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This paper focuses on the recent political spars between Canada and Saudi Arabia as well as China and their impact on Canadian universities. It asks three questions: (1) What key issues did Canada's political strains with Saudi Arabia and China raise for Canadian universities' international education (IE) initiatives and what issues were absent? (2) What do these key issues suggest about Canada's approaches to IE in an era of new geopolitics? and (3) What implications can be drawn from these cases about Canadian university-government relations in the context of new geopolitics? Given the powerful role media plays in education policy, a systematic study was conducted across three main media sources to identify 74 articles and news releases between August 2018 and November 2019. Three dominant themes are identified and analyzed, each vividly illustrating the close ties between global politics, government foreign policy and IE within Canadian Universities. On the one hand, the narratives speak to concerns about IE as a risk to national security and, on the other, as a vehicle for Canada's economic prosperity. However, what the media has not achieved is a broader discussion on how Canada needs to revisit its IE objectives and approaches in light of broader geopolitical shifts. Using the theoretical framework of soft power, the paper speaks to the limitations and short-sightedness of Canada's approach to IE as soft power in this era of new geopolitics and concludes with three recommendations for Canada.

Innovation is the driver and accelerator for high-quality economic development and the transformation and upgrading of enterprises. At present, the world is undergoing significant changes unseen over the last century. Faced with the new world economic pattern and the new international relations in the postpandemic era, China should systematically clarify the prominent problems with the current scientific and technological (S&T) system, and establish new technological innovation strategies in the new era and new economic landscape, which are of great significance. Especially in the context of the new pattern of development, it is greatly highlighted how to systematically lower over-dependence on core technologies and resolve bottleneck problems with core technology arising from excessive attention to the international economic flows. Based on the medium- and long-term strategic background of the current new pattern of development, this paper explores the prominent problems of the S&T innovation system under the background of the new pattern of development from the perspectives of innovation policy system, regional innovation system, and enterprise innovation mode. Meanwhile, the paper believes that the innovation guidance system under the new pattern of development needs to be realized based on the guidance of the new innovation strategy of "opening thinking based on bottom lines and comprehensive indigenous innovation," and also the three leading paths of holistic innovation guided by the new pattern of the whole national institutional system, the future industry, and the world-class enterprises. Only in this way can China become a power in terms of S&T innovation in the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU and China have both undergone dramatic changes in the past 20 years. With 480 million citizens, a single currency and the largest GDP in the world the EU has become an important actor on the international stage. China, with over 1.3 billion citizens, has under- gone dramatic reforms and enjoyed unprecedented economic growth that has also led to a greatly increased world role. Both the EU and China are now keen to develop and further deepen their relationship. As Commissioner Benita Ferrero-Waidner stated in February 2005: 'There is no greater challenge for Europe than to understand the dramatic rise of China and to forge closer ties with it'. But what do Brussels and Beijing mean when they talk of a 'strategic partnership'? To what extent do they share the same conceptual ideas and principles? The EU proclaims it stands for a values-based foreign policy with the emphasis on 'effective mukilateralism'. China asserts that its peaceful rise is aimed at developing a 'harmonious world'. But often the two sides seem to talk past each other. In recent years there has been a flurry of EU policy papers on China. In contrast, China published just one paper in 2003 which was highly appreciative of the EU. This chapter reviews the EU approach to China, assesses the thinking behind the various communications and examines the main challenges the EU is facing in forging a new strategic partnership with China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses the extent to which the official Chinese discourse of Ecological Civilisation (shengtai wenming) is adhered to in practise. Ecological Civilisation (or Eco-Civilisation) is presented as a Chinese vision of human progress which purports to de-couple economic development from environmental degradation. Underpinning the idea are five overlapping pillars (environment, economy, society, culture and governance) which, it is claimed, provide a theoretical framework to promote harmony between humanity and nature. Advocates see the concept as an example of a new Chinese modernity based on socialist values and President Xi Jinping has declared China a torchbearer of the global endeavour for Eco-Civilisation. However, our paper casts doubt over this assertion when