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The article discusses the political upheaval in Central America over the past fifteen years, focusing on El Salvador and Guatemala. It explores the transition to democracy in the 1990s after years of civil wars and U.S.-backed military regimes. The text highlights the challenges faced by these countries in addressing fundamental material inequalities and the impact of neoliberal policies on their political and economic landscapes. The article also delves into recent political events in El Salvador and Guatemala, including the rise of President Nayib Bukele and President Bernardo Arévalo, shedding light on the democratic crises each nation currently faces. [Extracted from the article]

The article analyses the legal nature of restrictions on passive suffrage from the perspective of international standards, the case law of the European Court of Human Rights and their relevance for Ukraine. The author examines the basic principles of international electoral law, in particular, the rules enshrined in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, UN resolutions, documents of the Council of Europe and the OSCE, which explain the general framework for imposing restrictions on the right to be elected and its admissibility. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the case law of the European Court of Human Rights, which, due to the recognition of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms as a flexible and living instrument, can carry out a dynamic and effective interpretation of its provisions. The author considers and identifies a set of necessary conditions which must be met in order to recognise the restriction of passive suffrage as compliant with the principles of the rule of law and the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms in particular. The author analyses the significance of historical, political and other circumstances inherent in a particular State which may serve as a justification for the application of restrictive measures, but which should be subject to periodic review by the State for their relevance. A separate section of the article is devoted to the analysis of the socio-political situation in Ukraine today, which raises the issue of limiting passive suffrage not only on the basis of generally applicable electoral qualifications, but also with a view to protecting national sovereignty, territorial integrity of the State and its democratic order. The author briefly analyses and points out the shortcomings of the approach to restricting the right to stand for election set out in draft law No. 9081, in particular, its inconsistency with parts two and three of Article 76 of the Constitution of Ukraine, which contain exhaustive requirements for candidates for people's deputies of Ukraine which cannot be expanded by law. The author outlines the joint position of the European Commission for Democracy through Law and the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR) in their opinion on draft law No. 9081. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Objectives: The role of the current research is to set up a conceptual and analytical framework of the security, democracy and human rights linkage in contemporary society mainly based on the indexing, monitoring and research of online content for the period 1945-2019. Methods and methodology: Due to the focused timeline outlining the scientific research for the period 1945-2019, the paper favors both quantitative and qualitative approaches that follow a systemic framework of several thematic clusters which act as supporting pillars of analytical research by using Google Ngrams: (a) norms and constitutional values and principles; (b) civil and legal liberties; (c) human and individual approaches; (d) institutional governance and organizational establishment; (e) freedoms, civil and political rights. Results and discussions: The research results explore the variations in the frequency of appearances of the selected concepts in the specialized literature indexed by the Google platform indicating essential aspects of the conceptual and theoretical evolutions in strict dependence to the significant resolutions of the Security Council of the United Nations adopted in the same period and focusing on three central concepts: security, democracy and human rights. The spectrum of research singles out fifteen figures and an integrated analysis of contextual, historical, political, institutional, legal and social factors. Conclusion: The research aims to expand the field of reference and analysis of the three notions of security, democracy and human rights by integrating the multifactorial and multi-conditional analysis for the interpretation of the results of the fifteen figures. In the broader framework of online monitoring and complementarily with the spectrum of UNSC resolutions, the research will use contemporary topics, intensely debated, used and monitored, focusing on the conceptual and linguistic study and on the relationship between the analytical inventory of scientific research and the international decision-making spectrum. This relationship is mediated by the lexicon of politics and the sociology of international relations, which reflected a growing evolutionary linguistic semantics since 1945, the year of the establishment of the United Nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Liberalism advances democratic rights and representation through three principles. First, it seeks to protect individuals from abusive state power. Second, it shares an affinity with the epistemology of the Enlightenment, where an objective world can be discovered and observed. Third, it limits "tyranny of the majority" through civil liberties that counter the weight of public opinion and political rights that enable political competition of ideas. Rapidly evolving demands for recognition in the United States have advanced a broad critique of liberalism, highlighting the boundaries it imposes on