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Context: This project investigates the role of state-level institutions in explaining variation in population health in the American states. Although cross-national research has established the positive effects of democracy on population health, little attention has been given to subnational units. The authors leverage a new data set to understand how political accountability and a system of checks and balances are associated with state population health., Methods: The authors estimate error correction models and two-way fixed effects models to estimate how the strength of state-level democratic institutions is associated with infant mortality rates, life expectancy, and midlife mortality., Findings: The authors find institutions that promote political accountability are associated with lower infant mortality across the states, while those that promote checks and balances are associated with longer life expectancy. They also find that policy liberalism is associated with better health outcomes., Conclusions: Subnational institutions play an important role in population health outcomes, and more research is needed to understand the link between democracy and health. The authors are the first to explore the link between democratic institutions and population health within the United States, contributing to both the social science literature on the positive effects of democracy and the epidemiological literature on subnational health outcomes., (Copyright © 2022 by Duke University Press.)

This introduction to a special section on parliaments identifies a tendency in STS to look for politics either inside or outside mainstream democratic institutions. Summarizing the insights of the contributions to the special section, the introduction argues that - in light of current challenges to dominant modes of doing politics across the globe - the task for STS scholars is neither to renew faith in what is happening in various legislatures, nor to look for alternatives elsewhere. Rather it is to carefully explore how their multiple insides and outsides are being connected, and what possibilities those connections offer as we continue to navigate spaces defined by the panopticon and the parliament as the twin diagrams of modernity.

Despite growing recognition of the rights of people with dementia for full citizenship, issues related to democracy, whether from theoretical or practical perspectives, remain neglected. Especially since discourses on dementia have expanded to this rights-based approach, it is imperative to begin to examine the meanings and practices of democracy within a context of dementia. Accordingly, the purpose of this article is to assess implications of dementia in the context of democracy. Rather than surveying the variety of democratic concepts, it will focus the analytical framework on representative democracy and then outline several challenges to and for representative democracy and citizens with dementia. The intention is to begin to identify paths for ensuring representation, inclusion and participation for those who have dementia., (© The Author(s) 2016.)