applied specifically to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Although there is some evidence of a commitment to the principles of Eco-Civilisation, we identify a number of substantial and interlinking practical shortfalls relating to three core themes: inclusion, enforcement and transparency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) announced in 2015, is a $60 billion package of Chinese-led investment in roads, railways, energy, and industry. It is part of China's new Eurasia-wide Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The likely impact of CPEC is controversial. Some scholars argue that CPEC will generate prosperity, regional equality and rapid economic growth in Pakistan. Other scholars argue, however, that CPEC will lead to debt and to the economic and political subordination of Pakistan to China. The existing discussion of CPEC has a near exclusive inward-looking focus on Pakistan. Some scholars, mainly from outside of Pakistan, have looked in more detail at China, but principally from an international relations perspective. Missing from all of this discussion is how economic change in China, particularly in western China, will influence the likely economic outcome of the CPEC. This paper makes an effort to begin to fill this gap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Selcuk University Journal of Social & Technical Researches is the property of Selcuk University Journal of Social & Technical Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Prevailing narratives in the discourse on China-Africa engagement are that China is developing Africa. This paper departs from those narratives because they disregard the agency of Africa's political elite. Basing its argument on the nature of the African political elite, the paper analyses their role in determining the impact of China's economic and trade engagement on economic development in their respective countries. To do that, it first discusses the nature and identity of African political elites, and examines how they control their states and scarce resources. Having done that, the paper then analyses their role in determining the nature and extent of development emanating from their countries’ economic engagement with China. It then concludes that it is not how much foreign states invest in African countries that determines Africa's rise, but rather political elites who influence the direction of their states’ development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits some methodological issues regarding the application of 'normative power Europe' (NPE) as an analytical tool. It looks at the descriptive, interpretive and prescriptive aspects of NPE and identifies ontological and epistemological problems, further normative theorising and the empirical (ir)relevance within the case of China. Central to this paper is the emphasis on how to critically apply the NPE approach to a cross-cultural context in which universalist versus relativist paradigm, interpretivist versus positivist approaches and different ethical judgments can be combined and bridged. This paper argues that NPE helps us understand the EU's identity creation which can be translated in matching policy terms, either by design or default. Despite its descriptive credibility, the explanatory power of NPE has been limited not just by differences concerning fundamental values, but the need to engage China on normative issues through cooperation and dialogue, a form of normative action itself. The prescriptive value of NPE, nevertheless, should be promoted in both academic and policy debates by strengthening the clarity and consistency of how the EU conveys this self-perception to the others. Finally, the paper concludes that applying the NPE approach empirical research requires theory refinement and operationalisation of the concept uniquely tailored to the chosen empirical cases. As far as China is concerned, detailed case-by-case analyses within a longitudinal time frame-which allows sufficient space for investigators to develop depth in inter-paradigm and inter-disciplinary research-would be useful in highlighting the strength of the NPE approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper was to investigate China ' s motive for its relations with Africa. Within that broad framework, the paper investigates China–Tanzania cooperation from an economic and social development perspective. It analyses the status of Chinese investments and, more specifically, it focuses on the increasing numbers of Chinese garages and assesses whether they have positive spill-over towards achievement of sustainable development. Design/methodology/approach – Case study was used; it involves an up-close, in-depth and detailed examination of the growth of Chinese garages in Tanzania, as well as its related contextual conditions including the overall impact of foreign direct investment (FDI) on the vehicle repair sector in Tanzania. Scholarly works from various sources including researchers as well as authoritative reports were consulted. Findings – The paper shows that there is an increase in Chinese garage investment which has brought significant benefits such as technology spill-over, increased employment albeit at low-level pay as well as functioning as a stimulus for Tanzanian self-employment. Practical implications – A free market environment which attracts significant FDI including Chinese garages should be strengthened. Chinese garages should not employ Chinese when there are Tanzanians with required