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The new trade mark law texts of the European Union aim, inter alia, at overruling the doctrine proposed by the EU Court of Justice in a long series of decisions – most notably Montex and Philips and Nokia – in relation to trade mark law and goods in transit. The wording of the new texts seems to impose on the trade mark holder requesting the blocking of goods in transit, only the burden of proof of the existence of his trade mark right and of its infringement in the country of transit. The author suggests the possibility of an alternative interpretation, according to which the trade mark holder, in order to obtain the blocking of goods, must also give at least a prima facie evidence of the infringement of his right in the country of final destination. The reasons for this interpretation are identified in the principle of freedom of transit imposed by the GATT, in the general rules on the burden of proof, and in the principle of the proximity of the evidence. In conclusion, the author signals that the new rules are not technically justified by specific lines of trade mark law, hence they could be extended easily – by the legislator or by case law – to all other intellectual property rights.

Este artigo se propõe a estudar a participação dos países latino-americanos na Conferência de Havana, que negociou e aprovou a Carta da Organização Internacional do Comércio (OIC), incluindo o Acordo Geral sobre Tarifas e Comércio (GATT), em 1947-1948. O trabalho mostra que o entendimento predominante entre as delegações latino-americanas era o de que as negociações de Havana seriam o resultado das assimetrias de poder material e político existentes entre os seus países e os países industrializados. Os latino-americanos acreditavam que as suas economias frágeis deviam enfrentar as fortes economias dos países industrializados através de planejamento econômico e da substituição de importações, já em vigor em vários países latino-americanos desde as décadas de 1930 e 1940. O trabalho mostra ainda que a construção do regime de comércio internacional pós-Segunda Guerra mundial foi de fato caracterizado por fortes desigualdades materiais e políticas, que prejudicaram a capacidade de negociação dos países latino-americanos. This article proposes to study the participation of Latin American delegations during the Havana Conference, which negotiated and approved the Charter of International Trade Organization (ITO), including the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), in 1947-1948. It shows that the prevalent understanding of Latin American countries was that the Havana negotiations would be the outcome of their existing political and material power asymmetries in relation to the industrialized countries. They believed that their fragile economies should face the strong economies of the industrialized countries by economic planning and import substitution, already in place in several Latin American countries since the 1930s and the 1940s. The article also shows that the construction of the post-World War II international trade regime was in fact characterized by strong material and political inequalities, which undermined Latin American countries abilities to negotiate.

This article describes the stages of formation of World trade organization (WTO), as a new aspect of multilateral trade relations regulation. It also describes the main objectives, key functions of WTO and regulations of this organization.

The transatlantic trade dispute is escalating: After the United States (US) introduced additional tariffs on steel and aluminium, hectic negotiations began with the European Union (EU). First, the EU obtained a temporary derogation before increasing tariffs on a long list of particularly symbolic and politically sensitive products, such as orange juice and Harley-Davidson motorcycles. At the same time, the EU, in concert with other states, made the first move in a possible World Trade Organization (WTO) dispute procedure against the US. The US, in the meantime, has signalled the next round by deciding to examine options for tariffs on cars. Existing multinational rules leave only a limited scope for tariff increases, all of which bear the risk of further escalation. It would therefore be wise for the EU not to exhaust this leeway but to keep cool and stay liberal in its approach to trade. (Autorenreferat)

The Doha multilateral round of trade negotiations sponsored by the WTO has been dragging on for over a decade, with no end in sight. In this short paper we assess empirically what determines the duration of trade negotiations, focusing on the span between the start of trade talks and their conclusion. We use data from 88 regional trade agreements between 1988 and 2009, and a semi-parametric Cox proportional hazards model. Four factors are robust determinants of the length of RTA negotiations. Negotiations are more protracted when there are more countries at the negotiation table, and when the countries are not from the same region. Negotiations between more open and richer countries are also finished more quickly.

Eric Wyndham White, the first Executive Secretary of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) (1948–68), once likened his organization to Cinderella. 1 Although he did not draw out all the...