The presence of an elite group in civil society elicits a discursive friction between the long-standing normative understanding of civil society, acting as a check on government overreach and autocratic tendencies, and elite theories. Robert Michels's iron law of oligarchy posits that as individuals rise in the ranks to become organizational leaders, they begin to take on elite attributes, and their priorities align with those of other elites and away from those of their constituents. Michels's argument echoes with today's populist anti-elitist rhetoric and the way populism rejects any intermediary bodies between the people and the political leaders, including interest organizations in civil society. As an attempt to empirically probe this theoretical tension, this paper explores satisfaction with the way democracy is working among the top-level leaders of the most well-resourced national-level civil society organizations in Sweden and in the UK, drawing on a survey study conducted in 2020–21. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Polarization within Western societies escalates, as citizens increasingly distrust their governments and disagree with one another in an increasingly emotional way. Departing from a literature devoid of ideas to break this destructive trend, this paper presents a novel approach: While societies have evolved—becoming more diverse, individualized, and interconnected—democratic systems have remained unchanged, hence rooted in outdated structures. This misalignment drives the rise of political polarization. Through a comprehensive review of literature and data across OECD countries, this paper states the generality of the polarization problem, with the U.S. only as severest example. It introduces the concept of 'partitioning representation' of representing individuals as parts of non‐overlapping subsets of society, a form that fitted a bygone era of geographically and socially partitioned communities. The paper identifies three mechanisms through which the disjunction between this traditional form of representation and contemporary individualization leads to polarization: disconnection of voters from the political process, intra‐party dynamics that favor radicalization, and perverse incentives for political and media actors. Ultimately, breaking this destructive cycle requires rethinking how representation can work in a world that no longer conforms to the partitioned societies of the Western past. This calls for new forms of doing politics, empowering citizens to engage meaningfully with the political process and restoring the capacity for collective problem‐solving that is essential for democratic resilience in a new approach usefully called a 'civil democracy'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Populism comes in so many forms, both historically and in its contemporary manifestations, that we cannot assess its relationship with democratic institutions as if it were homogeneous. In this article, we reconnect with the history of the first movements that have called themselves populists and draw on an understanding of populism as an egalitarian impulse against oligarchic tendencies, centred on anti-elitism and the defense of a democratic common sense. This genetic approach goes against the dominant definitions which tend to overstretch its range of application while assuming a form of anti-pluralism as part of its common features. Then, we draw attention to the diversity of conceptions of democracy within populist thought and practices and show that the types of democratic institutions favoured by populist movements, and their attitudes towards intermediary bodies, are highly contextual. Finally, we argue that populism's inherent ambiguities shed some doubt on its capacity to respond to the current challenges faced by representative institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, we ask how and why do Members of Parliament adopt different representational styles? Looking at MPs in four Westminster-style democracies, we identify differences between MPs and inductively explore influences on representational styles by first using participant observation to gain deep insights into the activities of a small sample of MPs and then by using semi-structured interviews from a larger sample to elucidate findings from the observations across states. Our primary focus is the method of connection between representative and citizen, as fostered by the representative while present in the constituency. Despite similar institutional and electoral contexts across countries, we find a significant variation that is influenced by both country-level and constituency-level factors. Findings suggest a continuum from highly service-oriented to highly symbolic-oriented styles, where MPs from the UK illustrate the former, and MPs from Canada illustrate the latter, though with further variation at the constituency level