choice is genetic. Two models of human mate choice are examined in which both males and females can express a mating preference. In the first, ‘sexual’ preferences can be expressed for any phenotype not necessarily one's own; in the second, preferences are only expressed for an individual's own phenotype. The results of the examination indicate how much active choice would be needed to account for the observed correlations between human mates, and suggest whether human mating preferences are more likely to be sexual or assorting.

Married cancer patients enjoy a survival advantage, potentially attributable to better health at diagnosis, earlier contact with health personnel, and/or access to resources to ensure more optimal treatment. These mechanisms only invoke the mere presence of a partner, but partners bring varying amounts of resources into the household. It is likely that also spousal resources contribute to differentials in survival net of own resources, as gradients in survival by the latter are well documented. Our aim is to examine the combined roles of own and spouses’ socioeconomic characteristics (SES) and age for cancer survival. Almost 268,000 married patients diagnosed with a first cancer after age 50 during 1975–2007 were identified from the Norwegian Cancer Registry and other national registers. In a sequence of hazard models, differences in survival by patients' own education, income and age and the role of spouses' characteristics were assessed. Furthermore, we also assessed the importance of homogamy/heterogamy along the same dimensions. Partners’ characteristics clearly matter for survival. The relative survival of patients with highly educated partners, net of their own education, is significantly higher than that of patients with lesser-educated partners. Somewhat similar effects are observed for income, net of education. A less consistent pattern is observed for age, although non-normative heterogamy patterns in age and income appear to be associated with a survival disadvantage. The naïve perspective of only considering the presence of partners may thus conceal important differences in cancer survival. Health personnel may take advantage of such knowledge in interactions with patients and their families, and gather information on resources in immediate networks that may impact prognosis favorable and/or unfavorable and help patients utilize these resources to improve prognosis., Highlights • For married cancer patients, survival is influenced by the resources of spouses. • As such, who you marry play a role for your survival. • Having a highly educated and/or a high earning spouse appears to be beneficial. • But, non-normative spousal patterns in age and SES appear to be disadvantageous. • Married patients’ spousal resources may help shed light on inequalities in survival.

Many claims are made about the significance of interethnic partnerships for individuals and for society. Such partnerships continue to be seen as a “barometer” of the openness of society and have spawned extensive analysis investigating their patterns, trends, and determinants. But we know little about the experience of children growing up in families of mixed parentage. In the United Kingdom, the increase in the self-defined “mixed” population is often celebrated. But there has been little quantitative sociological analysis that has investigated the circumstances of the children of mixed ethnicity partnerships. Using two large-scale UK datasets that cover a similar period, this article evaluates the extent to which mixed parentage families are associated with circumstances (both economic and in terms of family structure) that tend to be positive or negative for children’s future life chances and how these compare to those of children with parents from the same ethnic group. It shows that there is substantial variation according to the outcome considered but also according to ethnic group. Overall, children in mixed parentage families do not unequivocally experience the equality of outcomes with majority group children that the assimilation hypothesis implies.