expertise. Further research on the long history of relations between Tanzania and Scandinavian countries is better for comparison. Originality/value – The paper presents original findings based on scholarly work related to the growth of Chinese garage investments in Tanzania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though many African and Asian countries share a common history of European colonialism and thus a model of economic development shaped within the aegis of center-periphery analysis, many Asian countries have been able to ride through the burden of center-periphery economics and built more successful political economies than most African countries. This state of affairs has often led many African analysts to point to Asian success stories like China and South Korea for comparative analysis and often see these Asian countries as models of socio-economic and socio-cultural success to emulate. In particular, Africans in the Diaspora, especially Africans in China, tend to compare very frequently the socio-economic and socio-cultural conditions of their host countries with those of their source countries. This paper outlines and discusses how a group of Africans living in Hong Kong and other parts of Asia see Korea and Korean culture through the prism of Korean television dramas, which constitute a popular cultural phenomenon among Hong Kong/Asian youths. Through qualitative and quantitative survey methods, participant-observation, and questionnaire surveys, the paper reports on how African community members of Hong Kong and others think of Koreans. We show that Africans draw a lot of comparisons between Korean and African ways of conceptualizing the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the beginning of bilateral ties in 1950, the China–Pakistan relationship has grown significantly. Known as Pakistan's 'all-weather friend', bilateral economic cooperation has been advanced by the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) agreement, worth US$62 billion of Chinese investment in Pakistan. Due to its geo-economic and geopolitical importance, the CPEC is considered a 'game changer' by Beijing and Islamabad. However, since its initiation in 2015, the CPEC has also been a source of tension between centre and provincial governments in Pakistan. This paper analyses the impact of the CPEC on nation-building in Pakistan. In the light of nation-building theories, it further argues that the CPEC has provided Pakistan with much-needed opportunities to address inter-provincial and federal–provincial discord through dialogue and compromises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent past, Sino-Afghan relations have taken a new phase of collaboration and inter-dependency to work jointly to advance their common geo-strategic and geo-economic goals. Being an international power on the global chessboard, China does have a great role in the regional geopolitical setting to ensure peace and tranquility in the region on the one hand and prioritize its own interests on the other. Afghanistan, being an epicenter of the region, draws a special attention of neighboring countries especially China to address threat perception emanating from cross-border terrorism, drug trafficking and promoting insurgency in its region of Xinjiang. This paper attempts to analyze the scope of bilateral collaboration between China and Afghanistan. The paper also intends to ascertain whether Afghan leadership will be wise enough to use Chinese assistance as a trap card to utilize their geographic setting in such a manner in which both Chinese and Afghans can benefit and also to ensure their cooperation for longer period of time for peaceful and prosperous Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims at analyzing China's role in regional integration in East Asia. The rise of China is generally seen as an integrative force in promoting regional integration through trade promotion and institutionalization of multilateral cooperation. The dynamics and opportunities brought about by the rise of China can be seen from a number of perspectives. There are some on-going sub-regional economic integration processes and progresses between China and Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). However, the challenge facing East Asia is the fact that China's increasingly dominant role in the region has raised a concern over its uttermost intention and political objective, which may constitute an unknown factor on the process of regional integration in East Asia. For this reason China needs to further improve its soft power in the region. Finally, the paper examines many fundamental differences as well as deep-seated difficulties and obstacles between countries in the region which make the regional integration process in East Asia an uneasy task for the time being. These gaps are too wide to be bridged, such as vast diversities of economic developmental level, political system, cultural value, security concern, and the indispensable role of the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This survey reviews the growing role and presence of China in the Island Pacific. As the late Professor Ron Crocombe remarked, in the Pacific a major transition is under way from a range of European to Asian influences. Many Western observers have viewed this rise of Asian, and specifically Chinese, influence with alarm, but Crocombe saw it as offering Pacific Islanders new opportunities. This paper first analyses the diversity that can be masked by terms such as ‘China’ and ‘the Pacific’. Then it surveys recent literature on China in the Pacific and scholarship concerned with longer Chinese histories in the region that most recent commentators ignore and which question a number of their assertions. Finally, it suggests possible future directions for historical research on this topic. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), substantive progress has been achieved through the joint efforts made between China and the collaborative parties, attracting great attention from the international community. However, regarding the relationship between BRI and "a community with a shared future for mankind", a concept proposed by President Xi Jinping later, the explanations are diversified in the academia. The diversity indicates that a common understanding of this relationship is yet to be reached, calling for a further discussion. This paper argues that "a community with a shared future for mankind" is China's outlook for the future world facing a period of major change never seen in a century. It is China's vision of international society but transcends the narrative of international society in the international politics studies, because in the former, each party recognizes the deep interdependence relationships (or a form of shared future) among them and between human and nature, thereby willing to negotiate and cooperate to advance the world's economic development, deal with conflict of interests and contradictions among states/civilizations, and resolve the dissonance between human and nature. Thus, a peaceful, stable, prosperous, and sustainable world can be created and preserved. In regard to BRI, it is the platform where China constructs a community with a shared future for mankind through incentive mechanisms and applies its vision of international society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to investigate the impact of China’s aid, trade and investments on the development trajectories in postcolonial Africa, focussed on Rwanda. The analytical framework of this study is informed by Helen Milner’s observation that ‘International political economy is a growth industry’. Furthermore, the study deploys dependency theory and world systems theory to examine how the global economic configuration operates though the hierarchy of core, semi-periphery and periphery among the states. Our focus on Rwanda is based on our observation that this small, landlocked, natural resources-deficient, aid-dependent country is an atypical destination for Chinese patronage and investments. We argue that as a non-resource rich country, Rwanda presents an anomaly, thus, underlining the gap in the existing knowledge on China–Africa engagements. We discuss the inherent dependency in the neoliberal economic structure and present a case for using dependency theory to understand and explain the contemporary globalised economy and emerging South–South cooperation. We conclude with a call for more in-depth cross-comparative research on China–Africa relations to grasp the magnitude of dependencies and economic transformations within postcolonial African states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the foreign policy priorities and concerns of the People's Republic of China as expressed by that nation's official international, English language publication, China Daily. The paper argues that, contrary to the conventional wisdom, the official Chinese press can be a useful tool in assessing Chinese foreign policy priorities as result of its propaganda function. Within this paradigm, it finds that China's primary foreign policy priorities are sovereignty and territorial integrity and that China considers itself primarily a regional rather than a global power. It concludes that China's foreign policy is driven by pragmatism rather than ideology because of China's domestic project of economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is one of the most debated projects of twenty first century. As an offshoot of China's initiative to connect the world through 'One Belt One Road' Project, it is expected to connect Karachi and Gawadar ports of Pakistan with Chinese and Central Asian Industrial hubs and Europe and Africa. As it passes through and connects a number of regions together, therefore, regional dynamics is expected to contribute a great lot in the environment of functionality and infrastructure development. A regional environment has always been key-factor in setting the development pattern and future approaches. For, the paper focuses on the study of the Gilgit Baltistan region of Pakistan that is the Upper-Northern part of CPEC and that connects CPEC with China and Central Asia. The paper explores the regional ethnic as well political concerns and looks into how these issues can be resolved through a political discourse and development patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on data for actual and approved Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) from 1989-2011, this paper explores the major trends in FDI in Myanmar, focusing on changes over time in the source and sector of investment. It argues that over the last decade Myanmar's inward FDI has become heavily concentrated in the extractive and power sectors, while investment in manufacturing, services and other secondary and tertiary sectors has been almost non-existent. This is mostly the result of a poor investment climate, including import and export regulations, a weak judicial system, currency controls and weak property