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O presente artigo pretende efetuar uma análise comparativa entre a Revolução de 25 de Abril de 1974 e as suas duas antecessoras no Portugal Contemporâneo (1910 e 1820), procurando compreender a importância relativa de cada uma delas, apreender os traços comuns a todas elas e as características distintas que as permitem individualizar e detetar os legados que estes fenómenos revolucionários deixaram à sociedade portuguesa.

The United States is enduring an identity crisis characterized by a polarized political climate precipitating an American culture war. In this battle the Republican Party has been overtaken by "Anti‐wokeism" allied with antidemocratic "states' rights" beliefs claiming an exclusive, antipluralist definition of republic. The extremist right in America insists that America is not a democracy, but a "republic" built to respect the status of a minority characterized as white, nationalist and Christian. "Anti‐wokeism" is an extension of Trumpism and MAGA (Make America Great Again), gathering together antidemocratic forces, fueled by resentment and theories of racial displacement known as the Great Replacement Theory. These forces are overwhelming the modern Republican Party, inspiring homophobia, misogyny, racism, book bans, and violence. This essay addresses the following four elements of this crisis with an eye to a renewed vision of America: (1) the difference between an 18th Century and 21st Century definition of a republic; (2) the antidemocratic states' rights movement; (3) the nature of strongman populism in American politics; and (4) a vision of diversity as the core principle of the American Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes the dispute around the meaning attributed to democracy since its recovery in 1983, identifying moments marked by minimal agreements, in the initial stretch, and moments of discord, from the new century. The text reveals the counterpoints that divided the academic field on this issue, and also supports the need to take into account the meanings that come from the experiences, and negative perceptions that citizens experience, in democracy -their disappointments and disillusionments-, if we want to avoid its failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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El texto pone el énfasis en una serie de novedades respecto de las características generales del libro: por un lado, su versatilidad de lecturas posibles; su impecable estructura, que pivotea sobre una cuestión central como es el problema de la soberanía; la rareza de la asumir la autonomía política en un libro de historia política sin desviarse de esa decisión. La relevancia del libro no se agota en esas precisiones: por otro lado, se llama la atención sobre la importante contribución para pensar una historia comparada entre la experiencia republicana en latinomamérica y la diversa experiencia europea; por el otro, también se interroga sobre el vínculo que el libro sugiere entre el fin del experimento republicano y una concepción de la democracia.

Under a republican democratic system, the rule of law and the governance of institutions must guarantee the full observance of the Constitution. Any decisionmaking abuses, any outburst or fanciful interpretation of the Constitution ever intended by the maximum executive authority, should be neutralized. This judgment turns out to be incomplete: the daily actions of millions of citizens cannot be left aside of the democratic system. In a sense, citizenship is the political system. To some extent, the terms used in the presidential speeches -democracy, republic and citizenship, in this case- clearly signal the path that reality will take. This paper is based on a particular theoretical framework built around the idea of citizen function and a civic ethical standard of minimum constitutional principles and we analyze the messages for the opening of legislative sessions that the Executive Power delivered in the National Congress during the years 2010 to 2020, a period that included the presidencies of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, Mauricio Macri and Alberto Fernández. By breaking down the characteristics of the "national and popular" and "liberal-republican" models through the citizen's lens, we attempt to demonstrate the essential need to have a citizenship that is a fundamental element of the democratic system and therefore, needs to be educated for such purpose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artículo se propone revisitar el debate en torno al populismo como fenómeno y como concepto político en las ciencias sociales argentinas post transicionales valiéndose de las herramientas propias de la historia conceptual y la historia intelectual. Nuestra hipótesis es que el lugar que ocupa el concepto de populismo en el debate político y académico en la Argentina actual se explica, siempre parcialmente, por la polarización del campo político argentino en torno a proyectos políticos antagónicos cuyo carácter incluyente o excluyente, elitista o popular es nombrado a través de la oposición conceptual entre populismo y republicanismo. El análisis se circunscribe a sus usos y evolución en las principales discusiones al interior del campo intelectual y académico argentino en la historia reciente, en particular, desde el retorno de la democracia en 1983 hasta el final de los gobiernos kirchneristas, coyuntura crítica a partir de la cual los sentidos del populismo fueron especialmente puestos en disputa.