that is based, in part, upon both geography and demographics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The four reviewed books belong among the most influential contemporary contributions to theories of populism. Approaches described by authors are different, and together they do not provide a coherent view of defining features of populism. Moreover, they remain in disagreement on whether to evaluate populism as a threat or deepening of democracy. To overcome such a difference of opinions, I propose to focus more on the role of populistic representation instead of defining features of populism. In addition, I suggest applying a populistic style approach that provides a helpful description of populism since it outlines populism as a useful and valuable concept when describing contemporary political changes and does not understand it necessarily as a democracy’s dead-end.

Modern democracies have long faced several problems often described as a crisis of representative democracy. This review essay addresses the debate regarding the possible return and implementation of sortition as a tool to solve or mitigate many problems facing modern democracies. The review essay follows three authors who address this return to sortition, representing three distinct approaches. While two of the books under review think through the possible return and implementation of sortition, the third one presents a criticism of these efforts and finds such a return problematic. This review essay thus asks whether a return of this historically democratic tool is even possible and whether it can provide a solution for some of the problems associated with what we refer to as the crisis of representative democracy.

The given text is a list of references and citations for various academic articles and books related to the topic of property and representation. The articles and books cover a range of perspectives and topics, including the relationship between property and democracy, the role of corporations in society, and the concept of workplace democracy. The author, Rutger Claassen, is a professor of political philosophy and economic ethics at Utrecht University. [Extracted from the article]

A growing literature over the past 10 years on health and political behavior has established health status as an important source of political inequality. Poor health reduces psychological engagement with politics and discourages political activity. This lowers incentives for governments to respond to the needs of those experiencing ill health and thereby perpetuates health disparities. In this review article, we provide a critical synthesis of the state of knowledge on the links between different aspects of health and political behavior. We also discuss the challenges confronting this research agenda, particularly with respect to measurement, theory, and establishing causality, along with suggestions for advancing the field. With the COVID-19 pandemic casting health disparities into sharp focus, understanding the sources of health biases in the political process, as well as their implications, is an important task that can bring us closer to the ideals of inclusive democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voters of populist parties tend to be dissatisfied with democracy. Some scholars attribute this dissatisfaction with how our democracies function to poor representation by mainstream parties and a feeling of not being heard. We should see this representation improve with the success of populist parties. This improved representation should, in turn, have a positive impact on populist party voters’ satisfaction with democracy (SWD). Existing case studies have only looked at the link between formal populist party representation in parliament or government, and populist party voters’ SWD, with mixed findings, the most puzzling of which is that populist party voters may even become less satisfied with growing formal representation. There is no comparative study on populist parties’ actual responsiveness to populist party voters and the connection to their SWD. Thus, we ask: How well do populist parties represent populist party voters, and how does this populist party responsiveness influence populist party voters’ satisfaction with democracy? We define populist party responsiveness as issue-based agenda-responsiveness between populist party voters and populist parties and investigate the link to SWD using data on 21 countries from the 2019 European Election Studies. We find that populist parties in Europe are not generally more responsive to populist party voters than mainstream parties. Populist parties’ agenda-responsiveness has a positive effect on populist voters’ SWD while being in government does not increase the positive effect of populist party responsiveness on their voters’ SWD. They may be disenchanted by how well their parties can eventually “walk the talk.”

