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• Deindustrialization may emerge in both developed and developing countries. One dimension of the industrialization trend is regional deindustrialization in a country. • Analyzes inter-state deindustrialization trends in the U.S. by dividing states into three income level groups (high, middle, and low). • Determines the turning points of inter-state deindustrialization in the U.S. and the difference in the rate of deindustrialization. • Conducts both time-series and panel data methodology. • Results show that the phenomenon of premature deindustrialization, which is historically observed in developing countries at a very lower GDP per capita income levels than developed countries, might exist at the regional level even in a developed country. The phenomenon of deindustrialization may emerge in both developed and developing countries. Besides deindustrialization is observable in different regions of a country. This study analyzes inter-state deindustrialization trends in the United States (the U.S.) from 1977 to 2017 by dividing states into three income level groups (high, middle, and low). Instead of specifying the factors, we determine the turning points of inter-state deindustrialization and the difference in the rate of deindustrialization by applying both time-series and panel data methodology. The results suggest that the deindustrialization hypothesis is valid in 38 out of 50 states, DC, and the U.S. at the country level. Furthermore, our results show that deindustrialization curves in lower-income states reach a turning point at lower per capita income levels and at an earlier time-span compared to higher-income state groups. Our findings indicate that premature/early deindustrialization, which is commonly stated for developing countries in the literature is also valid for different regions in a developed country, the U.S. in our case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on technology as an important factor in the economic development of developing countries. The self-sufficiency of developing countries is posing a threat of the supremacy of the West, particularly that of the U.S. The role of technology in industrial development, creating employment and increasing trade has been explored by leaders of developing countries in the early 1970s. They wanted a minimum 25% increase in their output in manufactured goods of the world. Policy makers consider the fact that technology ultimately leads to economic development. The transfer of technology has affected the U.S. trade balance.

The article focuses on the author's perspective on the suggestion that the economically underdeveloped nations should be giving more attention to solar energy development and not concentrating all their hopes on atomic energy. Because of the availability of other energy resources at lower cost, solar energy applications are only of marginal significance in the foreseeable future in the industrialized nations. The author suggests that solar energy development programs should be pushed through by United Nations' facilities and the U.S. government for the greatest benefit of the people who are striving for economic and social betterment.

The article discusses the interdependence between countries in the North and the South and the role of the developed countries in the North toward developing countries in the South. In 1979, 43 percent of Japanese merchandise exports were sold in the nonoil exporting developing countries, 36% of the U. S. merchandise exports that year went to the same markets as did 32% of Australian merchandise exports. The global economic, political, and ecological situation is deteriorating in the world. However, for the most part Northern leaders and communicators refuse to look beyond domestic, economic, or eastern based security issues. The developing countries should be given some responsibility for the direction of the World Bank or the International Monetary Fund.