This paper uses a case study approach to explore the effects of NAFTA and GATT membership on innovation and trade in the Mexican soaps, detergents and surfactants (SDS) industry. Several basic findings emerge. First, the most fundamental effect of NAFTA and the GATT on the SDS industry was to help induce Wal-Mart to enter Mexico. Once there, Walmex fundamentally changed the retail sector, forcing SDS firms to cut their profit margins and/or innovate. Those unable to respond to this new environment tended to lose market share and, in some cases, disappear altogether. Second, partly in response to Walmex, many Mexican producers logged impressive efficiency gains during the previous decade. These gains came both from labour-shedding and from innovation, which in turn was fuelled by innovative input suppliers and by multinationals bringing new products and processes from their headquarters to Mexico. Finally, although Mexican detergent exports captured an increasing share of the U.S. detergent market over the past decade, Mexican sales in the U.S. were inhibited by a combination of excessive shipping delays at the border and artificially high input prices (due to Mexican protection of domestic caustic soda suppliers). They were also held back by the major re-tooling costs that Mexican producers would have had to incur in order to establish brand recognition among non-Latin consumers, and in order to comply with zero phosphate laws in many regions of the United States

The article analyzes the process of approving by the Brazilian Parliament of the results of the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in 1994., O artigo analisa o processo de aprovação, pelo Congresso Nacional do Brasil, dos resultados da Rodada Uruguai do Acordo Geral sobre Tarifas Aduaneiras e Comércio (GATT) em 1994.The article analyzes the process of approving by the Brazilian Parliament of the results of the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in 1994.

When in 1923 Jacob Viner wrote the book, Dumping: A Problem in International Trade, he probably did not imagine that the system devised to eliminate the effects of dumping (i.e., antidumping) would itself become a problem. However, as we celebrate the 100th anniversary of the first antidumping law, the situation is quite different from that observed by Viner. Although his economic analysis on the nature and causes of dumping remains valid, the debate shifted in the early 1990s and now centers on the widespread use of antidumping. This paper documents the evolution of antidumping by examining the pattern of adoptions of antidumping laws and the statistics pertaining to the worldwide caseload. One striking result is the important role played by the new users of antidumping. Rankings based on the intensity of use magnify this conclusion, suggesting that the true dimension of the antidumping phenomenon is only partly revealed by the usual statistics on usage.

The National Treatment (NT) clause is the first-line defense in the GATT (and in most other trade agreements) against opportunistic exploitation of the inevitable incompleteness of the agreement. This paper examines the role of NT as it applies to internal taxation under the GATT. It is shown that despite severely restricting the freedom to set internal taxes, NT may improve government welfare, but it will not completely solve the incomplete contract problem it is meant to remedy. Furthermore, it requires a high degree of economic sophistication on behalf of trade negotiators in order for this beneficial effect to materialize.

This paper estimates the effect on international trade of three multilateral organizations intended to increase trade: (1) the World Trade Organization (WTO) and its predecessor the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT); (2) the International Monetary Fund (IMF); and (3) the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and its predecessor the Organisation for European Economic Co-operation (OEEC). I use a standard “gravity” model of bilateral merchandise trade and a large panel dataset covering over 50 years and 175 countries. My results indicate that OECD membership has had a consistently large positive effect on trade, while accession to the GATT/WTO also increases trade.

We propose a decomposition of social welfare when consumers' preferences are described by quasi-linear utility functions. In our decomposition, social welfare is expressed as the sum of consumers' gross utilities and trade surplus of non-numeraire goods, whose consumption enters utility functions non-linearly. This decomposition is useful especially when we assess the impact of trade liberalization on individual countries. We propose a decomposition of social welfare when consumers' preferences are described by quasi-linear utility functions. In our decomposition, social welfare is expressed as the sum of consumers' gross utilities and trade surplus of non-numeraire goods, whose consumption enters utility functions non-linearly. This decomposition is useful especially when we assess the impact of trade liberalization on individual countries.

This Paper uses 67 measures of trade policy and trade liberalization to ask if membership in the World Trade Organization (WTO) and its predecessor the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) is associated with more liberal trade policy. Almost no measures of trade policy are significantly correlated with GATT/WTO membership. Trade liberalizations, when they occur, usually lag GATT entry by many years, and the GATT/WTO often admits countries that are closed and remain closed for years. The exception to the negative rule is that WTO members tend to have slightly more freedom as judged by the Heritage Foundation’s index of economic freedom.

The decline of manufacturing in OECD countries and job implications has been a long-time concern. Recently, policy-makers have set out for reindustrialisation. A trend related to these concerns and aspirations is the servicification of manufacturing – the increase in use, produce and sales of services. However, servicification of firms and its role for foreign trade and policy have only received limited attention. This paper reviews micro- level evidence and discusses trade policy implications. Servicification is found in several countries, including China, and there are indications that imported, domestic and exported services are key for the competitiveness of today’s manufacturing firms and their participation in international value chains. Therefore, the historic divides in trade-policy-making between trade in manufactures and services, between offensive and defensive interests, and between modes of supply are largely antiquated. Potential trade policy implications also include to: reform how governments consult business for trade negotiations; facilitate cross-border movement of persons; and cut tariffs on services embodied and embedded in manufactures and their sales., Tjänstefiering och internationalisering av tillverkningsindustrin

Trading is a service sector that supports local and internation economics activity. In the international trade system, Indonesia has taken part in the success of Uruguay Round of GATT. The agreement resulted from the Round bound all the participants to follow GATT in every trading activity. There are three principles of GATT: reciprocity, most favored nation (MFN) and transparency, all of which to eliminate trading problem among the countries.