Research on the relationship between discontent and populist attitudes abounds. However, whether this discontent arises in response to economic grievances or a perceived lack of representation remains understudied. While previous research has considered both as independent factors, we assume their interaction drives populist attitudes. We argue that deprivation and sentiments of being left behind exacerbate the feeling that one’s policy positions are not recognized and represented in politics. To test this claim empirically, we draw on recent data from the German Longitudinal Election Study of 2021. We combine egocentric and sociotropic indicators of being left behind and interact these with the perceived distance of one’s own policy positions to the positions of the opposition and government parties represented in parliament. We find that both perceptions of personal and societal deprivation, as well as a greater perceived distance from the government, are associated with populist attitudes. Furthermore, we find that the effect of distance from the government is contingent on someone’s economic position, albeit the direction of the interaction effect contradicts our initial expectations: The effect of perceived ideological distance from the government on populist attitudes is primarily reinforced among those who are better off rather than for those who struggle economically. This implies that populist attitudes ought to be addressed depending on the source of discontent rather than treating populism as a general expression of indiscriminate protest. Our analysis contributes to understanding the various origins of populist attitudes and to developing possible ways of mitigation.

This article examines the effect of country size on the professionalization of politicians in six European micro-states and a large-scale democracy – Germany – since 1980. The article revisits an ongoing debate about the extent to which either country size or government size are causal factors in the individual professionalization process. Using an original dataset consisting of 6,940 parliamentary mandates – 2,809 individuals – in national parliaments, the article shows that country size is a determinant of the degree of politicians' professionalization. The article further demonstrates that political parties' gatekeeper role is the key causal mechanism explaining the influence of population size on politicians' professionalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does the central government's intervention in the operation of failed local authorities affect the functioning of local democracy? We examined the theoretical and practical factors associated with the opportunities and risks inherent in an intervention policy in Israel called convened committees. We developed an index called the Effective Number of Council Parties by Seats at the Municipal Level (ENCPSML) and a number of measures that together express the degree of democratic representation, governability and voter turnout. We compare the functioning of democracy before and after the convened committees in 31 local authorities and a control group of 191 local authorities during four elections in 2003-2018. Contrary to what one might expect, convened committees did not hurt the exercise of democracy and in some cases, improved it. We discuss the practical and theoretical implications of these findings in the context of multi-level governance, local democracy, regulation and coping with local crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of a shifting global landscape marked by a resurgence of authoritarianism, this article explores the challenges facing Western democracies. The euphoria of the post-1989 era has given way to self-doubt, with the rise of left- and right-wing populism a symptom and not a cause of the crisis. The lack of a cohesive vision for the future European society is identified as a major contributor to the current underperformance of Western democracies. Four key axes of development are outlined: societal cohesion, reinterpreting the concept of work, (re-)legitimising democratic political representation and unleashing new sources of value creation. The analysis delves into complex issues such as intergenerational justice, multi-ethnic integration and the re-evaluation of work, emphasising the need for a broader understanding of human existence. The article concludes by advocating for a renewed social vision, drawing on the historical insights of Christian Democratic thinking to navigate the challenges posed by the ongoing transformations in Western societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This thematic issue covers the participation and representation of migrants in contemporary politics. It focuses on two interconnected analytical dimensions: countries of residence and countries of origin, as arenas of political engagement and the supply and demand sides of political representation. The articles in the thematic issue advance the existing knowledge in migration studies and party politics both theoretically and empirically. They do so by proposing innovative analytical frameworks to assess the extent of participation and representation and by bringing evidence that fosters a better understanding of the intricate relationship between migration and politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Politicians perceive their representative role in a variety of ways: as a delegate of their party, a delegate of voters, or a trustee who exercises their mandate independent of any external principal. Existing research finds that the tendency to adopt a specific style of representation depends on system-level institutions and individuals' political experience and profile. The influence of the party organisational context remains little understood. This study contributes to filling this gap by examining the effects of parties' resources and intra-party distribution of power on the prevalence of party delegates among their candidates. Drawing on data from the Comparative Candidates Survey (CCS) and the Political Party Database (PPDB) we find that party organisation shapes representation in a way that has not previously been demonstrated: parties with more resources and parties in which members have the final say in candidate selection have a higher proportion of party delegates among their candidates. This demonstrates the centrality of party organisation to representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) is facing a democratic deficit, but the debate on how to address it has been caught in a dichotomy that pitches EU democracy as either national or supranational. Considering EU democracy through the nation-state lens, whereby the EU either becomes a nation-state itself or borrows democratic legitimacy from its Member States, obscures the many dilemmas and trade-offs involved in the institutional design and practice of EU democracy. Moving beyond this national-supranational dichotomy thus requires coming to grips with a variety of diverging democratic criteria the EU is facing when pursuing democratisation. The books reviewed in this article have done exactly that. While the books under review approach the challenges of EU democracy from a variety of angles, this review touches upon three major points of discussion: legitimacy, representation and citizenship. It concludes that EU democracy should not be considered as an end-point to be reached, but as a continuous interaction between various and conflicting ideas about the nature of the EU and of democracy. Particularly with a view on the upcoming 2024 European elections, is it thus vital to foster open and public debate on the tensions and dilemmas inherent in (EU) democracy. Bremberg, N. & Norman, L. (Eds.). (2023). Dilemmas of European Democracy: New Perspectives on Democratic Politics in the European Union. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Jančić, D. (Ed.) (2023). The Changing Role of Citizens in EU Democratic Governance. London: Hart. Lord, C. Bursens, P. De Bièvre, D. Trondal, J. & Wessel, R. A. (Eds.). (2022). The Politics of Legitimation in the European Union. London: Routledge. Wolfs, W. (2022). European Political Parties and Party Finance Reform: Funding Democracy? London: Palgrave Macmillan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Espanola de Antropologia Americana is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of IgualdadES is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This thematic issue covers the participation and representation of migrants in contemporary politics. It focuses on two interconnected analytical dimensions: countries of residence and countries of origin, as arenas of political engagement and the supply and demand sides of political representation. The articles in the thematic issue advance the existing knowledge in migration studies and party politics both theoretically and empirically. They do so by proposing innovative analytical frameworks to assess the extent of participation and representation and by bringing evidence that fosters a better understanding of the intricate relationship between migration and politics.