We use data from two national surveys of married individuals-one from 1980 and the other from 2000-to understand how three dimensions of marital quality changed during this period. Marital happiness and divorce proneness changed little between 1980 and 2000, but marital interaction declined significantly. A decomposition analysis suggested that offsetting trends affected marital quality. Increases in marital heterogamy, premarital cohabitation, wives' extended hours of employment, and wives' job demands were associated with declines in multiple dimensions of marital quality. In contrast, increases in economic resources, decision-making equality, nontraditional attitudes toward gender, and support for the norm of lifelong marriage were associated with improvements in multiple dimensions of marital quality. Increases in husbands' share of housework appeared to depress marital quality among husbands but to improve marital quality among wives. Key Words: decomposition analysis, family change, family demography, marital quality, marriage. The belief that the institution of marriage is in decline is widespread (Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Swidler, & Glenn, 1996; Popenoe, 1993; Tipton, 1985; Zill & Nord, 1994). The growing popularity of nonmarital cohabitation, the increasing percentage of children born outside of marriage, the rising age at first marriage, the continuing high divorce rate, and the declining remarriage rate demonstrate that marriage is a less permanent part of adult life now than in the recent past. According to a marital decline perspective, people are turning away from marriage because it has become increasingly difficult to maintain happy and stable unions. Other observers view recent changes in marriage as being benign or even beneficial (Coontz, 1992; Scanzoni, 2001; Skolnick, 1991; Stacey, 1996). According to this view, although it is easier for people to leave unhappy marriages these days, the proportion of unhappy marriages in the population has not necessarily increased. Indeed, because divorce removes unhappy couples from the married population, existing marriages may be of higher quality now than in the past. Moreover, increases in married women's education, employment, and income have raised women's status and given wives greater decision-making power, thus increasing the potential for less patriarchal and more egalitarian marital relationships. With respect to marital instability, the divorce rate increased dramatically during the 1970s, peaked around 1980, then declined slightly (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2000, Table 77). Therefore, although divorce is common these days, relatively little change in marital instability occurred during the last two decades. Evidence about the quality of existing marriages, however, is sparse. Using merged data from the General Social Survey, Glenn (1991) found that the percentage of people reporting that their marriages were very happy declined between 1973 and 1988. Similarly, Rogers and Amato (2000) compared a sample of young adults married between 1981 and 1997 (and surveyed in 1997) with a sample of young adults married between 1964 and 1980 (and surveyed in 1980) and found that the more recent marriage cohort reported less interaction and more marital conflict. Although these studies suggest a decline in the aggregate level of marital quality in the population, the lack of research on this topic makes it difficult to reach conclusions with certainty. The present study uses two national, representative samples of married individuals in the United States-one interviewed in 1980 and the other interviewed in 2000-to provide new evidence on recent changes in the nature and quality of marriage. SOCIAL CHANGE 1980-2000 During the latter part of the 20th century, a variety of demographic, economic, social, and cultural changes in the U.S. population had the potential to affect people's marriages either positively or negatively. …

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a major public health issue. Few studies, however, have examined the role of religion in IPV perpetration and victimization. This study analyzed the contribution of religious factors to IPV risk and prevalence among a sample of 1,440 married couples interviewed for the 1995 National Study of Couples. Results indicate that rates of IPV did not significantly differ by couple homogamy/heterogamy or type of denominational affiliation. Attendance at religious services at least weekly was associated with lower rates of IPV perpetration among men and with lower rates of IPV victimization among men and women. These findings were attenuated in the multivariate logistic regression analyses. Study findings suggest that religion does not have a strong or direct influence on the occurrence of IPV; alcohol-related problems, however, may be a mediating factor. Despite the null findings, religious institutions can play an important role in primary and secondary IPV prevention.

BACKGROUNDDespite the increasing prevalence of cohabitation, knowledge of how socio-economic homogamy affects the stability of cohabiting unions is scant. Few studies have compared the effects of homogamy in both ascribed and achieved socio-economic status on union dissolution.OBJECTIVEOur aim is to determine how homogamy and heterogamy in educational level and parental social class affect the risk of cohabitation dissolution in Finland.METHODSWe use unique Finnish register data that includes information on non-marital cohabitation. Cox regression is used to analyse the risk of dissolution in 20,452 cohabitations. We examine the dissolution rates in all possible combinations of partner status, and analyse how these estimates deviate from the main effects of each partner's status.RESULTSAccording to the findings, homogamy in parental social class is of little consequence in cohabitation dissolution, although cohabitations between people from upper-white-collar and farmer families are disproportionately likely to dissolve. Educational differences between partners are more significant determinants of cohabitation stability: extreme heterogamy is associated with an increased separation risk, and homogamy decreases the separation risk among cohabitors with a higher university degree.CONCLUSIONSIn line with the perception that personal achievement is more significant than social origins in contemporary union dynamics, similarity in educational level increases cohabitation stability more than similarity in socio-economic origin. Although previous Nordic studies report little or no association between educational homogamy or heterogamy and marriage dissolution, our study shows that educational differences do matter in cohabiting unions.1. IntroductionThe extent to which socio-economic homogamy - in other words, similarity in partner status - guides union formation and dissolution is considered an indicator of barriers between status groups in a society. A strong homogamy tendency in partner selection and a disproportionate likelihood of union disruption among heterogamous couples may point to large social and cultural gaps between socio-economic groups. This study explores the effects of homogamy and heterogamy in educational level and parental social class on union dissolution in Finland. The aim is to assess the significance of status differences for union stability, and to determine whether similarity in childhood socio-economic circumstances or the achieved position of the partners is more decisive in contemporary union dynamics. Few studies thus far compare the effects of homogamy in ascribed and achieved socio-economic position on union stability. Research on partner selection nevertheless indicates that homogamy in achieved status is more prominent than in ascribed status (Kalmijn 1991, 1998; Hansen 1995). However, tendencies in partner selection result not only from people's preferences but also from the structural opportunities to meet and interact with potential partners of a similar status. One means of eliminating the effect of these structural factors is to examine the decisions the partners make after they have formed the union, such as to separate (see Hansen 1995; Muller 2003). Examining the effects of homogamy and heterogamy on union dissolution may thus facilitate assessment of whether people actually prefer partners who share similar socio-economic characteristics.The focus of the study is on the dissolution of non-marital cohabiting unions. Cohabitation has become increasingly prevalent in Western countries in recent decades, and the Nordic countries have been forerunners in this development: currently there is little social distinction between cohabitation and marriage in these countries, and children are born and raised in both union types (Kiernan 2001; Heuveline and Timberlake 2004). Nine out of ten new unions in Finland are cohabitations (Jalovaara 2012). …

