Search

The granting of citizenship constitutes the sovereignty of a country. In state practice, all countries recognize the concept of citizenship because the existence of citizens is one of the requirements of a state. The generally recognized concept of citizenship is single citizenship. However, in the development of global life, countries are creating opportunities for dual citizenship for their residents. Through Law Number 12 of 2006 concerning Citizenship, the Indonesian government opened limited dual citizenship in Indonesia. The limited dual citizenship privileges given to children resulting from mixed marriages and children of Indonesian citizens born outside Indonesia have brought an influx and encouragement from the Indonesian diaspora for the concept of dual citizenship in Indonesia to be widely opened. This research aims to analyze the application of dual citizenship from the perspective of the theory of Dignified Justice and Sovereignty. This research uses a normative method with a conceptual approach, namely by identifying existing doctrinal principles or views. The theories used in this research are the theory of dignified justice and sovereignty theory. The research results show that the theory of dignified justice which originates from the noble values of Pancasila opens up space for the full implementation of dual citizenship in Indonesia, as a fulfilment of human rights and dignity itself. In the aspect of sovereignty theory, the application of single and limited dual citizenship is an absolute right of the Indonesian state which has been stated in its positive law. So it is important to refer to the nation's laws and cultural values as well as the country's long-term interests before implementing dual citizenship in its entirety. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the perception and acceptance of dual citizenship in Israel. It acknowledges recent traumatic events but argues that views on multiple national memberships have not changed. Dual citizenship, once seen as deviant, is now regularized and socially accepted. The article highlights the increase in the number of Israelis holding dual citizenship, with estimates suggesting around 10% of the population are dual citizens. It emphasizes that dual citizens were not accused of split loyalties or privilege during the recent hostage situation involving Hamas, and their status was not seen as a betrayal. The article concludes that the recent events have not significantly altered the foundational assumptions of Israeli society. [Extracted from the article]

An increasing number of states permit dual citizenship, but there are public concerns about divided loyalties of dual citizens which might lead to intolerance of their political rights. We propose and test whether these concerns depend on the emotional versus instrumental reasons immigrants express for acquiring their second, host society citizenship. Using a survey experiment on a nationally representative sample of native-born Dutch, we find that emotional (vs. instrumental) reasons for a second citizenship lead to higher perceived host society loyalty, which is related to greater political tolerance of dual citizens. Instrumental reason for dual citizenship leads to higher perceived loyalty to the country of origin; however, this is not related to political tolerance of such dual citizens. Implications for theory and society are considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "Law and Justice" government in Poland in 2016-2020 conducted a controversial "judicial reform". As a result, access to the profession of judge and prosecutor for people with dual citizenship was initially denied and eventually significantly restricted. In this piece, we analyze these legislative changes through the lens of their conformity with the Polish Constitution, in particular with the constitutional right of access to public service, as well as with Poland's binding international law. We are also critically examining the arguments raised to justify these regulations and identifying the effects of their implementation. We argue that depriving people of multiple citizenship of access to the judge or prosecutor profession violates the Polish Constitution, as well as international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan is among the Asian countries which permits dual citizenship. However, the dual citizenship privileges availed by overseas-based Pakistanis spark intense debate making Pakistani dual citizens and their entitlements a contested subject in the country. A qualitative study was conducted in the city of Rawalpindi asking what the attitudes of Pakistani citizens on dual citizenship are, as well as their positions on the rights of dual citizens with regard to education, employment and property ownership in Pakistan. In-depth interviews were conducted with two groups of interviewees: 25 Pakistani citizens and 18 Pakistani dual citizens. The findings suggest that Pakistani citizens resist the unconditional provision of socio-economic rights to Pakistani dual citizens considering their "split loyalties." Most of the respondents argued against their employment in sensitive institutions such as the armed forces and judiciary, however, their right to education and property acquisition was supported in circumstances when it benefits Pakistan's development. The perspectives of dual citizens also reflect ambivalence over how to resolve the allegiance conundrum and as a result, display divergent views on their privileges and rights in their home country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's profound demographic and socioeconomic transitions over the last four decades have led to significant changes in its diaspora: increased numbers, different destinations, and diversified reasons for emigration. The national diaspora policy has undergone