L'idée centrale de cet article est que l'accord agricole de l'Uruguay Round contraindra désormais les politiques agricoles, et que les intérêts commerciaux vont relayer les groupes de pression et susciter un néoprotectionnisme sous forme de BNT (Barrières non tarifaires) sous couvert de préoccupations de santé, d'environnement, de qualité ou d'éthique. La théorie économique donne quelques indications pour distinguer les interventions publiques nécessaires pour pallier les défaillances du marché de celles qui sont des détournements protectionnistes. L'OMC a mis en place des gardes-fous efficaces pour limiter cette tendance. Le contenu des divers accords signés à Marrakech et les acquis de décisions récentes sont passés en revue. Mais l'action de l'OMC reste très focalisée sur les freins aux échanges et se heurte aux limites du rôle de l'objectivité et de la science. Elle reste trop limitée face aux problèmes communs globaux et à l'éthique qui pourtant concerne le bien-être mondial, actuel ou futur. Pour la profession des économistes agricoles, ces problèmes ouvrent un domaine important de recherches, à la fois conceptuelles et empiriques.

International audience; While the WTO and Doha Development Round do not deal with labour issues – they leave this to the ILO – the main countries that conclude free trade agreements incorporate labour provisions, which vary in terms of stringency. Sanctions are rarely used, and fears that “social clauses” would serve protectionist purposes have proved to be unfounded. Labour provisions are designed to meet a variety of sometimes conflicting goals, by means of different mechanisms aimed at improving labour practices and promoting Decent Work; the author makes a number of suggestions in this regard.

We study the endogenous network formation of bilateral and multilateral trade agreements by means of hypergraphs and introduce the equilibrium concept of multilateral stability. We consider multi-country settings with a firm in each country that produces a homogeneous good and competes as a Cournot oligopolist in each market. Under endogenous tariffs, we find that the existence of a multilateral trade agreement is always necessary for the stability of the trading system and that the formation of preferential trade agreements is always necessary for achieving global free trade. We also find that global free trade is efficient but not necessarily the only multilaterally stable trade equilibrium when countries are symmetric (heterogeneous) in terms of market size. We derive conditions under which such a conflict between overall welfare efficiency and stability occurs.

La crisis económica mundial ha tenido como consecuencia la contracción de los mercados externos en la demanda de los productos fabricados localmente, ocasionando excedentes en la producción nacional derivada de la caída en la demanda tanto nacional como internacional y la cancelación de operaciones previamente pactadas. Dichos excedentes de producción se verán reducidos mediante la disminución en los niveles de producción, las posibles ventas internas y la colocación de los mismos en los mercados internacionales que se mantengan abiertos ante y pese a la crisis. Frente a esta posibilidad las salvaguardas comerciales se consideran adecuadas para proteger a los productores nacionales en contra de dificultades económicas no previstas resultantes o no de la liberalización comercial. La idea es que los países afectados estén en una mejor disposición para reducir sus barreras al comercio y que la flexibilidad dada por las salvaguardas incremente en el largo plazo la estabilidad del sistema del comercio mundial.

The Doha multilateral round of trade negotiations sponsored by the WTO has been dragging on for over a decade, with no end in sight. In this short paper we assess empirically what determines the duration of trade negotiations, focusing on the span between the start of trade talks and their conclusion. We use data from 88 regional trade agreements between 1988 and 2009, and a semi-parametric Cox proportional hazards model. Four factors are robust determinants of the length of RTA negotiations. Negotiations are more protracted when there are more countries at the negotiation table, and when the countries are not from the same region. Negotiations between more open and richer countries are also finished more quickly., KOF Working Papers, 295