rights. The paper shows that China, Hong Kong, South Korea and Thailand have been the main investors in Myanmar, while Singapore, India and Western countries invested little in the 2000s. This divergence is driven partly by the differing investment patterns of the source countries, yet also reflects commercial and geopolitical realities, sanctions and concerns over energy security. The paper then examines whether and how FDI can lead to economic development in Myanmar, and, closes by discussing the importance of recent political and economic reforms for rebalancing Myanmar's FDI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A great deal of research has addressed the tension between economic globalization and local cultural identity, and the tension between convergence in global policy objectives and divergence in local practices, but research has not explored the impact of the complex interactions between these tensions on an individual university, especially in relation to university autonomy. This paper attempts to bridge this gap. Based on a case study of Tsinghua University in China, this paper explores the university's role in three interrelated processes: the incorporation of international experience into higher education, in order to respond to economic globalization; the reinforcement of political education, as a means of preserving the state-prescribed cultural identity; and the quest for autonomy, to facilitate the university's move towards world-class status. Tensions raised by the interaction of these processes will also be discussed. This paper concludes by applying the concept of ‘glocalization’—i.e., ‘thinking and acting both globally and locally’—as a means of understanding the complex interrelations of global, national, and local factors that inform the translation of global imperatives into local realities in the context of Tsinghua. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "Beijing Consensus" (BC) as a concept has been utilised to distinguish China's economic development experience from the "Washington Consensus" (WC), the policy toolkit offered to developing countries by Washington-based international organisations. This paper posits that recent Chinese initiatives in the international political economy constitute the building blocks of an emerging BC with potential to significantly influence developing countries' economic development trajectories. In order to have a better understanding of the emerging BC and its relation with China's economic development experience, the main elements of the Chinese economic development experience are compared to the WC and Post- WC (PWC), and an early critical analysis of the BC is provided. This analysis illustrates that China does not try to export its economic development model to other countries; the BC has similar and distinguishing features compared to the WC and PWC; and while the BC offers some opportunities to developing countries, it also involves some contradictions and challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses how the situation in China's most northwestern province-level unit Xinjiang has affected China's overall foreign relations since disturbances in its capital Ürümqi in July 2009. Xinjiang's most populous ethnic group is the mostly-Muslim Uighurs. The paper assumes a framework that puts a high priority on China's facing west. Though no more important than the eastward-looking foreign policy that has dominated Western analysis, the paper sees China's facing west perspective as deserving more attention than it has received. Russia and Central Asian countries have been positive about China's economic aims in the region. However, friction has increased with China's rise, Chinese authorities tending to blame Xinjiang's disturbances on Islamism in Central Asia. China resents the USA for giving asylum to Rebiya Kadeer, president of the anti-China World Uyghur Congress. In 2011, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton pushed the idea of a 'New Silk Road' in Central Asia for peaceful economic development. China has long espoused the 'Silk Road' idea, developing its own 'Silk Road Economic Belt.' Damaged due to the 2009 riots, the China-Turkey relationship has improved because of various visits and agreements since 2010. The paper balances the dominantly economic Silk Road concept against Islamist terrorism. It argues that the aims of the Silk Road and Silk Road Economic Belt are sensible and practical, with positive economic relations the main trend. However, although the Central Asian 'zone of conflict' is a lesser trend, tensions are serious and long term, especially those caused by Islamism and Islamist terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is a commentary on Chia S.Y. and Sussangkarn's "The economic rise of China: Challenges and opportunities for ASEAN." The paper focuses on the relation between China, as an economic giant and the ASEAN countries. Referring to the ASEAN-China Framework Agreement on Comprehensive Economic Cooperation, concluded in 2002, the writers present a thorough discussion of the Sino-ASEAN relation on purely economic terms.

