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Copyright of Lua Nova is the property of CEDEC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Foreign Policy Journal (CFPJ) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of the study is to characterize the political processes and to determine the peculiarities of the functioning of the political system of modern Ukraine in the context of the theories of post-totalitarian democratic transformations adopted in political science. The methodology of the research is based on the principles of systematic, dialectics, reliability, logic. Methods of system analysis, dialectic, comparative, synthesis, structural and functional, generalization are used. Main Conclusions: The political processes of modern Ukraine in general correspond to the peculiarities of post-communist transformations. Political transformation in Ukraine takes place in a non-linear form with some contradictions, which makes it impossible to define its political regime as democratic in the classical interpretation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why are some war-tom countries able to make the transition to democracy? This paper intends to bring to light central dilemmas originating from the efforts of building peace and democracy in fragile stales after war. We will focus on understanding the tensions and contradictions in post-conflict democratization, the challenges facing interim governments and the role of the international community. We will first analyze the set of structural and common dilemmas of peace-building and democratization in the aftermath of civil war, such as temporal, systemic, horizontal, and vertical dilemmas. The paper highly contributes theoretically to the body of knowledge by proposing a spiral of interrelated additional 8 dilemmas: security, safety, moral, sequencing, design, transparency, financial, and resources. Secondly, the different dilemmas will be addressed in relation to elections. Thirdly, constitutionalism is a sine qua non mechanism for establishing the new "social contract" based on the principles of democracy and the rule of law. Finally, the processes of democratization and peace-building are promoted by international actors who also face their own range of varying and even mutually contradictory dilemmas. In conclusion, from war to peace, democracy might prevail initially with a minimalist approach. But only if certain choices of elections procedures and constitutionalism design with specific separation of power and power sharing arrangements are foreseen towards sustainable peace. The paper has a multi-layered perspective that tries to fill the gaps between theory and practice on fragile states, civil wars, democratic governance and state institution building. By advancing theory and practice with policyrelevant results, the research hopes to facilitate more effective interventions and sustainable transitions from war to peace through democratic means. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does the institutional design of interim governments influence post-conflict democratization? Based on the logic of political engineering we examine whether designing interim regimes to incorporate inclusive representation of all warring parties, constraints on executive power, and decentralized governance enhances the prospects of post-conflict democratization. By analysing 15 interim regimes between 1989 and 2006, we find that while inclusiveness is not associated with democratization, executive constraints and decentralization are. These results point to the importance of establishing institutions that diffuse political power and reduce the zero-sum character of the political contest during transition. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The author deals with the problem of denomination of the process of political change in Czechoslovakia in November of 1989, and try set this process in the frame of the theory of transition to democracy. He analyses main turning points - the events, which influenced the development of political change in Czechoslovakia. He starts with the analysis of last period of Communist region in the 80 's and shows the processes inside leadership of Communist party (KSČ). He also shows the position of opposition in Czechoslovakia in this period. Afterwards he describes the process of the fall of regime in November 1989. These changes were achieved by public demonstrations in Prague and other big cities, and also by the talks between leaders of oppositional movements and representatives of communist Federal government. The author shows strategies of opposition and KSČ in this process. The author tries to find more precise politological term for this process of political change. He is inspirated by many studies of transitology in the Political Science (Rustow, di Palma, Przeworski, Linz, Stepan), also of Czech authors (Dvořáková). Author analyses three phases of the Czechoslovak case: 1. Phase of preparation (the both sides recognize own power each other and the find out that they must respect each other), 2. Decisive phase (both sides make agreement about the solution of the situation), 3. Phase of Habituation (stabilization of the new democratic political system). The author's conclusion is that the political change in Czechoslovakia is possible to designate as transition to democracy by the collapse of communist system, because the leadership of Communist party was not able to solve the economical and political crisis in Czechoslovakia in the 80's and also was not able to react to the people's demonstrations in November of 1989. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tunisia's “Revolution of Dignity” lit the spark for the tsunami of popular protests, the misnamed “Arab Spring” that engulfed the region in 2010–11. A central aspect of Tunisia's ongoing transition has been an alliance between the Islamist Ennahda party and two leading secular-left-of-center parties, which came together after the October 2011 Constituent Assembly elections to form a broad-based interim government until the completion of a new constitution and new elections in 2013. This alliance carries the potential for fashioning of the first genuinely democratic polity in the Arab world. Whether or not the alliance will manage to surmount the obstacles posed by the inherent tension between the Islamist and secular-modern currents remains to be seen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the significance of the ninth parliamentary election, held in December 2008, for democratic consolidation in Bangladesh. Three factors have made the ninth election important: first, it was held after two years of military-backed civilian caretaker rule when the government had adopted several measures for electoral and political reforms; second, the main parties formed pre-election alliances to face each other, rather than contesting the election on an individual basis, as was the practice in the past; and third, the composition of the electorate changed significantly, with nearly one-third of the voters casting votes for the first time. The use of a foolproof electoral roll also made the election results credible. Unlike the past, no major case of election rigging has been reported to the Election Commission after the elections. Nor did those losing the elections reject the results outright. The government also initially adopted a policy of inclusion, creating some space for the opposition to be proactive, and the opposition reciprocated by attending the inaugural session of the ninth parliament and pledging to make the parliament effective. The article explores the significance of this change in attitude as well as different electoral reforms for democratic consolidation in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hong Kong, a quasi-democratic society, provides a unique context for the study of political participation. This study documents Hong Kong's political sentiments during a critical transitional period in its democratization process. A random-sample telephone survey examined Hong Kong residents' sense of political efficacy, their propensity to participate in protest activities under British and Chinese rule, and their response to the possible enactment of a national security bill before the controversial legislative process precipitated a political crisis in 2003. Results showed that people with a high degree of internal political efficacy and a low degree of external political efficacy were more likely to engage in protest activities. Such findings provide a reference point for future studies on Hong Kong's public opinion toward protest activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is ready agreement that countries do not emerge in straightforward transitions from authoritarian rule to multi-party democracy. Yet, less consensus can be found in how we understand transition dynamics in particular settings. Scholarly interpretations of the Indonesian transformation certainly reflect this dichotomy. Drawing on the democratization literature, this article highlights the complex role both political action and institutions play in post-authoritarian settlements. It argues that, despite extensive reorganization within the new democratic framework, Indonesian oligarchs no longer exert the political grip they once did. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses ethnic tensions and nationalism in Myanmar and shows that efforts to bring democracy to the country should focus on the scheduled general election in 2010. Countries in the midst of major governmental transitions are extremely volatile and can easily become embroiled in civil wars. Efforts to democratize Myanmar could quickly deteriorate into violence and war unless the changes are made democratically. There are numerous rival ethnic groups in Myanmar, and given an uncertain, transitional government, several of them would be capable of taking power forcefully.