Few topics have influenced the international free-trade regime in recent years as much as its relation to environmental legislation. This working paper conceptualizes and discusses the conflict of objectives be-tween trade and environment often oversimplified in academic discourse. It argues that the structural changes of the free-trade regime in 1994 have led to a regulation towards more restrictive environmental standards based on a comparison of two dispute settlement procedures, US Tuna and US Shrimp. At this juncture, however, it is important to look more critically at the causes of this development. A detailed analysis of both disputes refutes explanatory models which argue from a supranational as well as a social-constructivist perspective and conclude that an institutional or normative change towards a “Greening of the GATT” has taken place. This paper argues that an intergovernmental perspective which analyses the decisions of the WTO in light of the rational interests of its member states is a more reasoned approach. In order to guarantee effective and sustainable environmental protection in the future, there must be a substantial reorientation of national preferences, which up until now has not occurred., Das internationale Freihandelsregime wurde in den vergangenen Jahren von wenigen Themen so stark geprägt, wie von seinem Verhältnis zum Umweltrecht. Der vorliegende Beitrag konzeptualisiert und prob-lematisiert den im wissenschaftlichen Diskurs häufig verkürzt dargestellten Zielkonflikt zwischen Handel und Umwelt. Die Annahme, mit der strukturellen Änderung des Freihandelsregimes 1994 habe sich seine Regelsetzung zugunsten restriktiverer Umweltstandards entwickelt, wird anhand eines Vergleiches der beiden WTO- Streitschlichtungsverfahren, US-Tuna und US-Shrimp, bewiesen. Die Ursachen dieser Ent-wicklung gilt es jedoch kritisch zu hinterfragen. Ein detaillierter Blick auf beide Streitfälle entkräftet supra-national sowie sozialkonstruktivistisch argumentierende Erklärungsmodelle, die die Schlussfolgerung zu-lassen, es habe ein institutioneller bzw. normativer Wandel hin zu einem „Greening of the GATT“ statt-gefunden. Stattdessen, so die These, eignet sich vielmehr ein intergouvernementaler Erklärungsansatz, der Entscheidungen der WTO vor dem Hintergrund der rationalen Interessen ihrer Mitgliedsstaaten reflek-tiert. Um künftig effektiven und nachhaltigen Umweltschutz zu garantieren, bedarf es einer substantiellen Neuorientierung staatlicher Präferenzen, die bisher nicht stattgefunden hat.

The paper discusses various milestones in the process of multilateral trade negotiations, pinpoints current challenges facing the world trading order, and proposes possible ways out of the persistent impasse. Hufbauer argues that the success of the multilateral approach is at least partly because the GATT departed from the strictly unconditional definition of the most-favored nation (MFN) rule in the late 1970s already. Regional agreements such as NAFTA complemented, rather than hindered, multilateral trade liberalization in the past. The political economy of further multilateral liberalization has become increasingly complicated since countries such as Brazil, China, and India have emerged as relevant players. Against this backdrop, Hufbauer expects regionalism to become the strongest vehicle for delivering liberalization in the future. This could still leave a bright future for the WTO as a “house of plurilaterals”, i.e., agreements on specific issues such as services liberalization with conditional MFN treatment of varying membership.

Article XXIV of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) lays down the legal principles with which regional trade agreements have to conform. Based on these principles, WTO members have the mandate to determine the legality of Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs) under the GATT. Article XXIV permits both regional and bilateral preferential trade agreements leading to the formation of customs unions and free trade areas, and seeks to integrate them in the multilateral trading system envisioned for the world. SADC is an RTA created under this Article. Notwithstanding the controversies surrounding the provisions and interpretation of Article XXIV, this paper seeks to establish the extent to which the SADC Protocol on Trade and free trade area comply with WTO rules. An analysis of selected Article XXIV provisions and the SADC Trade Protocol provisions will be undertaken in trying to establish this compliance.

This article concerns the Brazilian trade policy during the governments of Jose Sarney (1985-1990), Fernando Collor de Mello (1990-1992) and Itamar Franco (1992-1994), studying how, throughout this period, Brazil stopped trying to derogate the GATT principles of progressive liberalization and nondiscrimination and began to incorporate them in the elaboration of the trade policy under the responsibility of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the government's ministries of economy. I seek to explain the convergence of policies between those distinct State bureaucracies through the gradual occupation of the decisory instances by groups with convergent conceptions of the foreign trade functionality on the promotion of economic development, which contributed to the evolution of the Brazilian stance at GATT Uruguay Round and to the reform of the imports regime. To support this hypothesis, I have tried to verify the relationship between the evolution of the economic thought of groups responsible for the formulation of the commercial policy and the redefinition of policies in this area.