Retrospectiva de la educación peruana en el último siglo, que distingue cuatro hitos demarcatorios: 1. La educación como privilegio en la sociedad oligárquica; 2. La crisis del estado oligárquico y un orden nuevo en la educación; 3. La contrarreforma y la mercantilización de la educación y los derechos sociales; y 4. La crisis civilizatoria y el cuestionamiento del modelo educativo neoliberal. El artículo hace una lectura de la relación de la educación con el poder, con la sociedad y con el proceso de transformación del país. A partir de un análisis combinado de cinco componentes, se intenta una interpretación general y articuladora de lo ocurrido en la educación peruana en el último siglo. Estos componentes son: el tiempo político, el rol del Estado, el derecho a la educación y la prioridad de la educación en la agenda. Es posible visualizar los avances y retrocesos de un proceso que no sigue una ruta progresiva constante y que carece de una base institucional y democrática.

This article studies the uses of the concepts of republic and democracy during the period developped from the democratic transition to Kirchnerism, from a historical-conceptual and historical-intellectual perspective. The aim is to account for the historical and, therefore, plurivocal character of political concepts, highlighting their uses in the Argentine intellectual field, the relationships established between them and their implications in national political traditions. The cross-cutting nature of the liberal, republican and democratic traditions not only to the effective democratic order of our country, but also to the national political traditions is partially explanatory of the intrinsic relationship between the concepts of republic and democracy, as well as of their multiple and sometimes contradictory uses and inscriptions in political languages used by national intellectuals. Our hypothesis is that the historical conceptual antinomy between republic and democracy has tended to converge by virtue of the consolidation of democracy as a form of government and as a political concept determining the space of experience and the horizon of expectations of national politics, despite which the dispute between the political projects that this antinomy conveyed has been re-signified in the current counter-symmetrical relationship between the concepts of republic and populism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Today more than ever, the Herculean task of designing a democratic state capable of dealing with the complex contemporary social fabric and the subjectivities that comprise it is presented. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the federal republican representative form of government from a dynamic perspective. In this way, the value of the federal system as a regulatory model will be postulated as a basal intuition insofar as it allows the strengthening of a radical democratic republican ideal through the adequate correlation of the internal sociodemographic forces of the modern national state. Thus, it is intended to make a contribution in the deliberation for the best constitutional design to respond to the demands that the new social phenomena present and thus strengthen the republican democratic system of government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este documento, resultado de un trabajo de investigación sobre el presidencialismo y la política peruana, propone que en el vértice de nuestra política, se reproducen arcaísmos autoritarios de diversos signos y secuelas, a instancias del omnímodo poder que se enhebra en torno a los alcances legales y subjetivos de nuestra democracia presidencialista. Poder acrecentado a propósito de la débil institucionalidad republicana y democrática, a la búsqueda del “líder salvador” y al interesado sometimiento de poderes paritarios. Así, el derrotero presidencial se sustrae de los cauces legales hasta bordear los límites preocupantes del autoritarismo. Esta postura puede verse replicada por más de una autoridad política subnacional. Por ello, nos planteamos el objetivo de establecer la influencia del presidencialismo en la política peruana, así como en las autoridades políticas subnacionales. La metódica asume la rigurosidad del método científico y su variante histórico-cualitativa. Por su parte, los resultados constatan la tesis de Juan Linz, que considera al presidencialismo como menos favorable que el parlamentarismo para los fines democráticos. Aquel requiere de efectiva estabilidad institucional, política y jurídica. Concluimos que la política nuestra arroja saldos negativos, pues la arraigada verticalidad, ahora presidencial, tiende a estancarla, a desvirtuar la ciudadanía y a deformar sus instituciones. DOI: https://doi.org/10.31876/sl.v2i1.46