many shifts since China's momentous economic reforms and opening to the world in 1978; but policy now converges on a multifaceted and intrinsically transnational system of engagement in the service of soft power. Studies have so far stressed domestic interests, drawing insights primarily from policy documents; but this article seeks to broaden the perspective, using a transnationally oriented framework to assist investigation of factors that range beyond the domestic. Using in-depth interviews with a variety of key informants and stakeholders, we systematically analyze features in four core policy dimensions that incorporate both international and domestic dynamics: diaspora institutions, dual citizenship, talent recruitment, and soft power. Finally, we explore implications for development (economic, sociocultural, educational) in both China and host countries. We draw the conclusion that China's diaspora policy is shaped by a constellation of transnational factors—such as changing global and regional power structures, and competition in talent-recruiting and talent-retaining in the new technological era. China now deploys multi-scale linkages across several dimensions, expanding from economic to sociocultural and political spheres, to engage its diaspora effectively. Finally, these policy developments not only shape China's internal development but also influence global sentiment, bringing new dynamics to bear global power relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Minority groups are often the subject of studies dealing with sovereignty and European integration. A now also common topic in political science is the rise of populist movements. Scholars study both of these issues extensively, but little research has been done on their nexus. Against this background, this article looks at the current sovereignty discourse in the minority area of South Tyrol. Even though three linguistic groups peacefully co-exist in the Italian province, various calls for dual citizenship have arisen. The possibility of acquiring an Austrian passport became a salient topic, especially since the övp / fpö government of Austria. Using the discourse-historical approach, the authors contextualize medial discourses with social-cultural context information. Results suggest that local media are disseminating a discourse regarding dual citizenship that largely differs from the opinion of the majority of the population, but corresponds to that of the populist actors who seem to fuel the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dual citizens, especially dual citizens in the diaspora, are the subject of an important debate among South Sudanese residents. This article seeks to explore South Sudanese residents' attitudes towards dual citizenship and the role dual-citizen individuals play in the political, economic and social life of the country. During recent Rift Valley Institute research projects, conducted for the Australian Government from 2017–2020, we interviewed residents in South Sudan and South Sudanese members of the diaspora in the UK, Australia, and Ethiopia to understand arguments about citizenship and diaspora participation in the political, economic, and social life of South Sudan. The South Sudanese diaspora are perceived within South Sudan to have dubious national identification and loyalty. However, the research also established that the South Sudanese diaspora have always been part of the political organization, economic activities and social fabric of South(ern) Sudan both directly and indirectly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rather than vilifying or rejecting it, an increasing number of scholars from two seemingly anti-nationalist cohorts, namely liberal political theory and multiculturalism, have come to argue that nationalism is not intrinsically illiberal or undesirable, but some forms of it (e.g. liberal, multicultural, pluralistic) can be a positive force to meet the demands for nation-building, national identity and national culture, on the one hand, and demands for recognition, respect and accommodation of diversity, on the other. This paper critically examines recent scholarly literature on liberal nationalism and multicultural nationalism. It argues that both projects have developed necessary responses to (1) growing diversity and (2) ethnonational and populist-majoritarian forms of nationalism and hence, are welcome. However, two substantial shortcomings need to be addressed. The first is the nation-building–education nexus and the limits of multicultural education (e.g. the teaching of history), and the second is the nationalism–transnationalism nexus or the normative desirability of dual nationalities. The paper concludes that a morally acceptable form of nationalism (e.g. pluralistic, inclusive or moderate) operating within multi-national and multicultural liberal democracies is theoretically possible, yet its viability is related to the extent to which it addresses the two issues raised, amongst others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to study the constitutional experience of foreign states (Republics of the former USSR, which became independent states) in resolving the issue of dual citizenship. The legislation of Ukraine on citizenship and its changes during the years of independence is analyzed. The draft law “About making changes to the Law of Ukraine ”About citizenship of Ukraine“ about the bases and order of acquisition and termination of citizenship of Ukraine”, registered in the Parliament of Ukraine on December 2, 2021, under No. 6368, on the subject of the introduction of dual citizenship in Ukraine, introduced by the President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelensky to the Supreme Rada of Ukraine is analyzed. The reasons and possible negative consequences of the introduction of dual citizenship in Ukraine are clarified. The conclusion about the inexpediency of the introduction of dual citizenship in Ukraine is made. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Finnish-Russian dual citizens are the largest group of multiple citizens in Finland. Building on thematic interviews and drawing on Sara Ahmed's work on cultural politics of emotions, this paper examines how emotions related to Russia and Russianness influence the way young Finnish-Russian dual citizens perceive their status and opportunities in Finland. The findings imply that emotions indeed play a significant role in shaping the way the young dual citizens use their citizenships. Due to the negative emotions related to Russia, many dual citizens tend to conceal or control their Russianness in public spaces. As a result, dual citizens' Russianness is increasingly becoming a private matter, whereas in the public sphere they aim at improving their status by trying to pass or act as Finns. Conceptually, this paper draws attention to the momentary and contextual nature of belonging. Depending on the context, an individual's sense of belonging can rapidly change from feeling at home to feeling out of place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to one of the least studied problems in the domestic science of international law, namely diplomatic and consular protection of state's citizens abroad, especially in cases where the latter are endowed with dual and sometimes multiple citizenship. This problem involves a close intertwining of both political and legal norms used in the implementation of this field. The author distinguishes between diplomatic and consular protection, highlights common features and peculiarities of each of them. Diplomatic measures are clearly outlined, covering all possible procedures by which one state informs another of its claims (protest, negotiations, investigation, etc.). The choice of means of diplomatic protection is influenced by the nature of the rights of the person who has suffered damage from a foreign state; the amount of damage caused, both for the person and for the state of his/her citizenship, as well as the risks of aggravation or deterioration of relations between states. Some legal aspects of citizenship of the European Union and the specifics of protection of the rights and interests of its citizens according to the "delegated" protection and the "governing state" are highlighted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past few decades, citizenship scholars have moved from conceptualizing citizenship as a legal status with associated rights to a more process-oriented approach acknowledging the socially constructed nature of citizenship. Although the dual citizenship literature hints at the importance of contention and recognition, it has yet to consider claims-making as a major mechanism shaping dual citizenship. Drawing on in-depth interviews, I examine the dual citizenship claims (or the lack of such claims) among marriage migrant women from the Philippines and Vietnam in South Korea, analyzing how women's narratives regarding dual citizenship are framed vis-à-vis the normative ideals of citizenship in each state. I suggest the claims-making approach as an analytical framework through which the intersections of the normative, instrumental, and identity aspects of dual citizenship are brought to light in relation to the claimant's positionality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Methaodos: Social Science Journal / Methaodos: Revista de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Departamento de Ciencias de la Comunicacion y Sociologia, Universidad Rey Juan Carlos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This survey experiment examined national majority group members' reactions to immigrants' citizenship status with a focus on dual citizenship. A sample of 779 participants (nFinland = 174; nNetherlands = 377; nGermany = 228) was used to examine whether immigrants' citizenship status affects trust towards immigrants, willingness to accept immigrants in strategic positions, and support for immigrants' social influence in society. Perceived group loyalties were expected to mediate these relationships. Compared to national citizens, dual citizens were perceived as having lower national loyalty and higher foreign loyalty. Compared to foreign citizens, dual citizens were perceived to have higher national loyalty but equally high foreign loyalty. Higher national loyalty was further associated with higher trust, acceptance, and support, whereas higher foreign loyalty was associated with lower trust, acceptance, and support. These findings are discussed in relation to societal debates on dual citizenship and the limited social psychological research on this topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A common argument in the literature on loss of citizenship has been that after 1945 most if not all countries liberalised their laws on loss of citizenship until the beginning of a countermovement in 2001. This article focuses on Germany and Switzerland which do not fit this pattern and where after the early 1950s laws on loss of citizenship became less liberal, although not dramatically so. This distinctive German and Swiss pattern can be explained in part by distinctive historical starting points. Late in the nineteenth century, Switzerland started out with very broad protections against loss of citizenship, and after 1945 Germany adopted much more extensive protections against loss of citizenship than before. Subsequent legal changes represent a regression toward the mean. Loss of citizenship is also closely related to laws on dual citizenship. Although both countries today tolerate dual citizenship to varying degrees, laws on loss of citizenship are still used to contain the spread of dual citizenship although neither