Based on a national sample of Christian couples, interchurch respondents reported lower levels of religiosity than same-church respondents on a number of religious variables. Respondents in same-church marriages were similar in religiosity regardless of whether the relationship was initially interchurch or same-church. The study did not find evidence that interchurch respondents were more likely than same-church individuals to drift away from church practice. Strength of denominational identity at engagement was the strongest predictor of religious behavior among interchurch respondents, while church attendance at engagement was the strongest predictor among same-church respondents. Interchurch respondents and their spouses were less likely to emphasize religion in raising children than same-church respondents, and were more likely to differ as a couple on their emphasis on religion in raising children. Interchurch parents predominantly raise their children exclusively in one parent's church, although 12 percent reported raising their children in both churches.

This article uses data from the 1987–1988 National Survey of Families and Households to study the determinants of religious intermarriage in the United States as well as changes over time in its prevalence. Separate logit regressions are estimated for exclusivist Protestant, ecumenical Protestant, and Catholic respondents. Variables identified as playing a role in the intermarriage decision include the proportion of coreligionists in the relevant marriage market, various proxies for religiosity and for commitment to the parental faith, education, a premarital pregnancy, and gender. The estimated effects are generally consistent with hypotheses derived from a model of religious intermarriage. The results also show that the prevalence of religious heterogamy has increased significantly over the past decades for Catholics and ecumenical Protestants. In sharp contrast, there has been no perceptible change in the probability of marrying outside the religion for exclusivist Protestants, a group which continues to display distinctive patterns of economic and demographic behavior.

This paper describes the matrimonial and reproductive behaviour of Italians who migrated to Belgium after the Second World War. Migrants were either already married, or later became married, to other Italians. Among the children of migrants, men equally chose Italian or Belgian wives but women tended to prefer Italian partners. Italian-Belgian marriages were more frequent among the better educated groups. Family size is smaller among migrants marrying after migration and in heterogamous marriages. Significant differences in birth intervals are found when marriage occurred before or after migration, between generations, and between homogamous and heterogamous marriages.

Hypotheses are developed about the effects of husbands' and wives' religious affiliations upon fertility. The hypotheses are based upon the following ideas. First, different religions have different norms about fertility and the tradeoffs between the quality and quantity of children. Differences in religious beliefs between spouses may therefore lead to disagreement and conflict over fertility decisions and any possible resolution through bargaining. Second, a low level of religious compatibility between spouses may increase the probability of marital dissolution, decreasing the optimal amount of investments in spouse-specific human capital. Analyses of data from the 1987-88 National Survey of Families and Households conducted in the US suggest that both of these effects are important factors in explaining the observed linkages between the religious composition of marital unions and their fertility behavior.

Social and behavioural scientists have been concerned with relations between the work and family as the rate of female employment continues to rise affecting an ever increasing proportion of married women. A link between employment outside the home and marital happiness of married working women has long been suspected. Since two decades research has focussed on the relation between work and family experiences. Research focussing on the heterogamy hypotheses which links spouse difference to marital happiness is limited particularly in a developing country like India. Studies conducted elsewhere suggest that marriages in which couples differ in age religion education or occupation are more likely to have conflict and experience marital disruption because such heterogamous marriages have less consensus than homogamous marriages. Some find no significant relationship between age difference or social class dissimilarity and satisfaction in their marriages. (excerpt)

The effect of educational differences between partners on marital quality and stability is commonly analysed using difference, or compound measures. This article considers the theoretical foundations for these approaches and examines an alternative approach, diagonal reference models (DRMs). The three methods are then compared empirically, using data on 629 married couples from the survey Child-Rearing and Family in the Netherlands. Difference measures show no effect on marital satisfaction, whereas compound measures and DRMs do show an effect. As DRMs also allow for the quantification of this effect, while being theoretically and methodologically appropriate, they are affirmed the best method.