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This article analyzes the main symbols of democracy in Spain from the beginning of the 20th century up today. In order to determine the various agencies (people, dates, places...) by means of which the democratic symbolism was permeating the collective imaginary at different times, a wide variety of sources used to capture, disseminate and give visibility to those symbols (stamps, postcards, posters, press, documentaries ...) are reviewed. This work also pays attention to the ways in which these symbols were instrumentalized in the service of different interests, sensitivities or ideologies as well as the amendments to them and their different reformulations and resignifications. This approach is presented as one transferable to the study of other symbols at other times and places. A growing use and abuse of democracy as it became an unwavering believe of world politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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El presente trabajo procura llevar a cabo una reflexión acerca de la virtud política y sus límites en la Ciropedia de Jenofonte. Nuestra lectura sostendrá que la Ciropedia es una reflexión implícita sobre la mejor forma de gobierno y su relación con la virtud y la virtud política. El tratamiento de esta cuestión nos permitirá, a su vez, tematizar la cuestión de las posibilidades del republicanismo aristocrático y democrático. Para llevar adelante este trabajo nos concentraremos en la educación recibida por Ciro, tal como es tratada en los primeros libros. Desde este punto de partida se realizará un examen sistemático de las reformas del régimen de los persas que Ciro realiza a lo largo de su vida (de república aristocrática a imperio democrático), su relación con las ideas de virtud que componen su formación, los resultados de tal experimento, y el modo en que iluminan, en conclusión, una cierta idea de virtud (política y no política).

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Copyright of Ingenium: Revista Electrónica de Pensamiento Moderno y Metodología en Historia de las Ideas is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Este trabajo se propone el análisis de los vínculos existentes entre libertad, democracia y república. Esta tríada está compuesta por conceptos fundamentales para la teoría política y el pensamiento liberal. Sin embargo, al no querer considerarla una trinidad, deberíamos analizarla críticamente como una trilogía, y que necesariamente se contrapone a otra compuesta por igualdad, poder y propiedad, que en cierta medida amplía la conceptualización. Abstract This work is intended to analyze the links among freedom, democracy and republic. This triad is made up of fundamental concepts for political theory and liberal thought. However, since we do not want to consider it as a trinity, we should analyze it critically as a trilogy, concept that is necessarily opposed to another trilogy made up of equality, power and property, which broadens the conceptualization.

We intend to deal with the theme of equality in two moments of Lefort's thinking: a republican moment and a democratic moment. It is an effort to circumscribe the meanings they acquire in each of them. We will do this under the assumption that there is no discrepancy, but they differ only according to the concern that determines their investigation: sometimes with the foundations of power, sometimes with the paths of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After losing the elections and its parliamentary group reduced fifthy per cent, the executive committee of the Partido Socialista Obrero Español wanted to put into practice what its president, Francisco Largo Caballero, had announced and proclaimed before the election campaign, and even before leave the government of the nation, but especially during the election campaign: the social revolution, through a socialist absolute power. The first necessity of socialist executive committee was to convince the executive committee of the Unión General de Trabajadores, chaired by Julian Besteiro, tenaciously opposed till the end of January 1934, when he was defeated by the supporters of Largo Caballero. The so-called “centrists”, and especially Indalecio Prieto, actively collaborated with the majority of the party. Prieto, the best speaker and parliamentary of the party, was elected to announce the new message throughout the country in the Spanish Cortes.