In recent years, China began assuming a more active stance on the international arena, in particular, by using soft power methods. The application of such methods is especially apparent in the politics pursued by Xi Jinping. China's foreign policy during his leadership is characterized by the combination of hardline and soft methods. The growth of China's soft power methods is partly determined by the strong interest of Western researchers in China's current projects and initiatives. Following the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative, the interest in the China's successful economic development model has significantly increased. In this paper, the authors attempted to analyze China' soft power methods applied in Kazakhstan. China possesses a set of soft power instruments that allow it to exert a degree of influence over Central Asian countries, including Kazakhstan. The main components of PRC's soft power foreign policy in Kazakhstan are culture and education. The first component is based on the familiarization and further popularization of Chinese culture and its achievements in the Kazakhstan society. The second aims to strengthen the ties between the two countries in the sphere of humanities, in particular, via the development of bilateral scientific and educational programs and the expanded accessibility of Chinese educational grants. Both components are implemented in Chinese foreign policy in Kazakhstan as two independent vectors. Meanwhile, there are Confucius Institutes that function in Kazakhstan and combine the cultural and educational components in their activities. It is also important to note that one of the strongest sides of China's soft power policy in the Republic of Kazakhstan is the image of economic success, which attracts the entire international community, and, as the result, draws in a huge influx of investments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Let a hundred flowers bloom; let a hundred schools of thought contend" is an iconic dictum of the early Maoist era, when the free speech was nominally encouraged in order to determine intellectuals to debate and develop socialism, though soon proved to be some perverse strategy to encourage the self-signalling of the too critical stances on the system and to ease their shutting up. The Deng Xiaoping's U-turn consecrated the "seeking (of) truth from facts", marking a process of gradually finding the right path towards the "socialism/capitalism with Chinese characteristics" and since then a worldwide competition among the explanations for the "successfulness" or "sustainability" of China's transformations has spurred in the academic community of social scientists. Nowadays the Chinese unique hybrid model is under siege, with the turmoil installed in its financial markets calling for explanations of whether too much capitalism or too much socialism/interventionism is responsible for this. Our paper will propose a scrutiny of the theories standing behind Chinese realities, calling for a strategy we named "seeking truth from principles". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Philippines’ foreign policy is anchored on three pillars: the protection of territorial integrity and sovereignty; economic development; and the protection of overseas Filipinos. Since these tenets were first enunciated by the Ramos administration (1992–98), they have remained constant despite perceptions that subsequent presidents have gravitated towards a closer partnership with the United States or China. Alternatively, it has been said that Manila partners with a particular foreign power to advance a particular pillar, thus creating a de facto division of roles: the United States is an ally that protects the Philippines’ territorial integrity and sovereignty, while China is a partner that advances economic development. However, the notion of a division of responsibilities is somewhat superficial. In reality, the Philippines’ relations with both the United States and China contribute to all three pillars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates Chinese aid relationship with Africa with a view to analyze its motivations, attendant problems and pluses. Issues that border on Sino-African relations are no doubt gaining increased currency both in the academic and official discourses. One of the dominant factors in this over-debated China-Africa dealings is aid which flows exclusively from China to Africa. China's rapid economic growth has noticeably been accompanied with impressive roles in Africa manifesting in the form of aid, aid projects, and other forms of economic assistance. This aid-giving has concomitantly been assailed with accusations. China's intentions and practice of giving aid to Africa have been questioned especially by the West, who posit that the Chinese modusoperandi undermine their efforts at encouraging reforms and bringing about genuine economic development and stability in Africa. This paper, therefore, historicizes China's aid to Africa within the broad framework of Sino-African relations, and explores its accompanying gains and pains to Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely known that China's influence on Southeast Asia has been growing rapidly since the Asian financial crisis of 1997. However, determining the true dimensions of China's influence in this region is still controversial. It seems quite conspicuous that the growing economic relations between China and the region give China more bargaining power, due to the expanding role of the bilateral trade and China's foreign aid in promoting the regional economic growth. However, this does not give us a clear picture of how China has been able to exercise its influence on the behavior of the states in the region for its own interests. Therefore, this paper tries to assess China's influence on Southeast Asia by analyzing the specific case of Taiwan. Recently, China's