In choosing marriage partners, we generally look for someone with similar status characteristics to our own. This paper suggests that status inequalities may be hypothesized to make a difference in marital satisfaction. Using the couple as the unit of analysis, the effects of educational heterogamy on marital satisfaction were investigated. Using ordinary least-squares regression, we found that when husbands had more education than their wives, both partners reported less than happy marriages with more disagreement and less positive feedback. Conversely, when the wife had more education, both partners reported more satisfaction with the marriage. Using results from the ordinary least-squares regression, a two-stage least-squares model was estimated. In this more complete model, the strongest effect on each partner's marital satisfaction was the feedback regarding the other partner's happiness within the marriage. Possible explanations for these findings are presented. We argue that longitudinal studies, using the couple as the unit of analysis, are essential if we wish to study the processes of marital interaction between spouses.

This research focuses on age differences in marriage. The purpose is to develop a partial test of whether over the past five decades age has become less relevant and age norms less constraining. A reduction in the strength of age norms should result in a decrease in coeval marriages. If age norms become less binding, then one should expect people to cast a wider age net when selecting their mate, leading to an increase in the number of marriages with unconventional age differences. Microdata samples of 111000 from 1940 through the 1980 Census of the United States Population were used to derive trends in the proportion of ageheterogamous and age-homogamous couples. The results show that between 1940 and 1980 there was no abatement of age homogamy. In fact a strong trend towards increasing homogamy was discovered. This movement toward increased homogamy, and the converse decrease in the age heterogamy, indicates that age has become more, not less, relevant in mate selection.

A textbook hypothesis about divorce is that heterogamous marriages are more likely to end in divorce than homogamous marriages. We analyse vital statistics on the population of the Netherlands, which provide a unique and powerful opportunity to test this hypothesis. All marriages formed between 1974 and 1984 (nearly 1 million marriages) are traced in the divorce records and multivariate logistic regression models are used to analyse the effects on divorce of heterogamy in religion and national origin. Our analyses confirm the hypothesis for marriages that cross the Protestant–Catholic or the Jewish–Gentile boundary. Heterogamy effects are weaker for marriages involving Protestants or unaffiliated persons. Marriages between Dutch and other nationalities have a higher risk of divorce, the more so the greater the cultural differences between the two groups. Overall, the evidence supports the view that, in the Netherlands, new group boundaries are more difficult to cross than old group boundaries.

People have a tendency to marry within their social group or to marry a person who is close to them in status. Although many characteristics play a role in the choice of a spouse, sociologists have most often examined endogamy and homogamy with respect to race/ethnicity, religion, and socioeconomic status. I first give an overview of hypotheses on the causes of endogamy and homogamy. The various hypotheses that have been suggested in the literature can be distinguished as arguments about three more general factors: (a) the preferences of marriage candidates for certain characteristics in a spouse, (b) the interference of “third parties” in the selection process, and (c) the constraints of the marriage market in which candidates are searching for a spouse. Second, I summarize empirical research by answering four questions: (a) To what extent are groups endogamous and how do groups differ in this respect? (b) How has endogamy changed over time? (c) Which factors are related to endogamy? (d) How do various dimensions of partner choice coincide? Third, I discuss strengths and weaknesses of past research. Strengths include the mass of descriptive work that has been done and the development of a multifaceted theoretical perspective which gives sociological theorizing an edge over psychological and economic theories of partner choice. Weaknesses include the lack of standardization of methods in describing patterns and trends and the relatively weak integration of empirical and theoretical work.

This paper focuses on the effects of age at marriage and the sex-ratio on patterns of ethnic homogamy among Israeli women. We hypothesize that later marriages are more likely than early marriages to be heterogamous as the 'marriage market' shifts from school to the work-place. By the same token, when facing severe marriage squeezes women will be forced to out-marry. Employing data from the 1983 census, we model mate selection of women from Afro-Asian and Euro-American origin in various birth-cohorts. The results do not fully support our hypotheses: we find that in and of itself, age at marriage does not enhance ethnic heterogamy. Women of both ethnic groups who marry later are more likely to marry men of Euro-American origin than those who marry early but this seems to reflect educational rather than ethnic assortative mating. We also find that Afro-Asian women born to cohorts which face severe marriage squeezes are more likely to stay single and those who marry are more likely to out-marry.