representation as well as its limited success protecting rights. This essay traces disenchantment with liberalism to two very different sources: first, many progressives who resent how the jurisprudence of equal opportunity obscures efforts to achieve actual equality reject "anonymity" under the law-removing a core civil rights principle for promoting fairness. Such demands for more explicit rights and representation conflict with the majoritarian model's application of liberalism, which biases cultural assimilation over multicultural integration. Movements for recognition increasingly challenge both assimilation and the institutional devices of multicultural integration. The other source of tension around recognition comes from the right, where populists have set out to revive nativist ideas of coerced assimilation or outright homogenization through exclusion (ie, nonrecognition). Such failures of representation have promoted subjectivist views as a credential for contesting facts. The paper argues for "pluralist solidarity" as a tool for reconciling multiculturalism with new rights and demands for recognition emanating from liberalism's traditions of individual liberty. This device aims to help separate the quest for recognition and dignity from the subjectivity that contributes to post-truth politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the concept of freedom has been appropriated by the far right to impose a number of authoritarian policies designed to dismantle the critical functions of public and higher education. It explores, in particular, the ways in which Florida Republican Governor Ron DeSantis has used an appeal to freedom to punish critics, wage a war on trans people, misrepresent the history of slavery, and impose a new version of McCarthyism on higher education. It challenges what it terms neoliberal and fascist notions of freedom by making clear that democracy and capitalism are incompatible, and that any viable notion of freedom must address not only personal and political rights but also economic rights. Freedom from domination must be matched by a freedom to live in a world marked by the principles of justice, equality, and dignity. There is no freedom in the midst of massive inequalities in wealth, power, and education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Taiwan's robust democratic system and the challenges it faces in maintaining its democratic values amid increasing external pressures. Topics include the resilience of Taiwan's democracy in the face of growing authoritarianism, the impact of populism and racialization, and the implications of digital surveillance for privacy and public safety.

Social media platforms have played a significant role in recent elections in the U.S. and other democracies. While Facebook and Twitter (now renamed X) claimed that they are "on a journey to connect the world," to serve the goals of reforms and to bring about more democracy, their platforms have been effectively used to spread lies, misinformation, and disinformation which led some analysts to argue that we now live in a post-truth world and that the Orwellian dystopia is upon us. This paper is an attempt to assess whether big tech companies have created an Orwellian state in the U.S. We argue that the idiom of the Orwellian dystopia has been misused by scholars, commentators, and politicians on the political left as well as the political right. Our analysis of social media, especially Facebook, shows that the social media companies are not intentionally trying to subvert American democracy. Instead, as a business, they are driven by a profit motive and the logic of "surveillance capitalism." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 21st century, new means of information and communication technologies have become an important tool for many countries in terms of expanding political rights and freedoms, forming a rule-of-law state, and achieving the ideals of a democratic society. The paper aims to study trends and carry out a qualitative assessment of the interdependence of the media and social platforms and political culture of citizens of three Central Asian countries: Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Kyrgyzstan. This work aims to fill the existing theoretical gap regarding the issues of mutual influence of political culture and media in the states above. The study reveals the factors of public political participation in the three countries examined through the prism of comparing indicators of public participation in political processes in the context of the development and emergence of new types of media and social network platforms. The paper analyses the essential features of each country’s development of democratic institutions and civil dialogue, considering the role of traditional media and social networks as implementation tools. Based on the experience of the three countries examined, the results of the study give reason to say that the media (including social networks and media platforms) do not have a decisive influence on the formation of political culture. Transformation processes in the sphere above of these countries are fragmentary, affecting to a greater extent issues of individual perception of political processes, as a rule, without significant external manifestation. The findings of the study provide grounds to assert that the theoretical comprehension of political culture in the examined countries is scarcely distinguishable from the concept of political awareness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the pivotal year of 1976 in the history of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT). Topics include the founding and impact of TDU as a grassroots movement aimed at enhancing union democracy, the legal history of TDU in relation to federal labor law and the Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act (LMRDA), and the broader implications of rank-and-file activism in promoting transparency and accountability in labor unions.