En Política VI 2, 1317b 1-17, Aristóteles define así la democracia: «el rasgo esencial de la democracia es el vivir como se quiere sin ninguna interferencia y de aquí vino el de no ser gobernado, si es posible por nadie, y si no, por turnos. Esta característica contribuye a un sistema general de la libertad fundada en la igualdad». Este modelo normativo dio lugar, históricamente, a dos posibles regímenes políticos, la democracia popular o extrema, basada en la participación directa de todos los ciudadanos, como en Atenas, y una «constitución mixta» que tenía rasgos tanto democráticos como oligárquicos, llamada república en la tradición romana desde Cicerón. La democracia moderna es la heredera de ambos regímenes, moderada por la nueva concepción de los derechos individuales que son propios del pensamiento moderno desde Hugo Grotius hasta la Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos. La constitución representativa fue, así, la solución moderna al conflicto entre gobierno de la mayoría y gobierno de las leyes. Desde su Independencia en el siglo XIX, las democracias de América Latina sufren por la tensión no resuelta entre populismo y constitución liberal democrática. El neo-populismo que surgió en los últimos años del siglo XX se presentó como un desafío y una respuesta a las promesas incumplidas de la democracia. Contra los defensores del populismo autoritario, como por ejemplo Ch. Mouffe y E. Laclau, yo sostengo que la democracia deliberativa es una respuesta superior a esas promesas.

A transformação dos radicais liberais em republicanos, ocorrida a partir do Manifesto Republicano de 1870, provocou um retrocesso conservador e suspendeu o programa de reformas sociais e políticas, proposto pelos radicais durante a década de 1860. Esse artigo tenta explicar essa mudança examinando a formação do campo conceitual republicano entre 1870 e a promulgação da Constituição de 1891.The transformation of Liberal Radicals into Republicans at the time of the publication of Republican Manifest in 1870 meant a conservative turn and halted the program of social and political reforms proposed by the Radicals during the 1860's.This article tries to explain the change analysing the formation of the Republican conceptual field between 1870 and the promulgation of the Constitution of 1891.

O desencanto com a República brasileira tem sido tema de reflexões desde os seus momentos iniciais. Buscando os conteúdos concretos dos sonhos republicanos na década de 1880 e na Primeira República vamos achar uma importante defasagem entre eles não exatamente em função do marco cronológico, mas do grupo social que, respectivamente, os acalentou.The disillusion with the Brazilian Republic since its first days has been a topic of academician reflexions. Examinating the concrete contents of the 1880`s and the First Republic republican dreams we will find a substantive difference between them. To be exact, this difference must not be related to the chronological demarcation but to the social group that embraced each of them.

La República no es sólo el nombre de una nación estado y su régimen. Es también un modelo nacional de integración basado en la concepción universalista de la ciudadanía que afirma la figura abstracta de la persona jurídica, portadora de iguales derechos y obligaciones, y valores de civismo y civilidad. Este trabajo analiza cómo la emergencia de la diversidad cultural en Argentina pone en cuestión los conceptos modernos de república, nación y democracia. Examina asimismo cómo los legados de la república, que supone una visión homogeneizada de la diversidad, implican una ambivalencia entre la adhesión a principios universalistas de progreso de la humanidad y la realidad de una democracia excluyente que valorizaba una cultura por sobre otras. Se estudian las narrativas de la identidad nacional, mostrando cómo la oposición civilización -barbarie afecta la visión de los desafíos del futuro de la democracia en América Latina.Republic is not only the name of a nation and its regime. It is also a national model of integration based on a universalist conception of citizenship that sustains the abstract figure of the legal person, endowed with equal rights and obligations, and values of civism and civility, the foundation stones of a society that arises from a contract. This paper analyses how the emergency of the cultural diversity in Argentina calls into question modern political concepts like republic, nation and democracy. It is also evaluated how the republic's inheritance, which supposes an homogenized sight of diversity, gives rise to an ambivalence among the adherence to universalist principles of the progress of humanity and the reality of an excluding democracy that gave value to one culture above others. The narratives of national identity are studied describing how the opposition between civilization and barbariy affects the way Latin Americans see the great challenges presented by the future of democracy, and by the recognition of the plurality of cultural allegiances.