Evidence suggests that the presence of children has a positive impact on the stability of both marital and nonmarital relationships. It is therefore important to understand the determinants of childbearing decisions made by couples in both types of relationships....Using data from the 1990 [Canadian] Friends and Family Survey and employing an uncertainty reduction model this article attempts to shed light on the childbearing experiences of cohabiting women after their entry into a cohabitational relationship. We find that the hazard rate of a cohabiting woman bearing a child within the union is associated with her age at the start of cohabitation her educational status nativity number of siblings heterogamy in cohabiting unions the year of the start of cohabitation and geographic region. (EXCERPT)

Data drawn from the 1991 US National Survey of Women revealed significant differences between married women and cohabiting or dating women in their level of commitment to a partner. Sexual exclusivity was selected as the proxy for commitment and compared in 1235 dating cohabiting and married women 20-37 years old. 4% of married women 18% of dating women and 20% of cohabiting women reported a secondary sex partner. In the latter group each month of cohabitation increased the odds of a secondary sexual relationship by 2%. Characteristics of married women that significantly increased the odds of a secondary relationship included no religious affiliation 4 or more previous sexual partners husband more than 2 years older and higher educational level on the part of the female versus the male partner. Among dating and cohabiting women the significantly predictive factors of a secondary sexual relationship included college education no religious affiliation religious heterogamy with partner higher educational attainment on the part of the woman versus her partner minority race or ethnicity and having had previous sex partners. Both before and after marriage the risk of having a secondary sex partner was increased (1.7 and 3.3 times respectively) among married women who had cohabited prior to marriage compared to those who had not. These findings support previous research suggesting that cohabitation is selective of women less committed to a relationship. Finally the research revealed that cohabiting women are more likely when they marry than women with no history of cohabitation to select partners similar to themselves in terms of educational level--another indication that women in this category value independence and equality in a relationship.

National Longitudinal Surveys are used to investigate the patterns and determinants of marital dissolution for first marriages [in the United States]. The focus of this paper is to examine the associations between socioeconomic status differences and changes within marriage of marital partners and marital instability. Based on a discrete hazard model the results indicate the risk of marital instability is highest among couples who have heterogamous education and who do not follow the most traditional working arrangement where only the husband is employed full-time in the labor market. Those couples who do equalize their original education and conventionalize employment status enjoy higher marital stability. However marriages in which couples change to educational heterogamy and unconventional employment statuses are less likely to survive. (EXCERPT)

Trends in assortative mating were examined using the 1% Public Use Microdata samples (PUMS) of the 1940 1960 1970 and 1980 US Censuses and the Current Population Surveys (CPS) of 1985-87. 2 samples were drawn: 1) couples between the ages of 16-34 years and married for the 1st time 1 year prior to the census or CPS (newlyweds) and 2) couples between the ages of 21-39 years and married 5-6 years prior to the census/CPS. The methods of Hauser and Johnson are used to analyze trends that distinguish patterns of change in marginal distributions of husbands and wives traits from those which show an association between spouses traits. These "crossings" models indicate which educational differences between prospective spouses are serious barriers to intermarriage and reflect patterns of change between years. The implications are that marriages between persons who differ in educational attainment may be more common at some levels of the educational hierarchy than at others and that the effect of the time gap between school leaving and marriage is greater at higher levels of schooling than at lower levels. The proportion of marriages with spouses of the same educational attainment declined between 1900-50 and increased from 1950 to 1970 which was due to distributions of spouses schooling rather than from the association between spouses attainment. There is further discussion of the effects of changes in the timing of schooling and marriage and changing competitiveness of the marriage market. The results take into consideration log linear models that relate to the trends in schooling and educational assortative mating and that relate to the timing of marriage and educational assortative mating. The findings suggest that even after the relative timing of leaving school and entry into marriage are accounted for the trend remains for increased educational assortative mating particularly for college graduates and persons without college degrees. Although not empirically tested it is suggested that changes in rates of participation in the armed forces in rates of childbearing before marriage in the incidence of cohabitation in womens labor force participation and in the status of jobs held by women affect the timing of marriage and exposure to potential spouses of varying educational statuses. There may also be an influence on patterns of assortative mating. When barriers to marriage between educational strata increase between family inequalities increase and the effects on family inequality and educational mobility require further analysis. The findings suggest however that the structure of marriage and inequality within and between generations are affected by trends in age at marriage.