Copyright of Dixi is the property of Universidad Cooperativa de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Albania, the small country of Balkan has a different and unique history unlike all other Balkans or Eastern European countries. It still has some traces of the 50-year period of the communist regime, which was almost cruel. In the history of Albania, year of 1944 has been settled the milestone for deciding the fate of this country, through events that occur in the political, economic and social field. This regime in Albania directly affected the lives of people, depriving the exercise of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Many of the basic human rights such as the rights of speech, freedom of thought, the right to private property, or the right to religious belief were completely forbidden with the communist state. During this regime, this political and economic system created, stimulated, developed and supported human and social anti-value by imposing an ideology that turned people into communist party captives, transforming the identity of individuals. Almost half a century, Albania had been isolated from the outside world and from democratic values and principles, it had instilled and rooted values and attitudes that were not very favorable for the development of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the Reagan administration's approach to human rights and democracy promotion during the Cold War, specifically focusing on its engagement with Nicaragua. The author argues that Reagan's policy of democracy promotion was used to serve traditional Cold War goals and to legitimize interventionist agendas aimed at regime change. The article also highlights the resistance to Reagan's policy and the contested meaning of human rights. It concludes by discussing the legacy of Reagan's approach and the ongoing debates surrounding democracy promotion and interventionism. [Extracted from the article]

Do socioeconomic disparities between ethnic groups influence whether a country democratizes and remains democratic? I propose that, on average, high levels of ethnic inequality do not affect the prospects of democratization due to competing mechanisms. Although such inequalities give rise to grievances that fuel the demand for democracy, they also make the ruling elites from dominant groups less willing to concede political rights. However, ethnic inequality is generally associated with an increased risk of democratic breakdowns because high-inequality countries are more likely to experience politicized ethnic divides, distributional conflicts, and polarization. Investigating these arguments with time-series, cross-national data, I find that while there is a relatively strong and robust association between ethnic inequality and the risk of democratic breakdown, ethnic inequality is not associated with transitions to democracy. Examinations of potential mechanisms based on national and group-level data lend further support to the argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The public sphere today is saturated with alarmist language about democracy: it is "backsliding", "breaking down", and even "dying". The "hard border" guarantee of equality and freedom is "militant democracy" - familiar territory for Müller. The failure of Trump's second impeachment challenges Müller's model of militant democracy. [Extracted from the article]

The election of corrupt politicians remains a crucial global problem, yet our knowledge regarding factors determining electorates' tolerance for corruption remains extremely limited. This paper explores individual characteristics and macroeconomic factors determining an individual's likelihood to (1) vote for her preferred political party even if that party was involved in a corruption scandal, and (2) abstain from voting even when an established non-corrupt party exists. I identify several individual characteristics, such as education and income levels, gender, employment status, political leaning, and trust in local media, and macroeconomic factors, such as income per capita, country-level corruption, and political rights, significantly influencing an individual's voting choice. A few implications emerge. Corruption can be self-sustaining and may undermine democracy by discouraging political participation. While education promotes political participation, it does not reduce citizens' tolerance for corruption by their preferred political parties. Corruption might widen income and gender inequality by lowering the political participation of the poor and women, and extreme political leaning can promote political corruption. • Politicians with corruption and criminal charges continue to get elected. • I study voting behaviors in response to an individual's preferred political party's involvement in corruption. • Voting behaviors vary significantly across different socioeconomic and demographic groups. • Political corruption can widen socioeconomic inequalitiies. • Political corruption might weaken democracy by discouraging political participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the growing skepticism among Americans, particularly on the political right, regarding robust military aid for Ukraine in its conflict with Russia, as well as divisions on the left regarding support for Israel's conflict with Hamas. It discusses the implications of these attitudes on the traditional bipartisan consensus of defending democracies abroad and emphasizes the importance of this defense in maintaining both global security and democracy.

