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In this modern era, environmental pollution is the biggest problem attached to industrialization. This study tries to ensure the relationship between industrialization and CO2 emissions in Pakistan for the time period 1980–2018 by using nonlinear ARDL model while controlling for urbanization, GDP, and human capital variables as a likely factor of CO2 emissions. Our foremost study objective is to examine whether or not the outcome of industrialization on CO2 emissions is symmetric or asymmetric for Pakistan that is one of the core suppliers to CO2 in South Asia, as the emissions were 0.82 million tons in 2018. Our result approves the presence of an asymmetric effect of industrialization shocks on CO2 emissions both in the short run and long run. The results reveal that industrialization increases emissions and deindustrialization decrease emissions, in short as well as long run, in Pakistan. Moreover, our finding also advises that urbanization and GDP variables have exerted a positive impact on CO2 emissions. Based on the findings, some policy suggestions are proposed for Pakistan.

At the end of the 20th century, the economic structure was changed fundamentally in some countries. It was mostly related to the growth of global competition. One of the consequences of this process was the decline in manufacturing production in developed countries and in the post-Soviet countries. The purpose of this article is to define the meaning and consequences of the decline in manufacturing production in developed countries and in post-Soviet countries on the example of Ukraine. Methodology. This study is based on some general theoretical approaches such as analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, etc. Also, statistical analysis was used for discovering some economic trends. Structural analysis was helpful for examining shifts in economic structure. Correlation between different facts, which is crucial for the understanding of the transformation of manufacturing, was identified by applying the systems approach. The aim of the article is to reveal the impact of global competition on the state of manufacturing and to define the manufacturing development trend. Results of this research showed that the decline in the rate of profit causes the transformation of economic structure. Global competition made the production of some goods in developed countries less profitable due to the relatively high costs. The ability to transfer labour-intensive production to developing countries transformed economic structure in developed countries. It was the reason for a sharp decline in manufacturing production, which caused some economic and social problems. Post-Soviet countries had serious economic and social problems too. Liberalization of trade made these countries face with global competition. This competition revealed extremely weak competitive positions of a great range of products. There was a massive decline in manufacturing production in Ukraine. This study proves that the transformation of manufacturing is far from the end. First of all, it is related to the rising wages in developing countries. It makes labour-intensive production less profitable. The Factor Price Equalization Theorem shows that there is no further perspective to stay competitive using cheap labour force. That is why it is crucial to create favourable conditions for the development of innovations. By its nature, manufacturing is more diversified than other sectors, which gives more chances to produce innovations. Strong manufacturing basis is also beneficial for providing employment, better standards of living, and sustainable economic growth. Practical implications. Developed countries can apply new approaches to their economic policies because they already have a quite strong innovative basis. These approaches should take into account current trends, which are considered in this article. Ukraine, bearing in mind the deepening of its integration into the global economy, should substantially improve its competitive positions. That is why it is important to launch a long-term strategic program, which is relevant to Ukrainian specific conditions. Value of the study is in distinguishing of different nature of the same process in developed countries and in Ukraine. It helps to define some perspectives of economic development. The results of the study can be used for creating economic programs.

After a brief open-economy experience during the 1920s, the Turkish economy could be regarded as state-controlled, planned, and partially closed for the following half a century. Trade, meanwhile, played a limited role and, aside from imported raw materials and exports of agricultural products, did not constitute a significant portion of economic activity. Industry developed-though limited-under a strategy of import substitution in 1960s and 1970s. Along with other major developing countries, Turkey has also witnessed a period of commercial and financial openness, export-oriented industrial production, and a growth model that led to high growth rates, increasing indebtedness at the state level, and budget and current account deficits in the 1980s. Political and macroeconomic instability for the whole 1990s led to unsteady growth cycles under unfinished industrialization and unregulated liberalization processes. The AK Party period (2002-2017) represents a threshold for Turkish industrial, commercial, and financial expansion within a relatively stable environment that then faced several challenges. The first decade of the AK Party government is often described as the final attempt to do the unfinished job of liberalization, both political and economic. Between 2012 and 2017 however, Turkey’s industry, businesses at all scales, financial, and political institutions have been subjected to difficult stress tests, revealing unresolved structural issues. New challenges due to the changing nature of world politics, regional and internal dynamics, and global economic developments, however, are now forcing Turkey to revisit its export-led growth strategy based on reindustrialization, producing more capital-intensive goods with a greater technology component. This chapter asserts that Turkey’s rising trade around the world could hold strong potential with respect to reindustrialization in strategic sectors. Lastly, a new phase of trade expansion should be launched over not only employment but also the development of a high-skilled labor force, proprietary technology in strategic sectors, and sustainable finance.