This paper examines the main elements of the democratization policy of the European Union and analyses how this policy has been implemented in Cuba since 1996. The paper applies an analytical framework that links the two variables that Levitsky and Way have developed to study the international dimension of regime change: linkage and leverage to the West. The hypothesis put forward is the following: The combination of unanimity and the lack of common will to act before the process of democratization has started, holds back the development of a more active European policy with Cuba. In addition, the democratization policy of the EU is designed more as a policy of democratic consolidation than as a policy of regime change or transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares democratization under the aegis of the United Nations in Cambodia and East Timor. The analysis points to the inherent contradictions and problems of democratization in post-conflict situations and discusses the difficult issue of timing. It draws four generalized conclusions about democratization through international interim governments in post-conflict societies. First, UN-led interim governments can provide a solution to the problems of civil strife, insecurity, and political instability in disrupted states. Second, democratization through international interim governments in civil-war countries can be successful if the transitional authority is able to maintain a stable 'hurting balance of power' and to guarantee the parties' compliance with democratic procedures. Third, international interim regimes like UNTAC are designed on the premise that reconciliation among the domestic parties is possible. If the premise turns out to be inaccurate, the very foundation of the peace process is challenged and it will be almost impossible successfully to adjust the interim government's institutional structure. Fourth, the cases of Cambodia and East Timor demonstrate that democratization must be embedded in a comprehensive agenda of political, social, and economic methods of peace-building. If interim governments end before the roots of democracy are deep enough and before democratic institutions are strong enough to stand alone, then the entire endeavour may fail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transition towards democracy in Uruguay (1980-1989) is one of the most important periods of Uruguay' s recent past. The analysis of this period can -and must- be enriched by the comparative perspective with similar processes that took place in Chile and Argentina during those years. This new vision, and the comparison of the similarities and differences between each country, should instruct us on the strengths and weaknesses that characterize the "Southern Cone" democracies. A new comparative perspective should also tend to overcome the national self-excluding visions of processes that are related from their origins, and that are also linked in their re-democratization courses of action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the natural laboratory of 18 post-communist Central and Eastern European countries, this article presents a basic model for democratic transition, specifically testing two alternative explanations for the degree of citizen satisfaction with the performance of their fledgling democracies: (1) virtues of omission, which include bad actions from which the state refrains, namely violations of individual human rights, and (2) virtues of commission, which include positive state actions, in particular actions enhancing economic well-being. The findings clearly indicate that, during the transition period citizens' sense of the condition of human rights is consistently more important than are perceived economic prospects as predictors of democratic performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the issues concerning the democratic transition theory. According to the author, two important legacies of the transition impact have appeared in Latin America and Southern Europe and these pacts have stabilized new democratic regimes. Furthermore, they have influenced the socioeconomic policy of the countries in the direction of the status quo. Meanwhile, eight case studies that focus on the evidence for regime splits, radical reform and the opportunities for autonomous opposition organization of the different countries are also presented.

This article discusses the challenges brought by the process of democratization in Brazil. This process consists of two transitions, namely the removal of the previous authoritarian regime and the installation of a democratic government, and the consolidation of democracy. Obstacles that may be experienced by Brazil in its transition include the continued presence of authoritarian actors, the persistence of authoritarian patterns of domination and the neutral or apathetic attitudes of political actors toward the democratic government.

The article reports on the new loans of the African Development Bank (AfDB) as of June 2011. Loans have been granted by AfDB to Mali for use on a sugar project in Markala and a study on the electric power connection between the country and Guinea. A sovereign guaranteed loan has been approved for the Nigerian Export-Import Bank (NEXIM) to finance small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in Nigeria. The interim government in Tunisia has been granted a loan for use in the democratic transition.