The present research focuses on analyzing the legal framework of citizen participation in Ecuador, with special emphasis on the popular consultation, a mechanism that allows the community of a locality, region, or nation to express their opinions definitively and bindingly on specific issues that the constituted powers or a part of the citizenry have decided to inquire from the sovereign. The main objective is to systematize the legal foundations that enable effective citizen participation in the political power of the Ecuadorian State. During the research, a detailed analysis of the 2008 Constitution of Ecuador is carried out to evaluate the normative regulation of citizens' participation rights, as well as the jurisprudential recognition established by the Constitutional Court of Ecuador. Also, updated bibliographic material is provided to establish the necessary elements regarding citizen participation as a pillar of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Academic Journal of Philosophy / Felsefi Düşün is the property of Pinhan Yayincilik and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Globally, the idea of inclusive democracy is synonymous with the participation, deliberation, and representation of citizens in the management of the affairs of nation-states. In the light of this global picture, South Africa's constitutional democracy and its inclusive education policy ensure the right to education for school-going children (from foundation, to the intermediate and senior phases). Unfortunately, the zones of exclusion (i.e. difficulties to exercise the right to education) have shown that in post-apartheid South African schools, inclusive education gains have not been enjoyed by the intended recipients--the learners. This means that despite the formalisation of inclusive education policies by the state, substantive inclusion (i.e. active participation, deliberative engagement, and participatory representation) remains a distant dream for many school-going children in South Africa. Against this backdrop, the authors show that formal inclusive policy in schools in South Africa is split between social changes on one hand, and political democracy on the other. Consequently, the authors support the call for a continual struggle by (or for) educable learners who fall within the zones of exclusion in post-1994 South Africa. Ultimately, the authors argue that the realisation of substantive inclusive education depends on the protests of the excluded, who struggle in the interstices of zones of exclusion that have created and deepened the gulf between the ideal and the achievement because democratic inclusive education is at a crossroad; it is extended and dragged in opposite directions in post-1994 South Africa schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A significant body of social science research is now working with the concept of refeudalization—as well as related terms such as neo-feudalism and neo-medievalism—to analyze a variety of contemporary developments. The social science scholars who use these terms challenge an oversimplified modernization model that regards power relations such as serfdom, vassalage, suzerainty, and fiefdom as merely historical relics. The refeudalization process has significant legal dimensions, which this review outlines to draw out the central implications of the concept of refeudalization for an adequate understanding of current developments in law, society, and politics. Topics covered include the changing relationship between public and private law; the privatization of public authority and responsibilities; the territorial unbundling of sovereignty and the tendency toward multiple, overlapping authorities and jurisdictions; the contractualization of groups and political units as well as individuals; and the changing relationship between sovereignty and political representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article engages with Ros Dixon's theory of "Responsive Judicial Review" (OUP, 2023). It argues that Central and Eastern European jurisdictions with specialized constitutional courts face two major obstacles to engage fully in responsive judicial review – legal formalism and the very fact that constitutional review is centralized into one institution, which discourages pluralistic debates about the constitution and limits the room for dialogue between the constitutional court and other actors. Even the Czech Constitutional Court that meets all three Dixon's preconditions for courts' ability to engage in responsive judicial review (judicial independence, political support, and remedial power) and is probably the most Elyan constitutional court in CEE faces several obstacles to responsive judging. As a result, its responsiveness has been selective. Nevertheless, although full-fledged responsive judicial review is difficult to achieve in CEE countries in the short term, their constitutional courts can, as the Czech Constitutional Court shows, exercise responsive judicial review "light". We argue that such "light version" of responsive judicial review would still be a great improvement and we provide several proposals how to increase the likelihood that it happens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can greater inclusion in democracy for historically disadvantaged groups reduce rebel violence? Democracy-building is a common tool in counterinsurgencies and post-conflict states, yet existing scholarship has faced obstacles in measuring the independent effect of democratic reforms. We evaluate whether quotas for Scheduled Tribes in local councils reduced rebel violence in Chhattisgarh, an Indian state featuring high-intensity Maoist insurgent activity. These quotas did not originate as a counterinsurgency technique, but instead as an effort to address the longstanding political marginalization of India's Scheduled Tribes. We employ a geographic regression discontinuity design to study the wartime effects of quotas implemented in Chhattisgarh, finding that reservations reduced Maoist violence in the state. Exploratory analyses of mechanisms suggest that reservations reduced violence by bringing local elected officials closer to state security forces, providing a windfall of valuable information to counterinsurgents. Our study shows that institutional engineering, like reforms to create more inclusive representative democracy, can shape the trajectory of insurgent violence. Institutional engineering creating more inclusive representative democracy during an ongoing conflict can affect the political economy of information sharing in civil war and, ultimately, affect the trajectory of insurgent violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contends that rural communities in the United States and Europe broadly have been mainly studied as a dichotomy to their urban counterparts. The focus on cities and urban centers and an inculcation of myths and assumptions regarding ruralness have led to knowledge gaps, misperceptions, and missed opportunities in public administration and policy studies. This paper interrogates misconceptions about ruralness and refutes them. It identifies a gap in research agendas, knowledge, and scholarship about ruralness; explores issues with the design of policies and, therefore, policy implications concerning rural communities; and describes how the misconceptions, the lack of scholarly knowledge, and policy implications coalesce to drive a feeling of marginalization and exclusion in rural communities, fuelling a "culture war" dynamic. The conclusion offers potential directions for establishing a research agenda that prioritizes studying rural society as a subgroup with unique needs and belief systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While Estonia's Russophones have had comparatively little presence in national-level institutions yet have been subject to accommodative policies, Latvia's Russophones have enjoyed consistent descriptive representation in parliament but have gained relatively less on policy outcomes. Given that existing theory suggests that descriptive and substantive representation should be associated with both heightened political efficacy and regime approval, this presents a useful comparative puzzle. Our analysis of Eurobarometer public opinion data suggests that, while Russian-speakers evince less political efficacy and democratic satisfaction than others in both countries, Latvia's Russophones are less satisfied with their political regime than are their Estonian coethnics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Debates is the property of Revista Debates and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