This paper presents a methodology for calculating the industrial equilibrium exchange rate, which is defined as the one enabling exporters of state-of-the-art manufactured goods to be competitive abroad. The first section highlights the causes and problems of overvalued exchange rates, particularly the Dutch disease issue, which is neutralized when the exchange rate strikes the industrial equilibrium level. This level is defined by the ratio between the unit labor cost in the country under consideration and in competing countries. Finally, the evolution of this exchange rate in the Brazilian economy is estimated. JEL Classification: F43; O11; O14; O24.

Over the past thirty years, Africa has suffered from deindustrialization. The quarter century from the early 1980s was a period of declining per capita income and increasing poverty. Structural adjustment policies advocated by the IMF and the World Bank were predicated on the belief that by eliminating “distortions” in the economy, Africa would grow faster—by constructing an economy based on principles of free and unfettered markets, with the government restrained to ensuring macro-stability (which typically just meant price stability), economic performance would be increased and all would benefit. It was recognized, of course, that eliminating trade protection would result in the loss of jobs, some in agriculture, many others in industry. The strongly held belief, however, was that these workers would quickly find jobs in new industries, consistent with the country’s comparative advantage. Moving resources from inefficient protected sectors to more efficient competitive sectors would raise incomes. Little attention was paid to the distribution of income, perhaps because of an implicit belief in trickledown economics—somehow, if the economic pie grew, all would benefit. Things didn't turn out as the advocates of these policies had hoped. Rather than growth there was decline. Job creation didn't always keep pace with job destruction, and so workers moved from low productivity protected sectors to even lower productivity unemployment, open or disguised. When there was growth, the benefits often went disproportionately to those at the top, and didn't trickle down to the rest of the economy. When, in the first decade of the twenty first century growth resumed, it was largely based on the boom in commodity prices. The share of global manufacturing value added in Africa in 2008 was 1.1 percent in 2008, from 1.2 percent in 2000 (UNCTAD 2011). Even countries that achieved macroeconomic stability and evidenced reasonably good governance seemed unable to attract much investment outside of the extractive sector. It is imperative that this course of events be changed, particularly since the extractive sector typically does not give rise to many jobs, and certainly not enough jobs for the burgeoning labor force in many of the countries. (The African labor force is expected to grow --- working age Africans today comprise some 500m people; by 2040, that number will be 1.1bn.

The Malaysian economy has undergone substantial industrial transformation, shifting from primary commodity production to manufacturing in slightly more than 5 decades since achieving independence. However, efforts to deepen manufacturing development have not succeeded in nurturing a critical mass of domestic entrepreneurs with indigenous innovative capacities as industrialization continues to be dependent on imported technology and capital. Instead, the manufacturing sector is facing premature deindustrialization. In view of these developments, this study aims to assess the extent of industrial deepening in a country through the development of linkages, as well as the key factors that have contributed to this. This has important policy lessons for other developing countries that are following similar export-oriented, foreign direct investment-led strategies for their industrial development. The main findings of this study indicate that while trade and investment policies have contributed to the development of the manufacturing sector, they have also fostered closer integration with the rest of the world rather than within the domestic economy. The electrical and electronics subsector has relatively weaker backward linkages than other subsectors in the economy. Deepening internal integration requires complementary labor, human capital, and technology policies that can facilitate the development of linkages in the manufacturing sector.

This article traces the steel industry's restructuring during the 1980s and its consequences for older industrial regions tied historically to steel production. These regions contained large working-class communities that declined because of deindustrialization and restructuring. This article first examines the transition of the steel industry from its roots in extractive and primary manufacturing to a scrap-recycling industry that minimizes labor and raw material inputs. This transition parallels the structural changes in other industries addressed by political economic perspectives, such as the new international division of labor and globalization of production. The article then focuses on the socioeconomic and structural changes, using the Pittsburgh region as an example, including the employment and land-use consequences of deindustrialization and the relationship between losses in manufacturing employment and increases in persistent joblessness and poverty associated with growth of the urban underclass.