country engages in futile attempts to eliminate dual citizenship. Court decisions and party politics also played a role but neither can explain the overall trajectory of German or Swiss laws on loss of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contested nature of de facto states and their acceptance of dual citizenship results in the overlap of multiple citizenship regimes, leading to individuals living in de facto states possessing multiple citizenship statuses. Using the Most Similar Systems Design, this article explores the factors that influence the (divergent) citizenship regimes of Abkhazia and Transnistria; the former allows dual citizenship only with Russia, while the latter places no restrictions. The primary reason for the adoption of dual citizenship is for pragmatic reasons, as the secondary citizenship can compensate for the lack of benefits (such as international travel, diplomatic protection) afforded by the de facto state's citizenship. This said, having an ethnicized national identity, in contrast to a civic (state-centered) national identity, can produce (dual) citizenship laws that give preferential treatment to the titular group and its diaspora. Additionally, the influence exerted by the patron state (Russia) and the severity of the conflict with the parent state (Georgia/Moldova) influences dual citizenship in becoming conditional and thus more exclusive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the Person of Indian Origin (PIO) and Overseas Citizen of India (OCI) schemes have existed for some time, they began to serve a political and economic purpose for the Republic of India with the arrival of the twenty-first century. The OCI status asserts "Indianness" as a legible quality in diasporic memory. It does the work of cementing political Indo-Pakistani and Indo-Bangladeshi borders, while coopting the language of transnationalism to bolster the fundamentally nationalist regime of capitalism at work in the Republic of India. The goal of this regime is to promote a functionally nationalist, and thus, anti-transnational reality. As more generations of South Asians live and grow up abroad, creating a legible "Indianness" functions as a service to the capitalist Indian economy. These individuals abroad are encouraged to identify as diasporic "Indians" who must engage with their "motherland." Thus, the transnationalist discourse of decreasing territoriality is exploited by the Indian state to serve goals that function in ideological opposition to transnationalism. As this discourse of legible "Indianness" becomes more successful, there will be increasing incentives for the ruling party in India to further privilege OCIs. In the end, the language and capital of the OCIs affirms the powers of capitalism contemporary Indian nation-state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article uses the case of Denmark to critically discuss key assumptions in the theoretical literature on dual citizenship. When Denmark surprisingly accepted dual citizenship in 2015, the decision reflected two distinct lines of argument: first, accepting dual citizenship would allow Danes living abroad to keep their Danish citizenship; second, because it is considered illegitimate to make people stateless, allowing dual citizenship would simultaneously allow for citizenship revocation of dual citizens who engage in or support acts of terror. This rationale stands in striking contrast to how dual citizenship has been previously theorised. The gradual acceptance of dual citizenship in Western countries since the early 1990s has been seen either as a symptom of a post-national era or as a pragmatic adjustment to the transnational realities of international migration. By contrast, the case of Denmark shows that dual citizenship may serve as a lever to protect the political community of the nation-state from terrorism and, as such, function as a tool of securitisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes new legislation relating to citizenship of the Czech Republic, namely Act No 186/2013 Coll, and shows how wide the gap is between the law and the applicants' expectations. It is based on an analysis of more than 1,600 naturalisation decisions from 2013--2016. This analysis made it possible to draw the conclusion that the decisive aspects for naturalisation are different from those perceived as important by the applicants themselves. The acquisition of Czech citizenship is not, in practice, conditional to making any extraordinary contribution or to a higher level of integration. The stipulated condition for naturalisation in the Czech Republic is the absence of any obstacle defined by the law. One of these possible obstacles is the conclusion that the applicant poses a risk to state security. Recently, there seems to be a trend, where particular attention is devoted to this criterion reflecting the actual fear of society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do individuals become dual citizens by acquiring kin-state citizenship? This article examines the case of Moldova as an extreme case of kin-state dual citizenship acquisition. In Moldova, a majority of residents can acquire (or reacquire) Romanian citizenship by virtue of being descended from former Romania citizens. First, the article moves beyond institutional and migration-centred perspectives on dual citizenship acquisition. Instead, the article explores kin-state citizenship as a practice of citizenship acquisition. The article uses 55 interviews with ordinary people, conducted in Moldova between 2012 and 2013, to examine why individuals choose (or not) to acquire kin-state citizenship. Second, the article argues for understanding explanations of acquisition of kin-state citizenship beyond strategic vs identity explanations. Rather, the article considers a third dimension of legitimacy. This legitimacy dimension demonstrates how the acquisition of kin-state citizenship is constructed as natural, normal and, thus, legitimate. The article finds that the legitimate dimension is used even by those who do not identify co-ethnically or with the kin-state. Ties of legitimacy can, therefore, bind individuals to the kin-state via citizenship, irrespective of whether they identify with the kin-state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Mexico's recognition of dual citizenship for its nationals in 1998, a vast and growing collective of Mexicans with dual U.S. or European Union (EU) citizenship has emerged. While the majority of dual U.S.