Copyright of Revista de Ciencias Sociales (13159518) is the property of Revista de Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad del Zulia Venezuela and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Political Science Review / Przegląd Politologiczny is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study used convergent mixed approaches to contribute to local studies and provide a reflection that civic competence is an essential dimension of social service. Contextualized in a northern Luzon municipality, Philippines, the purposively selected 94 participants responded to the survey questionnaire and one-on-one interviews, anchored on the four domains of civic competence, such as civic rights, civic virtues, civic responsibilities, and civic participation. The quantitative findings revealed that among all the domains, only the civic rights were fully manifested, while the other three domains were all at a moderate level. Furthermore, the qualitative findings uncovered factors that possibly influenced the level of civic competence. In converging the findings from the two approaches, apart from the results of citizens' civic competence, this study mirrored experiences of how social services were delivered in a local community. The results suggest that the government may consider local experiences and civic competence levels to plan for policy enhancement for social services during a pandemic or any unprecedented encounters. Future research may use a grounded theory design to form a middle-range theory for civic competence as an essential social service dimension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does democracy heighten or lessen the incidence of terrorism? This question has eluded a definitive answer for over three decades. Some terrorism researchers find that democracy has dampened terrorism; others that democracy has encouraged it; still others that there is a curvilinear or more nuanced relationship between the two. In this article, we contend that democracy has differential effects on terrorism, depending on the goals of particular terrorist groups. We claim that efforts to restrict democracy, by decreasing political rights and civil liberties, will effectively constrain terrorist activity from "strategic" groups but will have the opposite effect on "universalist" groups. The reason for this variance, we argue, involves the scope of ambition and underlying motivation distinguishing these very different types of terrorist movements. Because universalist groups have abstract ambitions and non-negotiable goals, they are unlikely to be deterred by crackdowns on democracy. Alternatively, because strategic groups do not see their missions as all-or-nothing campaigns of good versus evil and instead seek limited and concrete goals, anti-democratic measures are more likely to succeed against them. Our analysis of 200 countries from 1972 to 2016 finds strong support for this claim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Additionally, while Zhai does not compare Bentham with Hayek, Bentham's account of the importance of the division of power in English history resembles Hayek's. The execution exemplified the constitutional power possessed and expressed by the body of the people, which Bentham conceptualized as an informal institution called the Public Opinion Tribunal, which included people excluded from formal political rights, like women, children, and members of colonies (209; Bentham [1], 57-58, 123). When it comes to his arguments concerning the judicial system, Bentham argued for replacing the traditional jury with a "quasi-jury" that would not issue the judgment but assess the conduct of the judge (266-267). [Extracted from the article]

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This study examines the hypothesis that adherence the rule of law is a cross-cutting determinant of gender inequality. We gathered data from previously published sources to calculate the correlation between gender inequality and the rule of law, using a cross-sectional and ecological design. Data was collected between 2017 and 2019 from United Nations (gender inequality, health, and economic data); political freedom from Freedom House; income inequality from the World Bank; and adherence to the rule of law from the World Justice Project. We found an association between gender inequality and adherence to the rule of law, controlling for economic inequality, population, GDP per capita, health expenditure per capita, education, ethnolinguistic fractionalization, and political rights and civil liberties. While the design of the study does not permit causality to be inferred, we propose here three plausible causal mechanisms, borne out in other studies, which suggest it: (1) weak enforcement of rights; (2) legal frameworks that tolerate violence against women; and (3) corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the idea of civic participation as a value, which, due to its positive aspects, is widely desired by society in a democratic state governed by the rule of law. Participation as a value collectively forms an axiological system. In a constitutional state, the axiological system is normatively expressed in the content of the constitution, within which it takes the form of constitutional norms and principles. Civic participation has been adopted into the Constitution of the Republic of Poland in an indirect manner. A holistic interpretation of the Constitution's provisions allows it to be interpreted from the overarching systemic principles: the principle of the common good (Article 1) the principle of the democratic state of law (Article 2), the principle of the sovereignty of the Nation (Article 4) and the principle of social dialogue (Article 20). Consequently, civic participation as a constitutional value determines how laws are made. The State has an obligation to introduce and strengthen institutions of civic participation. Civic participation based on civil, political and social rights as well as institutions of social solidarity is an element of a democratic state of law and can be a solution to the problems of contemporary democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To investigate the effects of the European Union's (EU) member nations' shared sovereignty on economic growth. The member nations have lost substantial political and economic independence (sovereignty) and democracy. Therefore, their governments cannot facilitate rapid economic growth in their countries, affecting the EU as a whole. Data from the World Bank, institutional research entities, and the EU were utilized. The dependent variable is economic growth, and the independent and moderating variables