rising influence has significantly affected Southeast Asia's relations with Taiwan. Southeast Asian states are paying more attention to the cross-Strait relations when considering attempting to improve relations with Taiwan. This research defines "influence" as the capability of state A to affect the behavior of state B, either directly or indirectly, to comply with state A's policy interests. If the diplomatic behavior of state B changes accordingly due to the action, then it can be said that state A has illustrated its influence over state B. By studying the Taiwan issue, this paper reveals that China has been quite successful in exercising its influence on Southeast Asian states to comply with China's policy toward Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does the rise of China present a threat or an opportunity for Southeast Asia? One of the most revealing arenas in which this will be determined will be within the context of regional institution-building. For a region that is perennially associated with under-institutionalisation it is remarkable just how many initiatives have been proposed recently. Such institutions, may be important venues within which 'asymmetric regionalism' may be manifest and perhaps managed. The paper provides an assessment of this process through an analysis of China's relationship with Southeast Asia. The paper initially provides a brief theoretical introduction which explains the relationship between regional development and its possible impact on inter-state relations. Following this I provide an analysis of the political economic and strategic dynamics that are shaping and being shaped by regional initiatives. Finally, I assess how successful ASEAN's efforts have been to engage China via regional mechanisms has actually been. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of China is the primary cause of changing strategic dynamics in Asia. China's growing economic, military and political weight is shaping regional and individual destinies of its neighbours, particularly in Southeast Asia. Despite the academic debate over its future, Chinese influence is burgeoning and this has major implications for other Asian powers such as India, Japan, Russia, and the offshore balancer, the United States. This paper examines Chinese strategic gains in the Southeast Asian region in the areas of trade, regional diplomacy and cross-border connectivity. It also seeks to understand why India, unlike China, has not managed to integrate as closely with Southeast Asia despite using policies similar to that of China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses China's recent engagement with Zambia, examining especially Chinese hiring practices, methods of business organisation and the labour conditions maintained by Chinese-operated construction and mining firms. Moving beyond existing analyses which remain focused solely on Chinese trade, aid and investment, this study begins to explore the micro-level of Chinese ventures, arguing that the continued employment of co-nationals as well as the generally substandard labour conditions maintained by Chinese firms lead to the offloading of Zambian workers into the country's burgeoning informal economy. There, newly emerged Chinese businesses stand to threaten local entrepreneurs who lack the resources necessary to parry Chinese competition. The result is a rapidly growing national unemployment rate and an increasing number of Zambians left struggling to sustain their livelihoods. This paper further argues that the characteristics defining China's engagement with Zambia are not particular to the Zambian context alone, but are rather abiding characteristics of overseas Chinese businesses in general. The paper ultimately calls for a policy framework regulating Chinese business activities in Zambia, lest the negative consequences of the Sino-Zambian partnership prevail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the conventional wisdom that Chinese involvement cannot transform Africa’s economy for the better so as to end much of the poverty and also to spark high speed growth, this paper finds that China is already in the process of transforming Africa. While the conventional wisdom sees corrupt regimes and weak state capacity in Africa frittering away Africa’s opportunity to rise by plugging into Chinese dynamism, China is found in this paper already to be exporting entrepreneurial talent to Africa and to be dynamizing the African economy through East Asian practices. Chinese can bring industry to Africa much as Japan brought it to Southeast Asia in the 1960s and 1970s. Africa could therefore be incorporated into Asian economic dynamism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of 'the rise of China' on the Asian Development Bank (ADB), and its implications for Japan. Japan has traditionally enjoyed a dominant position in the Bank, as it has enjoyed a dominant position in Asia. However, with the balance of power in the region tipping in China's favour, one might expect that this would be reflected in the ADB as well. This paper argues that despite the worsening Sino-Japanese relationship, the ADB has facilitated the development and maintenance of shared expectations between the two parties over the future direction of development assistance, representing an oasis of liberal institutionalism in a relationship increasingly characterised in realist terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade, essentially since the Asian crisis of 1997-98, the economic