-Mexicans are associated with low socioeconomic status of rural origins, of mixed race (mestizo) or indigenous background, dual EU-Mexicans are mostly affluent individuals of European descent seeking EU passports for enhanced mobility, travel, education and business opportunities across the World. This paper gathers empirical evidence through in-depth interviews in Mexico, the U.S. and the UK, together with an analysis of secondary data sources. It proposes a typology of Mexican dual citizens, across various geographic regions, socioeconomic groups and social practices. The expansion of Mexican dual citizenship reveals the cracks in the Mexican nation-building project, in defiance of the concept of a homogenous 'mestizo' nation that was promoted after the 1910 revolution, and remained crystallised in the national conscience for decades. Through complex transnational and multiple citizenship practices, this vast collective of Mexican dual citizens poses a number of contradictions for the future of the Mexican nation state, with important implications for citizenship policy in the Americas and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People of Turkish ethnicity constitute Germany's largest immigrant group but only a small percentage have naturalized as German citizens This article explores the historical foundation of Turkish migration to Germany and the legislative attempts made by both Germany and Turkey to accommodate these people with one foot in each country. It argues that only by abandoning its long-held prejudice against dual citizenship can Germany increase the naturalization rate of all foreigners in its country, not just those from Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In line with studies of dual citizenship that point to the need for in-depth understanding of the reasoning behind this legislative change, this study provides an analysis of the discourse that lawmakers parlayed during the debate that resulted in the passage of the Philippine citizenship retention and reacquisition law in 2003. Because of the constitutional prohibition against dual allegiance, legislators constructed a narrative with emotive force to justify emigration as well as naturalization in the destination, the latter act portrayed as devoid of political love that Filipinos supposedly reserve for the homeland. Emblematic of affective citizenship even while the state actually instrumentalized it, the passage of the law affirmed a traditional notion of exclusive singular citizenship, while concomitantly providing indirect tolerance of dual, nonexclusive citizenship for conationals overseas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In times of economic crisis in the destination country, migrants might decide to stay or leave. Having obtained dual citizenship facilitates both options: on the one hand, it allows for a secure stay, without fear of losing residence permits. On the other hand, it allows for either a connected return or new cross-border mobility options, especially in the case of citizenship from the EU. It can also be considered a significant milestone in someone’s migratory trajectory, especially among those who started their migration as undocumented. This paper discusses the ways in which dual citizens interpret this status after the 2008 economic crisis in Spain and shows how it provided many with the opportunity to embark on new migrations within the EU. Drawing on 80 interviews with dual citizens born in Colombia and Ecuador who resided in Madrid and London, the authors argue that dual citizenship is understood as a resource that offers a sense of personal security and an enhancement of one’s position in the global hierarchy of citizenships. Respondents in this study do not consider formal citizenship as a necessary step for emotional belonging, which they base on their daily interactions and relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Supporters of the GMD (Guomindang) and CCP (Chinese Communist Party) tend to emphasize the differences between the two parties in their policies toward the overseas Chinese and see the power transfer in 1949 as a watershed in the evolution of China’s official policies toward them. However, a close examination of the policies and practices that both parties adopted in managing overseas Chinese affairs indicates that from 1949 to 1966, the PRC followed many of the policies toward the overseas Chinese that the ROC adopted between 1911 and 1949, although they also made some significant changes. The beginning of the Cultural Revolution in 1966, which caused a radical change of previous policies toward the overseas Chinese, was a much more important turning point than 1949 in the relations between the Chinese government and the overseas Chinese. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because of the significance attached to it, the Knesset passed the 1950 Law of Return in an unprecedentedly short time, but it took two more years to pass the Citizenship Law. The official protocols regarding the legislation of Israel’s Citizenship Law illuminate the main concerns of the drafters. The goal of the emerging national citizenship regime was not just to promote Jewish immigration but to establish a modern state that prohibited dual citizenship, accepted naturalizations, prevented statelessness, and granted equal citizenship to women. These policies are accumulations of countless opinions, values, interests, and ideas, each with different conceptions of citizenship and nationhood. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Acceptance of dual citizenship allows migrants to naturalise in the country of residence (CoR) without giving up their former citizenship. For migrant sending countries the question emerges whether emigrants who acquire another citizenship are less attached to and politically active in the country of origin than those who do not. This would be the assumption of traditional perspectives on migration and citizenship. However, according to the transnational perspective neither multiple nationalities, nor participation in and identification with the CoR, preclude ongoing ties and participation back home. We test these perspectives with survey data on Swiss citizens residing in France, Germany, Italy and the US. Our results suggest that Swiss dual citizens abroad are not significantly less attached to and active in Switzerland than their mono national counterparts. Our data further supports the transnational perspective by showing not only simultaneity, but a mutually reinforcing relationship when transnational citizenship is practised. Identification with, and political participation in, the CoR positively relates to equivalent feelings and activities in the country of origin. Since dual citizenship sets the legal foundation for simultaneous involvement in two countries, it correctly assumes a central place in the study of transnational citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What effect does variation in dual citizenship policies of both sending and receiving societies have on bilateral migration flow? Employing a modified gravity model, we use a new dual citizenship database to examine the effects of allowance within 14 Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) receiving states and more than 100 sending states between 1980 and 2006. We show that dual-citizenship-allowing sending states experience significantly more migration than dual-citizenship-forbidding sending states. We also find a significant increase in migration flow in receiving states that allow for dual citizenship, consistent with previous research. Finally, interaction effects reveal highest flow between sending and receiving states allowing dual citizenship and lowest flow between forbidding sending states and allowing receiving states. These findings emphasize the importance of citizenship policy contexts of countries of origin in influencing a migrant’s decision to move. They also suggest that migrants are rational and informed, valuing the “goods” of citizenship—from political rights to security of status and mobility—in both origin and destination states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to study the engagement of the state of India with the Indian diaspora by situating it within larger debates on diaspora and development and from the perspective of state–society relations. How has the Indian diaspora responded to the initiatives of the Indian state? How have state–diaspora relations affected socio-economic order in India? In order to understand and underline certain complexities in this rubric of diaspora and development, this article takes a long-term analytic perspective in reading the paradigmatic shifts in the theoretical domain of this literature and traces how the approach of the Indian state has led to certain transformations in society. By looking into the composition of the Indian diaspora(s), this article makes a case against the projection of a singular Indian diaspora by the Indian state. It explores whether state–diaspora relations have been influenced by class diversity within the Indian diaspora. The essential rationale of this article is to highlight certain missing links in this discourse of diaspora economic development in the Indian context, without undermining the potentialities of diaspora for development. This study also indicates how these missing links in the initiatives of the state may adversely affect society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a twenty-first century post-war, emigrant-sending country, Liberia reflects global citizenship norms while simultaneously departing from them, and this unique positioning offers new opportunities to theorise citizenship across spatial and temporal landscapes. In this article, I examine ‘Liberian citizenship’ construction through a historical prism, arguing that as Liberia transformed from a country of immigration to one of emigration, so too did conceptualisations of citizenship – moving from passive, identity-based citizenship emphasising rights and entitlements to more active, practice-based citizenship privileging duties and responsibilities. Given the dynamic trends in citizenship configuration across the globe and particularly in Africa, this article fills gaps in the growing body of literature on citizenship and participation in emigrant-sending countries by contributing to wider debates about how identities, practices and relations between people transform in the aftermath of violent conflict. Empirical evidence presented is based on multi-sited fieldwork conducted in 2012 and 2013 with 202 Liberians in urban centres in West Africa, North America and Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to promote an integrated approach to the study of citizenship policies, which pays due attention to their potential impact on migrants whose self-recognition are formally delimited by legal definitions. Through a novel approach that makes use of naturalisation processes as an empirical entry point into the narratives of citizenship embraced by