are mainly institutions and the European Sovereignty Index. Shared sovereignty and its specific categories and foreign direct investment (FDI) outflows negatively impact economic development in the EU. Shared sovereignty negatively moderates the relationship between political rights and economic development and between FDI outflows and economic development. Democracy in member nations is formal rather than real. The present study focused on the EU's problems rather than its achievements and empirically investigated the direct and moderating effects of national sovereignty and member-country institutions on member-country economic growth. This focus and the nature of the investigation constitute the originality of the present study and reduce the gap in the literature about the effects of sovereignty, institutions, and capital spillovers (FDI outflows) on economic growth in Europe. The value of the study is in its findings, which should trigger holistic research efforts on the pros and cons of the EU for Europe, democracy, the economy, and the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to analyze news content in print and online media during 2021, which affects the Indonesian Democracy Index in Blitar City. The research subjects are news from January 1 to December 31, 2021, from the print media Radar Blitar and Memorandum, as well as online media from Bhirawa.com and Mayangkaranews.com. These four media have the highest number of readers in Blitar City. This study uses a qualitative method with a textual analysis approach and collects data through virtual searches, clippings, focus group discussions, and in-depth interviews. All Informants were determined based on the representation of the institutions contained in the measurement of the Indonesian Democracy Index. The results of a review of print and online news media during 2021 show that civil liberties, political rights, and democratic institutions in Blitar City show excellent performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On June 25, 1975, Prime Minister (PM) Indira Gandhi imposed a national emergency (the Emergency) in India, suspending civil and political rights. Lasting for 21 months, the Emergency was the only dictatorial turn in India's democratic history. The authoritarian rule was in response to an assertive citizens' protest against Prime Minister Gandhi, which demanded her resignation on the grounds of the centralization of power, corruption, rising prices, and in the name of fair wages for workers and unemployment. The higher courts had also debarred her from contesting elections. Since then, the dominant accounts of this period have tried to ascertain answers to three questions: Why was the Emergency imposed? What did the Emergency entail? And finally, why was it lifted? The books in this review essay together comprise a tour de force on these three aspects, while also seeking to go beyond these questions. Christophe Ja'relot and Pratinav Anil's India's First Dictatorship: The Emergency, 1975-77 shows how the Emergency has cast a long shadow and is also a window into understanding some of the present trends in Indian politics. Gyan Prakash's Emergency Chronicles: Indira Gandhi and Democracy's Turning Point claims that the Emergency had both a "before" and "afterlife"; the origins of excessive state power are inherent in the Constitution. Parsa Venkateshwar Rao Jr.'s The Emergency: An Unpopular History provides a revisionist account of the Emergency through the lenses of parliamentary discussions. While engaging with these important books, this review essay suggests an alternate "afterlife" of the Emergency that is untreated in the works discussed here. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author analysis of the state of research of the sub-institutes of individual representative bodies. The author starts with the fact that this group of studies is the most extensive in the science of constitutional law, because the subject of constitutional law is traditionally considered to be two groups of social relations, which are significant in terms of their volume - these are the foundations of the legal status of the individual and the foundations of constitution systems of public authorities. It is within the scope of the second group of social relations that all representative bodies of public power in Ukraine are investigated. And therefore, conducting a detailed review of the state of research of the sub-institute of representative bodies of public power within the scope of this work seems ineffective. The modern Ukrainian literature in constitutional law lacks monographical researches, when it comes about the representative bodies as they are -dedicated separately to the Parliament, to the Head of the state, to the local councils and to the Heads of the territorial collectives. There are some researches on these topics, but most of them are rather old - so, both of the four topics require 'refreshing'. The absence of such researches creates certain difficulties for the scientists, that analyze the indirect democracy in general. As for the works, mentioned in this article, the author summarizes that not all authors, when researching representative bodies, pay due attention to their representative character. But works in which researchers "focus" on a more detailed analysis of the creation and especially the functioning of representative bodies is also useful for researchers of the institution of representative democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If a ruler first establishes a state bureaucracy, democracy may struggle to emerge; but if a ruler shares government with a council, democratization may be easier. The themes of the book are the origins and causes of democratic governance, the endurance of autocracy in some places, the correlation between democracy and economic development, the significance of state capacity, and a message of optimism about the future of democracy. To the well-understood point that the state is an entity which extracts taxes in exchange for protection, Sastavage adds astutely that a centralized state authority with a social hierarchy of rulers and ruled emerges when agricultural production generates a storable surplus. This trend of dismantling state capacity continued under the last Qing dynasty (1644-1911) when the state did little for the population and asked little in return. [Extracted from the article]