integration of Northeast Asia has been marked by three overarching trends. Economic relations have become: 1) more institutionalized; 2) more "Asian;" and 3) more China-centric. These macro-trends are demonstrated and analyzed in the paper. But by way of anticipation, numerous counter-cutting facts need also to be kept in mind. In essence, recent trends, notable as they are, have by no means reversed three counter-realities: 1) economic ties are still largely driven, less by governments and formal arrangements, than by corporations in search of profits and production efficiencies; 2) despite growing economic interdependence across Northeast Asia and between that sub-region and Southeast Asia, Japan, China and South Korea remain heavily linked to global, and particularly US, markets; and 3) though China is an ever important hub in Northeast Asian trade and investment, Japan remains by far the most powerful economic player in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The central argument of this paper is that China's economic diplomacy not only improves its political relations with ASEAN countries but also promotes regional economic co-operation and integration. This paper is organised into two parts. The first part starts with a review of Chinese foreign policy changes in order to show how Beijing adjusted its foreign policy to pursue its economic and political interests. It also examines China's political and institutional efforts to forge the coming Free Trade Area (FTA) with ASEAN. The second part studies China-ASEAN trade relations from three aspects: the adjustment of Chinese industrial structure, foreign direct investment to both sides and the formation of a production network with China at the centre. While difficulties and problems are unavoidable in the construction of CAFTA, with China's active efforts and the enhanced co-operation between China and ASEAN, the building of CAFTA is moving towards fulfilment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper has three main research objectives. First, we define a country's image through its principal dimensions, channels of communication (including the Public Diplomacy) and impact on the international relations framework. Second, we underline the specific determinants of China's image worldwide. The literature review emphasizes this country's distinctive "assets and liabilities", taking into account the role played by the political system in the Chinese economy, external factors, associated with the generally accepted norms and values, the geographical distance that hinders the direct contact and mutual understanding. Third, on the basis of recent studies, we analyze how China is perceived in different regions/countries and demonstrate that the economic rationale of international relations is stronger than that induced by a partner country's image. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 21st century belongs to the Asian region as the world's economic and strategic center of gravity shifts to this region. The shifting global economic power towards the emerging Asian markets definitely has its bearing on strategic contours. Despite the recent economic slowdown, the rise of China is a reality, thereby impinging on the countries of the region to co-opt with the changing reality by forming strategic alliance to soft balance China, which in turn will also help in the peaceful rise of Asian region. In this changing reality, India-South Korea strategic partnership has become important which has further deepened and strengthened with the signing of comprehensive economic partnership between the two countries in 2011. Against this background, the paper focuses on India-Korea strategic partnership in the shifting regional and global dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the center of world economic growth and world politics is shifting to East Asia, the region is undergoing a strategic transformation due to the ongoing power shift. As a result, major regional powers, namely the USA, China, Japan, India, South Korea, Australia and South East Asian states are building up their military potential, in particular naval forces, amid aggravating regional security problems and escalation of maritime disputes. This paper aims to assess regional strategies and military buildup in the Indo-Pacific. With the USA seeking to preserve dominance in the region, China trying to realign the regional power dynamics in its favor, Japan aiming to preserve its place as one of the regional leaders, India and Russia with their goals to become independent powers, and middle and small powers searching for an adequate answer to regional challenges, East Asia and the Indo-Pacific are clearly showing a complex dynamics of competing regional strategies and visions of regional order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we review recent antitrust policy developments in China. First, we use a sample of all merger cases reviewed by the Ministry of Commerce (MOFCOM) from August 2008 to September 2012 to provide an econometric analysis of merger review patterns. We find that MOFCOM tends to impose restrictions on mergers involving large corporations and does not distinguish between horizontal mergers and vertical and conglomerate mergers. In addition, European firms and U.S. firms face higher chances of restrictions than do firms from other countries. Finally, we provide a qualitative analysis of the investigations against price agreements. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]