"This paper assesses the future of the world trading system in the face of diminishing returns from current multilateral trade negotiations and the proliferation of bilateral and regional trade agreements (RTAs). It traces the evolution of the postwar trading regime from the early decades of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) that were dominated by the United States and the European Communities to the new World Trade Organization (WTO) in which developing countries have begun to play a more important role, especially in the current Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations (MTNs). The paper discusses the substantive and tactical reasons why the Doha Round has progressed so grudgingly and is unlikely to achieve its ambitious objectives. It then examines why developing countries increasingly have turned to RTAs to complement WTO talks, whether these pacts benefit or hinder MTNs, and how RTAs affect the influence of developing countries in the WTO. The final section of the paper looks at the WTO going forward and posits that, after the Doha Round, the trading system in the 21st century requires substantial reform. The problems of the Doha Round and the proliferation of regionalism confront WTO members with three central challenges: First, multilateralize multilateralism. There are a vast number of exceptions that take the WTO far away from the ideal of a universal system with a single set of rules. The paper suggests that officials focus on the broad exceptions to most-favored nation (MFN) and national treatment in Articles XX and XXI, especially the provisions covering border security and environmental issues. Second, multilateralize regionalism. The challenge is to make the design and implementation of RTAs more WTO-friendly. The paper calls for greater transparency of RTAs through more frequent and rigorous WTO reporting requirements, and new disciplines on discriminatory rules of origin. The paper offers two correctives: cut MFN tariffs and thus reduce the margin of preference for RTA members; or, alternatively, require that RTA members harmonize and lower the MFN tariffs down to the level of the lowest rate applied by any of the RTA members. Third, modernize multilateralism. The WTO agenda needs to be refocused on the problems of international commerce in the 21st century. WTO rules on taxes and subsidies need to be recast to cover concerns about currency manipulation, regulatory abuse or neglect, and labor market practices as well as to meet the new challenges of climate change initiatives. In addition, WTO members will have to address trade and security linkages before pre-shipment inspection and visa requirements become major obstacles to international flows of goods, services, and people. To do so, the WTO will have to collaborate more effectively with other international economic organizations." [author's abstract]

Antidumping actions are widely criticised for being used as a protective device rather than as a means of controlling unfair trade practices. Michael Davenport discusses the complaints and proposals for change brought forward by the affected exporting countries in the current GATT round. Phedon Nicolaides analyses the antidumping policy of the European Community which has recently been the butt of particularly heavy criticism.

The use of non-tariff barriers to trade, which began to be important in the 1970s, has continued to increase throughout the 1980s. Notwithstanding the difficulties and limitations it faces, the Uruguay Round probably presents the only present opportunity of coming to grips with many existing exemptions to, and distortions of, GATT rules.

Since its inception in 1995, more than 330 disputes have been raised under the WTO Dispute Settlement System. The major players in world trade - the EU and the USA - are also the busiest users of this instrument. After looking at links between economic integration and WTO involvement and a survey of the actual transatlantic WTO trade disputes, the welfare implications of the four most prominent trade disputes between the EU and the USA ("mini trade wars") are analyzed with GTAP5: the Hormones, the Bananas, the FSC and the Steel cases. The economic analysis reveals that the level of suspension of concessions hardly coincides with the level of nullification or impairment (expressed in lost trade effects) if one considers the overall welfare implications of retaliation with tariffs. The idea of "rebalancing" retaliation is a myth. Tariffs are a very bad instrument of retaliation. Maybe a mechanism of direct transfers or financial compensation would be better.

We propose a model of trade agreements in which contracting is costly, and as a consequence the optimal agreement may be incomplete. In spite of its sim plicity, the model yields rich predictions on the structure of the optimal trade agreement and how this depends on the fundamentals of the contracting envi ronment. We argue that taking contracting costs explicitly into account can help explain a number of key features of real trade agreements. (JEL D86, Fl 3) The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the World Trade Organization (WTO) more generally, like all existing trade agreements, are obviously highly incomplete con tracts. In the economics literature there exist models of trade agreements as incomplete contracts, but the typical approach is to impose exogenous restrictions on the set of policy instruments that can be included in the agreement, and examine what the agreement can accomplish given these limitations.1 This literature illuminates the consequences of the incompleteness of trade agree ments, but it cannot explain the particular forms that the incompleteness has taken. The broad purpose of this paper is to take the analysis of trade agreements as incomplete con tracts one step further, by endogenously determining the choice of contract form. A more spe cific purpose is to argue that an incomplete-contracting perspective can help explain three core features of the GATT/WTO. (i) The agreement binds the levels of trade instruments. In contrast, domestic instruments are largely left to the discretion of governments, with two important excep tions: first, internal policies must be nondiscriminatory according to the National Treatment (NT) clause; and, second, the WTO has introduced a regulation of domestic subsidies, (ii) The bindings are largely rigid (i.e., not state contingent). But there are "escape clauses" that allow for temporary protection, (iii) The bindings stipulate only upper bounds on the tariffs, thus leaving governments with discretion to go below the bounds. An important property of the incompleteness of the GATT/WTO, which is embodied in the features above, is that the agreement displays an interesting combination of rigidity, in the sense that contractual obligations are largely insensitive to changes in economic (and political) con ditions, and discretion, in the sense that governments have substantial leeway in the setting of many policies. This property is also exhibited to varying degrees by all other existing trade

