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This study explains how the gap between theory and empirical research hinders scientific progress in the area of international political economy. To demonstrate this point, I use Chen's Extended Dependence Theory, which challenges liberal peace theory but fails to provide supporting empirical evidence. Chen contends that it is not trade dependence between two states that fosters peace but a challenger's trade relations with the defense-pact partners of the target. Although Chen criticizes liberal peace proponents whose primary concern is how to deter war, his empirical analysis is confined to how to decrease (fatal) militarized disputes short of war. I argue that for his theory to succeed, it must be validated against the most severe and intense form of conflict. Using statistical tests and substantive significance, I uncover no peace-building effect, with regards to war, attributable to Extended Dependence. It appears that the Extended Dependence variable exhibits a ceiling effect. Future research should explain why economic ties and security institutions fail to work together to lower the risk of the most destructive form of conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Qilian Mountains (QMs) act as the "water tower" of the Hexi Corridors, playing an important role in the regional ecosystem security and economic development. Therefore, it is of great significance to understand the spatiotemporal characteristics of precipitation in the QMs. This study evaluated the performance of 21 models of phase 6 of the Coupled Model Intercomparison Project (CMIP6) from 1959 to 1988 based on ERA5 and in situ datasets. In addition, the precipitation changing trend from 2015 to 2100 was projected according to four shared socioeconomic pathways (SSPs): namely, SSP126, SSP245, SSP370, and SSP585. The results have shown the following: (1) all CMIP6 models could reflect the same precipitation changing trend, based on the observed datasets (−2.01 mm·10a−1), which was slightly lower than that of ERA5 (2.82 mm·10a−1). Multi-mode ensemble averaging (MME) showed that the projected precipitation-change trend of the four scenarios was 5.73, 9.15, 12.23, and 16.14 mm·10a−1, respectively. (2) The MME and ERA5 showed the same precipitation spatial pattern. Also, during the period 1959–1988, the MME in spring, summer, autumn and winter was 130.07, 224.62, 95.96, and 29.07 mm, respectively, and that of ERA5 was 98.57, 280.77, 96.85, and 22.64 mm, respectively. The largest precipitation difference in summer was because of strong convection and variable circulation. (3) From 2015 to 2100, the snow-to-rain ratio was between 0.1 and 1.1, and the snow-to-rain ratio climate tendency rate was concentrated in the range of −10~0.1 mm·10a−1. Both of these passed the significance test (p < 0.05). The projected rainfall of all four SSPs all showed an increasing trend with values of 6.20, 11.31, 5.64, and 20.41 mm·10a−1, respectively. The snowfall of the four SSPs all showed a decreasing trend with values of 0.42, 2.18, 3.34, and 4.17 mm·10a−1, respectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses a topic that has taken on increasing urgency since the presidency of Donald Trump: how can the European Union member states insure strategic autonomy in military defense? One answer given by policymakers and academics alike is that an independent industrial-military base is central to achieving autonomy. In particular, the production and procurement of military equipment ought to be EU-internal. However, the US remains the most important provider of military equipment worldwide, and many EU member states continue to procure from the US. In this context, this paper asks why some EU member states procure fighter jets from the US while others procure from European sources. It hypothesizes that those countries with a security or economic dependence on the US are more likely to continue to procure from the US. The paper tests this hypothesis with a statistical analysis that seeks a relationship between indicators of security and economic dependence on the US and procurement decision. The results this analysis yields are mixed, but I find that on average European countries that decide to procure US-made fighter are more subordinate to the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of economic security is becoming an increasingly urgent one. The purpose of this article is to develop a method for assessing threats to the economic security of the Russian region. This method is based on step-by-step actions: first of all, choosing an element of the region's economic security system and collecting its descriptive indicators; then grouping indicators by admittance-process-result categories and building hypotheses about their influence; testing hypotheses using a statistical package and choosing the most significant connections, which can pose a threat to the economic security of the region; thereafter ranking regions by the level of threats and developing further recommendations. The importance of this method is that with the help of grouping regions (territory of a country) based on proposed method, it is possible to develop individual economic security monitoring tools. As a result, the efficiency of that country's region can be higher. In this work, the proposed method was tested in the framework of public procurement in Russia. A total of 14 indicators of procurement activity were collected for each region of the Russian Federation for the period from 2014 to 2018. Regression models were built on the basis of the grouped indicators. Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) Estimation was used. As a result of pairwise regression models analysis, we have defined four significant relationships between public procurement indicators. There are positive connections between contracts that require collateral and the percentage of tolerances, between the number of bidders and the number of regular suppliers, between the number of bidders and the average price drop, and between the number of purchases made from a single supplier and the number of contracts concluded without reduction. It was determined that the greatest risks for the system were associated with the connection between competition and budget savings. It was proposed to rank analyzed regions into four groups: ineffective government procurement, effective government procurement, and government procurement that threatens the system of economic security of the region, that is, high competition with low savings and low competition with high savings. Based on these groups, individual economic security monitoring tools can be developed for each region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]