According to the prevailing opinion, the classical formulation of the principle of the sovereignty of the people is found in Rousseau. Against that view, this article argues that Marsilius of Padua and Locke should be regarded as earlier pioneers and important forerunners of this principle. To demonstrate this thesis, the paper examines Marsilius’s conception of the “human legislator” and Locke’s ideas on legislation, representation, and on the limitation of the legislative power. Though Locke excludes the majority of the people from the right to be represented in the legislative power, his concept of this “supreme power” is progressive compared to the conceptions of “sovereignty” found in Bodin and Hobbes. Even for Rousseau, women are still excluded from the sovereignty of the people. This is a strong argument to include Locke and Marsilius in the history of the idea of the sovereignty of the people.

The world is currently experiencing a democratic deficit of representative institutions resulting from the context of globalization and the polycentrism of power. In this article, we will analyze the model of cosmopolitan democracy as conceived by David Held, Anthony McGrew and Daniele Archibugi. To do so, firstly, we will present the foundations of the cosmopolitan democratic model of the researched authors. Then, we will deal with the concrete institutional proposals presented by them. Finally, we will discuss the main limitations and criticisms of the analyzed model. Based on these considerations, we face the research problem: what is the potential of the cosmopolitan democracy project to supply the democratic deficit of the Brazilian representative institutions resulting from globalization and the polycentrism of power?

Contemporary democratic theory is focused on empowering the voices of citizens in collective decision-making. The opposite of voice is silence. Increasingly, citizens are remaining silent rather than vocally participating in politics. Among democratic theorists, silent citizenship is equated to civic disengagement and disempowerment. I expand this view by theorizing the conditions under which silence is also a political expression. My analysis identifies four types of silence that can politically communicate. The resulting framework draws out the communicative dimension of silence, providing new tools to assess the unique interpretative challenges and dangers that silent citizenship presents for a democratic system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This short article introduces a novel framework for conceiving of the substantive representation of marginalized groups – in this case, racially minoritized women in the UK House of Commons. I outline a rubric of eight facets of substantive representation. These evaluate the degree to which claims that constitute a group are also substantively representative of that group. In doing so, I contribute a much-needed framework for distinguishing between representative claims which speak on behalf of a group versus those which merely speak about, or even against, that group. I argue that substantive representation must be considered intersectionally, reflecting the multiple structures positioning those represented. Furthermore, all facets of substantive representation can rarely be contributed by a single parliamentary speech, individual, or narrow group of legislators such as descriptive representatives. Therefore, I suggest that empirical studies of substantive representation should include a greater evaluation of the collective work of institutions as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]