This paper focuses on the causes of marital instability. Section I develops a theoretical analysis of marital dissolution, incorporating uncertainty about outcomes of marital decisions into a framework of utility maximization and the marriage market. Section II explores implications of the theoretical analysis with cross-sectional data, primarily the 1967 Survey of Economic Opportunity and the Terman sample. The relevance of both the theoretical and empirical analyses in explaining the recent acceleration in divorce rates is also discussed.

There is probably no other single subject within the discipline of biology that has engendered as much misunderstanding and mistrust as has the subject of evolution. The mere mention of a serious discussion of this subject usually raises the tenor of interest in a roomful of beginning college biology students. Some are quite ready to hear more about a concept concerning which they have mixed emotions; some are resolute passive resisters; while others are immediately en garde and ready to take on all comers. Some see it as an overt attack on their religious beliefs, while others view it as a sort of mystical all-controlling demigod in itself. Since this subject is so central to the understanding of biology as a dynamic discipline, I offer these comments for consideration and criticism. First, it is an illogical reaction of college faculty to place the blame for a muddled view of evolution on instructors in the secondary and primary school system. While there may be some measure of merit in this reaction, the main difficulties, I believe, lie elsewhere. I would expect, for example, to find very few people on the street who would be able or willing to spend time in a debate on the relative merit of isogamy vs. heterogamy. The much more intricate topic of organic evolution, however, is readily discussed not only by the man on the street, but also by wellmeaning non-biology teachers, religionists of every kind, and of course, poorly prepared students. It is not my intention here to discuss the compatibility of the concept of evolution with theology, political theory, or religion. I would, however, re-emphasize to the reader that if he is a teacher of biology at any level, he has no monopoly, singly or collectively, in shaping the students' understanding of evolu

Combined data from six U.S. national surveys conducted from 1973 to 1978 were used to study patterns of interreligious marriage in the mid-1970s and to indicate changes since the Current Population Survey gathered data on interreligious marriage in 1957. Data on current religious preference showed an important degree of increase in religiously mixed couples from 1957 to 1973-1978. Data on the religions in which individuals had been raised indicated no extremely strong barriers to religious outmarriage except among Jews--the fairly high degree of homogamy in current religious preference apparently being achieved to a large extent by religious switching after marriage or in anticipation of marriage. The impact of interreligious marriage on marital happiness is also studied. (EXCERPT)

This paper examines "May-September" and "May-December" marriages--that is marriages in which spouses are separated by unconventional age differences. These marriages are not interesting for their numbers; only about 8% of marriages are age-heterogamous. What makes them interesting is their potential for theorizing about homogamy and its social consequences. Using data from the US Panel of Income Dynamics and a major epidemiological study in Florida this paper compares age-heterogamous and age-homogamous couples in terms of socioeconomic status and marital quality to examine the truth of the popular hypotheses that age-heterogamous couples are mostly from the upper middle class and that these marriages are burdened by problems that make them very unstable. The 4 groups studied include: 1) wives who are at least 4 years older than their husbands 2) husbands and wives who are separated by no more than 3 years in either direction 3) husbands who are between 4 and 10 years older than their wives and 4) husbands who are 11 or more years older than their wives. For all races marriages with husbands who are at least 11 years older than their wives diminished steadily from 13.45% of those making $4999 or less to 6.21% of those making $30000 or more. Couples with wives 4 or more years older than their husbands are also roughly twice as frequent in families with incomes of $4999 or less than those with incomes of $30000 or more. The data also show that age difference is a nonpredictor of marital satisfaction when socioeconomic status race duration of marriage sex and age are controlled. Measures of marital quality also did not discriminate between groups. These findings dramatically contradict popular wisdom and cast doubt on theories on the nature and effects or marital homogamy and heterogamy.

This research examines the relationship between religious and age heterogamy on the one hand and the choice of voluntary contraceptive sterilization and the decision for a male or female procedure on the other. 2 perspectives are set forth that provide bases for expecting heterogamy effects. One is a "selectivity" perspective which predicts that heterogamous couples would be more likely than others to obtain a sterilization procedure and to choose a male procedure. The other is a "strain" perspective which under certain conditions predicts that heterogamous couples would be less likely than homogamous couples to elect sterilization and to elect male sterilization. In the case of selecting sterilization over other contraceptive methods the results support the former perspective with couples of disparate ages and mixed-faith marriages exhibiting a greater tendency to elect sterilization than other couples. No relationship emerges however between the measures of heterogamy and the tendency to choose male over female sterilization. The results also reveal regional differences in sterilization patterns. The implications of the findings for the theoretical perspectives are discussed. (authors)