The latin adage 'ubi commercium, ibi jus' reflects the insight that the efficiency of markets and trade depend on legal guarantees of market freedoms (such as freedom of contract, property rights), legal security (e.g. as incentive for investments and division of labour) and on legal limitations of 'market failures' as well as of 'government failures'. Since Adam Smith, economists increasingly acknowledge these interdependencies between economic, legal and social order, for example between the economic objective of promoting consumer welfare through legal guarantees of consumer-driven competition and open markets, and the democratic objective of protecting individual self-government and peaceful cooperation among citizens through constitutional guarantees of equal freedoms and social justice. The lawyers, economists and politicians belonging to the post-war German schools of 'ordo-liberalism' (including German chancellor L. Erhard and his secretaries of state, W. Hallstein and A. Muller-Armack, who represented Germany in the EEC Treaty negotiations) succeeded in basing the German and EC 'economic constitution' on constitutional guarantees of market freedoms, competition rules and a 'social market economy' committed to respect for human rights. Yet, the EC initiatives for 'constitutionalizing' the world trading system - for example, by correcting 'international market failures' by means of new WTO competition, environmental, investment and development rules, and for limiting the WTO's 'governance failures' by democratic and judicial reforms - appear to have foundered after more than 5 years of negotiations in the 'Doha Development Round.' This contribution discusses 'constitutional problems' of national and intergovernmental economic governance from the perspective of constitutional theory and constitutional economics by using the example of the disagreement among the 151 WTO Members on defining the 'development objectives' of the WTO's 'Development Round.' Constitutional theory suggests to define development as individual freedom, consumerdriven competition and autonomous development of human capacities protected by constitutional rights that limit abuses of power at national, transnational and international levels of human interactions.

Macedonian Abstract: Основна цел на овој труд е преку анализа на меѓународната трговија со земјоделски производи да покаже дека либерализацијата на трговијата во земјоделството може да доведе до намалување на сиромаштијата и гладот и зголемување на благосостојбата во светот.Трудот е поделен на три глобални целини. Во првата е даден историски осврт на меѓународната трговија со земјоделски производи со анализа на двете доминантни трговски концепции: протекционизмот и либерализмот. Вториот дел ги обработува напорите на меѓународната заедница во втората половина од 20-тиот век даовозможи прифатливи рамки за ослободување на трговијата со храна. Третиот дел е фокусиран на создавањето на третиот столб на Бретонвудскиот систем - Светската трговска организација и нејзиното влијание врз целосната либерализација на светската трговија со земјоделски производи.Во трудот се користени методите на анализа на статистички податоци, историска анализа, компаративна анализа и дедукција.English Abstract: The main goal of this paper is to show that trade liberalization in agriculture can lead to reduction in poverty and hunger and can increase world’s welfare.The paper is divided into three general units. The first chapter is a historical overview of international trade in agriculture followed by analyzing two major trade concepts: protectionism and liberalism. The second chapter emphasises the efforts of international community to create an acceptable framework for agriculture trade liberalization in the second half of the 20th century. The third part is focused on the third pillar of the Bretton Woods system - World Trade Organization and its impact on the complete liberalization of international trade of agriculture products.The methods of statistical data analysis, historical analysis, comparative analysis and deduction are widely used in this paper.

Because of concern that tariff reductions in Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries will translate into worsening export performance for the least developed countries, the erosion of trade preferences may become a stumbling block for multilateral trade liberalization. An econometric analysis of actual preference use shows that preferences are underused because of administrative burdens-estimated to be equivalent to an average of four percent of the value of goods traded. To quantify the maximum scope for preference erosion, the compliance cost estimates are used in a model-based assessment of the impact of full elimination of OECD tariffs. Taking into account administrative costs eliminates erosion costs in the aggregate and greatly reduces the losses for countries most affected by preference erosion.