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In Pakistani society, even in the world it is generally considered that the politics is the prerogative of man. Despite of this thinking women in whole world have proved themselves in the political arena of the world. They have also been proved great leaders of the world through their efforts and their political vision. Margrate Thatcher, Hillary Clinton, Aung San Suu Kyi, Indra Ghandi Khilda Zia, Sheikh Hassina Wajid, Miss Fatima Jinnah, Begum Nusrat Bhutto and Benazir Bhutto are the exemplary politicians and leaders of the world. Women of Sindh also played central role in the politics of Pakistan before and after its independence. Though the society of subcontinent was not supportive to women. even they were not allowed to get education but there were a few of women who were aware of their political rights, due to the efforts of these women political leaders, the women from Sindh not only participated in the Pakistan movement but they launched the movements against British and played leading role for independence. After independence the women of Sindh continued their political carrier, they always remained on the front line whenever the politics of Pakistan faced the challenges by military rulers from Ayub Khan to Pervez Musharraf. The Social Status of women has remained deprived since the making of Pakistan. Sindh is a southern province of Pakistan and is greatly affected due to the policies of government in different periods, which also affected the lives of women of Sindh. In Pakistan generally and in Sindh particularly there is patriarchal and male dominated society, which deprived women from their legitimate rights. But the women of Sindh continued their role in the politics of Pakistan. This paper will focus on the role of women of Sindh in Pakistan’s politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Existing studies show that democracies are no better than autocracies in terms of women's legislative representation. This finding seems counterintuitive because democracies are more politically inclusive and foster greater respect for civil and political rights, compared to autocracies. We revisit the relationship between democracy and women's legislative representation by considering the interaction between democracy and global norms of gender equality in politics. We argue that democracies are better able than autocracies to translate a global norm of gender-balanced political representation into actual domestic practices. Further, we contend that the effect of democracies also depends on the external normative pressure. Using a time-series cross-sectional dataset covering 147 countries from 1951 to 2013, our analysis shows that the more democratic a country is, the more responsive it is to global norms promoting gender equality in politics. It also demonstrates that the effect of democracy on women's representation strengthens, as global normative pressure for women's inclusion in politics grows. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The health of American democracy has literally been challenged. The global pandemic has powerfully exposed a long-standing truth: electoral policies that are frequently referred to as “convenience voting” are really a mode of “survival voting” for millions of Americans. As our data show, racial minorities are overrepresented among voters whose health is most vulnerable, and politicians have leveraged these health disparities to subordinate the political voice of racial minorities. To date, data about racial disparities in health has played a very limited role in assessing voting rights. A new health lens on the racial impacts of voting rules would beneficially inform—and perhaps even fundamentally alter—how we address several common voting rights issues. A new focus on the disparate health effects of voting rules, grounded in the kind of solid empirical evidence we provide, could reinvigorate the Voting Rights Act (VRA) by providing new avenues for assessing voting rights, for litigating and judging voter suppression claims under section 2, and even informing a new coverage formula in a modified section 5. This evidence arrives at a critical juncture for the VRA which has been stripped of much of its bite by the Supreme Court and is currently being debated in Congress. The clear and compelling story told by our data are a clarion call to legislators, courts, and litigators to reconceptualize and strengthen voting rights by accounting for the barriers that health disparities pose to minority access to the ballot. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions can artificial intelligence contribute to political processes without undermining their legitimacy? Thanks to the ever-growing availability of data and the increasing power of decisionmaking algorithms, the future of political institutions is unlikely to be anything similar to what we have known throughout the last century, possibly with parliaments deprived of their traditional authority and public decision-making processes largely unaccountable. This paper discusses and challenges these concerns by suggesting a theoretical framework under which algorithmic decision-making is compatible with democracy and, most relevantly, can offer a viable solution to counter the rise of populist rhetoric in the governance arena. Such a framework is based on three pillars: (1) understanding the civic issues that are subjected to automated decision-making; (2) controlling the issues that are assigned to AI; and (3) evaluating and challenging the outputs of algorithmic decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Spillover democratisation' is an ongoing process. It envisages that democratic values, institutions and practices continue to spread and evolve through various pathways – horizontal, geographical and vertical. Yet, possibilities also remain that anti-democracy forces may thwart the process. In Middle East and North Africa (MENA), social and economic rights were not accompanied by civil and political rights. The Arab Spring was a response to this gap: it raised the optimism of achieving democratisation in the MENA region, through geographical and horizontal pathways. However, the promise remains largely elusive at present; rather, we witness the cementing of existing anti-democratic forces. Yet, citizens' innate support for democracy, sporadic pro-democracy activism and rising consumerism sustain the democratising potentials of the Arab Spring. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

However, in general, the estimates suggest that trade with democratic countries increases the level of democracy more than trade with undemocratic countries, which may even reduce democracy. Keywords: F14; F59; D70 EN F14 F59 D70 91 93 3 04/21/23 20230501 NES 230501 Supplementary Information The online version contains supplementary material available at https://doi.org/10.1007/s11294-022-09863-6. [Extracted from the article]