In contrast to many discussions based on annual emissions, this article presents calculations and projections of cumulative contributions to the stock of atmospheric CO2 by the major players, China, Europe, India, Japan and the USA, for the period 1900-2080. Although relative contributions to the climate problem are changing dramatically, notably due to the rapid industrialization of China, long-term responsibilities for enhanced global warming have not been transparently quantified in the literature. The analysis shows that if current trends continue, by the middle of this century China will overtake the USA as the major cumulative contributor to atmospheric concentrations of CO2. This has enormous implications for the debate on the ethical responsibilities of the major greenhouse gas emitters. Effective climate policy will require both the recognition of shared responsibility and an unprecedented degree of cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peter Gowan's brilliant analysis of U,S, primacy provokes this discussion on the role of the Third World since the 1940s, One cannot think of the cold war epoch without the constant pressure from the Third World on the two major camps, and one cannot conceive of the post-cold war alignment by sections of the Third World without a class assessment of the regimes and programs in the darker nations. This essay attempts to supplement Gowan's framework with the addition of the Third World, at the same time as it offers a synoptic study of India's relationship with the United States as an example. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the early stages of industrialization, developed nations such as the United States did not foresee the extensive damage that would be done to the global environment by continued reliance on fossil fuels. As environmentally-friendly technologies become more feasible, efforts are being made to find ways to replace fossil fuels with more environmentally-friendly alternatives. However, industrialized countries have faced difficulties in converting their already-established infrastructures due to the time, effort, and cost involved. Implementing renewable-energy technologies in developing countries in the early stages of industrialization will avoid these obstacles. China and India are among the most populous and rapidly-developing countries. Therefore, employing renewable energy resources in these regions will have significant environmental and economic benefits and provide a model for other countries to follow. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This paper proposes an explicit test for determining the significance and the timing of slowdowns in economic growth. We examine a large sample of countries and find that a majority - though not all - exhibit a significant structural break in their postwar growth rates. We find that (a) most industrialized countries experienced postwar growth slowdowns in the early 1970s, though (b) the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom did not, and (c) developing countries (and in particular, Latin American countries) tended to experience much more severe slowdowns which, in contrast with the more developed countries, began nearly a decade later. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the First World countries, the industrial evolution of the developing countries is observed with concern. The are considered a strong competence in the international marked and the are held responsible for the decreasing life standard in the United States and in Europe. This is the reason to consider restrictions of the commercial relations which could limit also the Third World productivity. Paul Krugman, a professor of economics at Stanford University en Palo Alto, California, is convinced that this fear doesn't have any real base. He argues, supported by a sequence of models, which present the economic relations between the First and the Third World, that the developing countries really don't influence on the life standard or the developed countries. It shouldn't be necessary to impose import retrictions which only would hinder the economic growth of the Third World nations, and therefore the hope for a decent life standard of millions of human beings who live today in conditions of absolute poverty. Agreeing completely with the author's goals, I present here a critical discussion of the respective paper. My critics are mainly directed to the model's structure. I believe that one can use more realistic structures without modifying Krugman's final final conclusions. Some suggestions are made in this sense. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the challenges and changes in the U.S. clothing industry after World War II. It examines the strategic responses of firms on the principal industry sectors, and provides data on segments of the industry to illustrate its structure. According to the article, urbanisation, industrialisation and steady population growth has created a demand for manufactured consumer goods such as clothing. It is noted that low-wage developing countries pose a major competitive threat to domestic U.S. apparel firms because they enjoy a significant cost advantage.

Between 1967 and 1986 the United States and other members of GATT implemented major reductions in tariff rates on manufactured goods. Our primary hypothesis is that beginning with the Kennedy Round, trade restrictions in the U.S. shifted in favor of high pollution industries as their competitive position declined. As a consequence, inefficient domestic producers were nurtured and, thanks to the original GSP from 1975 to 1985, developing country polluters were encouraged to produce dirty industry manufactures for export to the United States. It is likely that both groups benefitted at the expense of more efficient and less heavily polluting competitors in other industrialized countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on industrial policy and American renewal of industries. According to the author, industries mature when major technology gains come to an end, slowing cost reductions, market expansion, and sales growth and leaving older industries vulnerable to the competition of younger rivals with faster productivity growth. The advanced industrial countries (AICs) of the west experienced rising trade competition from a select group of less developed countries (LACs), a group therefore dubbed newly industrializing countries. This article gives an idea of the industrial policy debate as it flared up and died down in the years 1980-1984. As for productivity growth, the U.S., at the frontier of knowledge, had to advance that frontier itself, rather than borrow from others. U.S. productivity was double that of other AICs, on the average, just after the World War II. The catch-up hypothesis, then, is that the larger the gap between an LAC's initial productivity level and that of the leader, the faster the LAC's subsequent productivity growth.

The announcement of Point IV in 1949 heralded large scale technical assistance in the U.S. At that time development was conceived as a process that combined economic growth with modernization. The mainstream consensus on the meaning of development, shared by academics and practitioners alike, was supported by the following propositions: 1) Modernization is the outcome of historical necessity. Economic growth occurs through a deterministic sequence of stages. All societies are destined to participate in this beneficial evolution, but it can be accelerated by wise policy. 2) Development can be facilitated by the transfer of resources and technologies from advanced to underdeveloped countries. Imported capital speeds up growth, while technology increases efficiency and facilitates modernization. 3) The state is a benevolent institution and the principal instrument of development. The Roosevelt reforms, the Stalinist transformation, the Keynesian prescriptions for economic management, all required a proactive state. Modernizers work primarily through the central government where they can manage and control the "macro-system," often in opposition to conservatives and traditionalists whose power base is local. The center can determine what happens at regional and local levels.

An essay is presented on third-worldism. It offers information on the rise and fall of third-worldism together with its contributory factors. The author states that the industrialized world must understand the all the aspects so that they can respond positively to the changes in Eastern Europe and developing countries of Latin America, Asia and Africa to prevent them from experiencing downfalls.