Turkish migrants, this article investigates the role of dual citizenship policies in three European countries: Spain, the Netherlands and the UK. The evidence from the sample group displays a process of ‘self-bargaining’ prior to the naturalisation decision, which calls into question the link established between legal and emotional bonds of citizenship. The Dutch example demonstrates how Turkish migrants cope with the ban on dual citizenship by downplaying the identity-conferring role of citizenship status. This leads to a decoupling of legal and emotional aspects of citizenship and thereby to the adoption of a thin sense of citizenship. While Spain represents an in-between case that has a tolerant implementation despite ade jureban, the British example shows how the process of ‘self-bargaining’ can result in the widening of emotional landscape, when dual citizenship is allowed. A thick sense of citizenship is therefore not only preserved but it can also be extended to the citizenship of the country of residence. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The paper draws an analogy between the ancient Greek practice of proxeny and the representative role citizens with multiple affiliations may perform in modern-day democratic politics. In recent decades, we can witness a trend of decoupling the demos from residency and citizenship. This trend has two components. First, there is an increasingly lenient stance towards dual citizenship, which frequently goes together with offering political rights for non-resident citizens. Second, non-citizen residents are also increasingly granted political rights in local politics. The aim of this paper is to weigh the implications of this change for representative democracies, primarily by pointing out the potential role such citizens with multiple affiliations may play as diplomatic agents and mitigate the problem of external voice deficiencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign nationals have had a significantly positive influence on the regional socioeconomic developments of Hungary. Two realignments took place between the last two censuses: at first, the composition of citizenship changed; then, the local redistribution changed partly because of the different structure of citizenship. Fields of interests and research: Regional science, regional geography, regional and urban development, regional analysing methods, socialand economic geography network-analysis, applied mathematics and the application of physical science models in geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the implications of inherited multiple citizenships for young Canadian adults as they experienced key life course transitions. These young adults acquired Canadian citizenship through birth but they also inherited EU and/or American citizenships through their parents. While there is a growing literature exploring state policies towards dual citizenship, this article focuses on the meanings, relationships and opportunities that two sets of siblings associated with their multiple citizenships. Navigating this kind of volatile terrain is, I argue, as likely to involve happenstance and improvisation as a careful interpretation of, or identification with the formal properties of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a country with a history of conflict, Lebanese not only have long sought emigration as a means of improving their safety and prosperity but also have sought out second passports as ‘safeguards’ to be used when things got rough at home. Little has been done on how Lebanese view these ‘second passports’ and the actual citizenship that comes with them. This article seeks to tackle this topic through analysing interviews of 10 Lebanese citizens who also hold European citizenship through naturalisation. How these Lebanese view their European citizenships will be described before turning to discussion of how this may affect the understandings of citizenship in Europe. The article concludes by looking on how the understandings of citizenship in liberal democracies in Europe on the part of citizens who normally reside outside of the state and who obtain citizenship as a ‘safety’ option may affect the broader understandings of citizenship in these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conceptual changes in the classical understanding of citizenship in connection with marked shifts in citizenship regimes have been widely studied in recent decades. Most of this work has been developed to explore legal and institutional aspects, thus giving citizenship a static framework. By turning to individuals' perceptions, a new picture of citizenship is discovered. The present study pays attention to a group that has not hitherto been central in discussions about citizenship, namely immigrants' descendants or so-called second-generation immigrants. This group is regarded as being in-between their parents' native country and the country in which they were themselves born, which could result in an ambiguous membership and potentially divided allegiance, especially for those having dual citizenship. This article introduces the experiences of Turkish descendants in France and Sweden. Qualitative work complemented by survey data shows how dual citizens prioritize one country or both in order to develop new and traditional aspects associated with citizenship. Two dimensions are explored: a civic dimension composed by traditional elements associated with legal status such as rights and duties and a subjective dimension that is defined by the personal elements that link individuals with the country, city, or community to which they belong. Citizenship regimes and paradigms of integration are also problematized in this article in order to capture the context and possible influence over people's narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]