The GATT Rounds show that trade liberalization is essentially a cooperative non-stationary dynamic process. Therefore, the impact of Regionalism on trade liberalization possibly changes over time. I adapt the trade liberalization model of Devereux (1997) to examine how this impact varies. Common markets lead to a one-time shock in immediate tariffs, as well as to a change in their rate of decline. I find that common markets that happen late in the trade liberalization process are more likely to lead to a decline in immediate tariffs. Common markets also increase the rate of decline of tariffs after their formation. JEL Classification: F03, F15 Marches communs et liberalisation du commerce. Les diverses rondes de negociation du GATT ont montre que la liberalisation du commerce est essentiellement un processus dynamique non-stationnaire de cooperation. Donc l’impact du regionalisme sur la liberalisation du commerce peut changer dans le temps. L’auteur utilise le modele de liberalisation du commerce de Devereux (1997) pour analyser comment cet impact varie. Les marches communs declenchent un choc immediat dans les droits de douanes en place ainsi qu’un changement dans leur taux de declin. Il semble que les marches communs qui se materialisent tard dans le processus de liberalisation du commerce sont davantage susceptibles d’entrainer un declin immediat dans les droits de douane. Les marches communs accroissent aussi le taux de reduction dans les droits de douane apres leur formation.

We argue that, in the presence of asymmetric countries, a trade agreement that conforms to GATT’s reciprocity rule allows the (stronger) less trade dependent country to improve its welfare relative to both the free trade and the trade war. Conversely, the (weaker) more trade dependent country cannot reach the free trade welfare level under reciprocity, although its welfare improves relative to the trade war. Reciprocity is so unfavorable to the weaker country that it may be worse off under reciprocity than under the Nash bargaining solution, a ‘power-based’ approach to trade negotiations that reflects power asymmetries among trading partners. Our results question Bagwell and Staiger (1999, 2000)’s view of reciprocity as a rule that “serves to mitigate the influence of power asymmetries on negotiated outcomes”.

This paper furnishes robust evidence that the GATT/WTO has had a powerful and positive impact on trade. The impact has, however, been uneven. GATT/WTO membership for industrial countries has been associated with a large increase in imports estimated at about 40 percent of world trade. The same has not been true for developing country members, although those that joined after the Uruguay Round have benefited from increased imports. Similarly, there have been asymmetric effects among sectors, with WTO membership associated with substantially greater imports in sectors where barriers are low. These results are consistent with the history and design of the institution, which presided over significant trade liberalization by the industrial countries except in sectors such as food and clothing; largely exempted developing countries from the obligations to liberalize under the principle of special and differential treatment; but attempted to redress the latter by imposing greater obligations on developing country members that joined after the Uruguay Round.

This paper estimates the effect on international trade of multilateral trade agreements: the World Trade Organization (WTO), its predecessor the Generalized Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), and the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) extended from rich countries to developing countries. I use a standard gravity' model of bilateral merchandise trade and a large panel data set covering over fifty years and 175 countries. An extensive search reveals little evidence that countries joining or belonging to the GATT/WTO have different trade patterns than outsiders. The GSP does seem to have a strong effect, and is associated with an approximate doubling of trade.

Traditionally, the ECJ has treated the international legal framework of the external trade law of the Community with judicial self restraint. Especially the GATT was perceived as a forum for interstate negotiations driven by the spirit of intergovernmental reciprocity. Thus, the ECJ has concluded that the GATT should be protected from intrusion by national authorities and cannot be invoked directly before the court. However, in the context of new developments, GATT and WTO-law are increasingly seen differently: International trade rules can serve as a quasi-constitutional constraint on excessive national trade policy. Basic principles such as the Most Favored Nation clause, the principle of non-discrimination and the prohibition of quantitative restrictions are reinterpreted as protection of economic rights of individuals rather than as protection of interstate reciprocity. Application of GATT-rules by national authorities is thus essential for the effective implementation of the "spirit" of GATT to fight a potential bias in favor of protectionism. This article comments on the historic conditions and the development of this fundamental change in the perception of the spitit of the GATT and tries to assess its consequences.

El dumping es la práctica de comercio en la cual una empresa vende un producto en el extranjero a precio inferior al que se vendería en su propio mercado nacional. En el presente artículo se describen los parámetros principales que deben presentar una empresa o rama de producción que considere verse afectada ante precios dumping, enmarcados en las exigencias de los organismos que regulan la equidad del comercio internacional.

This paper sets up two competing frameworks to assess the evidence of the CAP reforms of the 1980s and 1990s. The two frameworks differ in the degree of prominence given to interest groups in affecting CAP decisions. The paper concludes that the most important mechanism behind CAP reforms is the interaction of EU institutions and member state governments. Interest groups, at national or EU-level, have limited influence on the reform process. The paper does not claim to have developed a new theory of CAP reform but rather aims to suggest a direction for the development of a high content theory that is able to account for the differences between episodes of CAP reform as well as the similarities.