Conventional analyses of the economic policies of Third World states ignore the U.S. role in sponsoring import substitution industrialization (ISI) in these countries after World War Two. This protectionist development policy usually is considered as a project only of Third World nationalists. Ironically, the independent U.S. initiative to promote IS! came from those generally most associated with liberal trade policy: the executive branch of government and internationalist business. Big business benefitted as long as they could invest behind the ISI tariff barriers. They hoped that IS! would be only a temporary program until global economic equilibrium and growth could be restored in the aftermath of the war. However, the U.S. continued to support ISI throughout the 1950s because until recently the resistance of protectionists in the U.S. made it difficult to reduce U.S. tariffs sufficiently to induce developing countries to rely on externally driven growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact of information technology (IT) investments on firm performance has been the subject of active research in recent years. However, findings of almost all studies are based on data collected in the United States. Little work has been done elsewhere to validate these results and to see if they are applicable across national boundaries. In this study, we fill this gap by comparing four newly-industrialized economies (NIEs) with regard to the impact of IT capital on business performance. Secondary data collected from various sources are used to assess the impact over the period from 1983 to 1991. Findings based on four business measures and a market valuation model based on Tobin's q are reported. While the current results are consistent with work done in the United States in general, discrepancies among the four NIEs are observed. Combined with findings from previous work, three pieces of evidence seem to emerge that are generally observed across country boundaries. First, IT investment is not correlated with shareholder's return. Second, there is little evidence that the level of computerization is valued by the market in developed and newly-developed countries. Third, there is no consistent measurement of IT investment as indicated by the mixed results across different performance ratios. Modeling and measurement concerns expressed in previous U.S.based studies are also observed in our comparative study. Our findings provide a starting point to accumulate a body of comparative studies for the development of a theory that links IT investment, firm performance, and macro factors such as national technology policy in an integrated framework.(Information Technology; Computers; Investment; Performance; Valuation; Economics; Business Value) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the accounting aid for developing countries. The developing countries which constitute the majority in the world in both numbers and population are struggling to develop primary production to enable them to effectively utilize their resources, generate employment, and equitably distribute their wealth. The industrialization process in the United States and in Western Europe has been evolutionary in nature and has required several hundred years. During this time accounting, engineering, and other related professions have also developed through an evolutionary process both in terms of theory and procedures, and in terms of the number of people engaged in these professions. Some of the developing countries of the present day are attempting to avoid this long evolutionary process in their industrial development. By utilizing the organizational methods and technical knowledge they hope to achieve as much in terms of industrialization in a few decades as America and Western Europe

After several decades of continuing experience with structured interview surveys in the advanced industrial nations in which they originated, a great deal of knowledge has been accumulated on this technique, to the point that it has been codified in a number of standard texts. With the diffusion of the formal survey beyond its point of origin, however, it has become apparent that much less is known about the possibilities and limitations of this technique for the underdeveloped areas of the world. A first draft of the interview schedule in English was developed in the United States during the Spring of 1963. Later, after consulting with several mestizos and Indians in Vicos, a revised final draft was prepared and translated into Spanish by the author. The Spanish version was in turn translated into local Quecbua, a task that was accomplished in three stages by two Vicosinos and three mestizos, one of whom was the anthropologist of the Cornell Peru Project stationed in Vicos. The items were therefore classified according to whether they were asked in the early or in the late stage of the interview, with the breaking point occurring about half-way through the interview in terms of the number of questions completed and in terms of elapsed interview time.

The article presents an analysis of the relevance of classical and contemporary theories of growth to economic development. Great Britain's economic development has often been discussed in terms of the classical theories of economic growth. What marks off the economic history of Great Britain in the earlier period, 1550-1780, from that of her continental neighbors is both the extent of general economic development, with much investment in "social" capital, and the difference in the kind of industry, such as engineering, which developed. The problem of newly developing countries are now being posed in terms of the contemporary theories. But for many countries key problems of economic development are inextricably linked with the performance of the major industrial nations, performance which in itself is related to the nature of their past economic growth. However, some of the important propositions of the classical and contemporary theories apply to past experience and to prove this point this article provides a brief presentation of some of the salient elements in the economic development of Great Britain, Western Europe, and the U.S. Afterwards it appraises the relevance of the theories in terms of the present-day complex of economic development.

The article focuses on the implication of point four for the scientists in the U.S. and underdeveloped countries. Point Four is a cooperative venture which consists of irrigation project, new transportation systems, and industrial mechanization as their standard programs. The program is a catalyst for getting more efficient agriculture, more manufacturing and industrial development, and greater efficiency in administration and government where needed. The implementation of the Point Four program is in the hands of the statesmen, however, they need the help of scientists to gain technical knowledge and advice without charge for the development of the Point Four Program.