Este artigo investiga, a partir de uma crítica normativa, a perspectiva liberal e a perspectiva comunitarista do conceito de justiça, com o objectivo de reflectir sobre o papel do Estado nas democracias contemporâneas. A investigação da perspectiva liberal e da perspectiva comunitarista do conceito de justiça pretende avançar com uma crítica republicana ao processo de despolitização promovido pelo conceito de justiça política e de justiça social. Este artigo defende uma concepção política da justiça baseada na existência de um Estado republicano e na publicidade da origem de princípios e regras constitucionais.This article investigates, from a normative critique, the liberal perspective and the communitarian perspective of the concept of justice, speculating on the role of the state in contemporary democracies. The investigation of the liberal perspective and the communitarian perspective of the concept of justice tend to indicate a republican critique of the depoliticisation process promoted by the concept of political justice and social justice. This article advocates a political conception of justice based on the existence of a republican state and the popular image of the origin of constitutional principles and rules.

Este artículo presenta los principales debates y líneas de investigación existentes sobre la fundación de la actual Turquía y cuáles han sido los factores de su proceso de modernización, examinando el significado y los principios del movimiento político kemalista y su influencia en la conformación del estado turco contemporáneo. Se pasa revista a elementos tales como el islamismo político, el nacionalismo kurdo y los proyectos de integración con Europa. Como resultado de la combinación de estos factores, la historia política turca ha vivido en un estado de permanente tensión entre los sectores laicistas/seculares/renovadores y los religiosos/islamistas/conservadores. Para resolver tal dilema, la presencia de los militares y su intervención a través de diversos golpes de estado ha sido constante.____________________ABSTRACT:This article presents the main debates and existing lines of investigation about the foundation of the actual Turkey and which have been the factors of its process of modernization, examining the meaning and the principles of the kemalist political movement and its influence in the conformation of the contemporary Turkish State. Elements such as the political Islamism, the Kurd nationalism and the projects of integration with Europe are analyzed. As result of the combination of these factors, Turkish political history has lived in a state on permanent tension between the secular sectors and the religious/ Islamic /conservative one. In order to solve such dilemma, the presence of soldiers and their intervention to solve many coup d'etats have been constant.

Partindo da recente renascença da tradição republicana, o presente trabalho aponta para a pluralidade de tal tradição, para em seguida distinguir entre dois tipos de solução que ela oferece aos problemas da salvaguarda da república e do controle dos efeito negativos das ações dos indivíduos, a saber, a solução internalista e a solução externalista. Ao analisar esta última, serão discutidas questões como: democrática do chr(38)quot;one head votechr(38)quot; e a relação entre poder político e poder econômico e social

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El 10 de abril de 1892, se constituye el Partido Revolucionario Cubano (PRC), concebido por José Martí como el instrumento político necesario para organizar y conducir la guerra definitiva contra el colonialismo español, y crear las bases para el establecimiento de una república democrática en Cuba, “una república justa” “con todos y para el bien de todos”. Algunos conceptos de Martí acerca de los principios democráticos indispensables en ese proceso, se analizan en este artículo.

El texto parte de una introducción que da paso a las ventajas - argumentos esgrimidos para justificar el control constitucional de oficio, el orden de prelación de las normas, el principio “Iura novit curia”, los inconvenientes generados dentro del sistema procesal a raíz del control constitucional de oficio, la existencia de contradictorio e impugnación de parte, y la presunción de legitimidad de las normas. Posteriormente se aborda la figura del debate amplio y específico, la ruptura con el equilibrio y la división de poderes; y finalmente en nuestra visión del problema, se trata el control constitucional de oficio y su coherencia con el diseño procesal previsto en la Carta Magna, y allí, la igualdad, la imparcialidad y la certeza en las relaciones jurídicas, para concluir con el control constitucional vs. deber de imparcialidad de los jueces como garantía constitucional, la limitación de los poderes del juez como una garantía para el ciudadano, y la inaplicabilidad del aforismo “Iura novit Curia” dentro del modelo procesal garantista vigente.