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II ÖZET GÜMRÜK BİRLİĞİ' NİN TÜRK TARIMSAL DIŞ TİCARETİNE ETKİLERİ Gümrük Birliği, üye ülkeler arasında gümrük vergisi, eş etkili vergiler ve miktar kısıtlamalarının kaldırılması ve üçüncü ülkelere karşı ortak gümrük tarifesi uygulanmasını öngörmektedir. Gümrük Birliği esas itibariyle sanayi ürünlerini kapsamakla birlikte, işlenmiş tarım ürünleri de bu kapsamda değerlendirilmektedir. Gümrük Birliği, tarım ürünlerini kapsamamasına rağmen, Türkiye tarımını etkileyecek önemli bir gelişmedir. Tarım ürünlerinin serbest dolaşıma tabi olmayışı, tarım sektörünün Gümrük Birliği dışında kaldığını göstermez. Tarımın kullanıldığı girdiler ve tarım ürünlerinin sanayiye verdiği hammadde kaynakları nedeniyle, Gümrük Birliği'nden Türk tarımının etkilenmemesi olanaksızdır. Bu durumda, tarımı doğrudan etkileyecek sektörler tarımsal girdi ve gıda sanayi olacaktır. Tarım ürünlerinin Gümrük Birliği kapsamına girişi ise, Türkiye'nin OTP'na uyum sağlaması ve bu hususun Ortaklık Konseyi Kararı ile saptanmasından sonra gerçekleşecektir. ANAHTAR KELİMELER Gümrük Birliği, GATT, Avrupa Birliği (AB), Ortak Tarım Politikası(OTP) Ill ABSTRACT EFFECTS OF COSTOM UNION TO TURKISH AGRICULTURAL TRADE AFTER THE AGREEMENT Custom Union has proposed the restrictions of customs taxes, equal effective taxed and quantity and a common customs tariff is applied against rest of the Union. Custom Union is basically composed of industrial products, however finished agricultural products are considered within this scope as well. Even it does not cover agricultural products, custom union is an important development which win affect Turkish Agriculture. The fact that agricultural products are not subject to free movement does not show that the agriculture sector remains out of custom union. It is not possible that Turkish Agriculture is not affected by custom union due to inputs used in agriculture and raw material sources of the agricultural based industry. In that case the sectors which may directly affect the agriculture are agricultural inputs and food industries. Agricultural product may be included in custom union only after Turkey is adaption of CAP and determination of this case by the EU-Turkey Association Council. KEYWORDS Custom Union, GATT, European Union, Common Agriculture Policy(CAP) 99

Over the past decade, most OECD countries have begun to reform fundamentally their agricultural policies. Some dispute has emerged over the extent to which policy-making at the international level has triggered these reforms. These disputes raise important theoretical questions about how we theorize and test for the degree of interdependence between international, regional (EU), and domestic policy change. This paper offers the concept of autonomous, linked games as a possible theoretical route to follow, a route that also permits more systematic theoretical consideration of the role of international organizations in policy-making. We focus, in particular, on the European Commission and the GATT Secretariat. Drawing on these concepts, we argue that policy reform by EU member states was significantly shaped by proposals and outcomes in the international negotiations on agriculture during the GATT Uruguay Round. Im Laufe des letzten Jahrzehnts haben die meisten OECD-Länder grundlegende Reformen ihrer Agrarpolitik in Angriff genommen. Die Frage, inwieweit politische Maßnahmen auf internationaler Ebene den Anstoß für diese Reformen gegeben haben, wird derzeit kontrovers diskutiert. Diese Diskussion wirft wichtige theoretische Fragen darüber auf, wie das Ausmaß der Interdependenz zwischen internationalen, regionalen (EU) und nationalen Politikänderungen theoretisch erfasst und empirisch bestimmt werden kann. Wir bieten das Konzept autonomer, miteinander verbundener Spiele als theoretischen Ansatz an, der zur Lösung dieser Fragen beitragen könnte. Dieser Ansatz könnte auch eine stringentere theoretische Analyse der Rolle internationaler Organisationen bei der Politikgestaltung ermöglichen. Der Schwerpunkt liegt insbesondere auf der Europäischen Kommission und dem GATT-Sekretariat. Auf der Grundlage unseres Ansatzes argumentieren wir, daß Politikreformen in den EU-Mitgliedstaaten in beträchtlichem Maße geprägt wurden von den Vorschlägen und Ergebnissen der internationalen Agrarverhandlungen während der Uruguay-Runde des GATT. Introduction Autonomous, Linked Games International Organizations and Multi-level Policy-making The GATT Game Phase 1: 1986 to 1990 Preliminary Positions Towards Deadlock: Win-Sets Analysis for Phase 1 The CAP Game The GATT Game Phase 2: January 1991 to December 1993 Conclusion References