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Different medically based constructions of Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) have been around since 'mental restlessness' in 1798, evolved through the 20th century with 'minimal brain dysfunction' and distinctions between Attention Deficit Disorder (ADD) and ADHD (DSM-III), to current presentations of ADHD (DSM5). As new insights and knowledge have become available, the meaning and labels attached to ADHD have changed, and so they are malleable. This piece will explore two different labels (or frameworks for meaning) for the cluster of behaviours and difficulties associated with the phenomenon known as ADHD; that is, the disorder label and the diversity label. These labels will be explored in terms of accuracy and consequences, particularly their impact on human dignity. Problems inherent in the disorder label will be critically considered, particularly how accurate it is given that psychobiological differences should not be viewed as disorder, may not ‘cause’ functional deficits, and may be understood as strengths. These problems call the disorder label into question, and suggest that ADHD-type behaviours could be understood as traits. This piece will also call into question taken-for-granted social structures that could contribute to or be responsible for the difficulties associated with ADHD, in particular, the stigmatisation of the ADHD label and socio-cultural norms and expectations around ADHD-type behaviours. An alternative diversity label, the neurodiversity framework (or Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Diversity) will be explored, in terms of whether it applies to ADHD and the opportunities it offers for empowerment of people and the protection of their fundamental human dignity. In essence, this piece is a socio-political debate about identity; about the labels that can inadvertently harm human dignity and prevent other human rights. It is also about people's right to choice and autonomy in their identity and ways of being in this world. These are human rights issues, because identity is about one's inherent worth and dignity, and human dignity is the basis for human rights.

There is an important body of research that explores the contested understandings of urban regeneration programmes in areas of socio-economic disadvantage. While poor housing and living conditions must be tackled, regeneration programmes have been criticised for their destructive and displacement impacts on communities, their lack of public consultation and their reinforcement of the stigmatization of poor areas that draws “attention away from the structural and institutional failures that produce and reproduce poverty” and inequality (Hancock & Mooney, 2013, p. 59). However, much of the literature focuses on the understandings and perspectives of adult residents in regeneration areas. This article explores the views of young residents from ages 6 to 19 in Knocknaheeny, one of the largest social housing estates in Cork City in the South of Ireland, which is undergoing a regeneration programme. Through a series of creative methods, the research reveals the distinctive analysis these children and young people have on their community, the change it is undergoing, issues of poverty, stigma and exclusion, and their lack of involvement in the decision-making process. Taken together, these children and young people generate an analysis that is strikingly reminiscent of Wacquant’s (2008) concept of ‘territorial stigma.’ They clearly cite how the misrecognition and devaluation of their neighbourhood and community shifts responsibility for decline away from the institutional failings of the local authority and state, back toward the people who live there.

This paper offers a critical assessment of Loic Wacquant’s influential ‘advanced marginality’ framework with reference to research undertaken on a London social housing estate. Following Wacquant, it has become the orthodoxy that one of the major vectors of advanced marginality is territorial stigmatisation and that this particularly affects social housing estates, for example via mass media deployment of the ‘sink estate’ label in the UK. This paper is based upon a multi-method case study of the Aylesbury estate in south-east London – an archetypal stigmatised ‘sink estate’. The paper brings together three aspects of residents’ experiences of the Aylesbury estate: territorial stigmatisation and dissolution of place, both of which Wacquant focuses on, and housing conditions which Wacquant neglects. The paper acknowledges the deprivation and various social problems the Aylesbury residents face, problems that are generally prominent in south-east London. It argues, however, that rather than internalising the extensive and intensive media-fuelled territorial stigmatisation of their ‘notorious’ estate, as Wacquant’s analysis implies, residents have largely disregarded, rejected or actively resisted the notion that they are living in an ‘estate from hell’, while their sense of place belonging has not dissolved. By contrast, poor housing – in the form of heating breakdowns, leaks, infestation, inadequate repairs and maintenance – caused major distress and frustration and was a more important facet of their everyday lives than territorial stigmatisation. The paper concludes that more academic attention needs to be paid to material housing conditions in order to provide a fuller understanding of urban advanced marginality.

With many cities in the Global South experiencing immense growth in informal settlements, city authorities frequently try to assert control over these settlements and their inhabitants through coercive measures such as threats of eviction, exclusion, blocked access to services and other forms of structural violence. Such coercive control is legitimized through the discursive formation of informal settlements as criminal and unsanitary, and of the residents as migrants and as temporary and illegitimate settlers. Using findings from ethnographic research carried out in two informal settlements in Dhaka, Bangladesh, this article explores how informal settlement residents engage with and resist territorial stigma in a rapidly growing Southern megacity. Findings show residents resist stigmatising narratives of neighbourhood blame by constructing counternarratives that frame informal settlements as a “good place for the poor.” These place-based narratives emerge from shared experiences of informality and associational life in a city where such populations are needed yet unwanted. While residents of these neighbourhoods are acutely aware of the temporariness and illegality of unauthorised settlements, these narratives produce solidarities to resist eviction and serve to legitimise their claim to the city.

A growing body of literature has investigated the various ways in which residents of stigmatized neighborhoods respond to and cope with stigmatization. However, these approaches have fallen short in tackling the question of how particular places shape responses to stigmatization. In this article, I take seriously the question of context and, based on a comparative ethnography of two social housing neighborhoods in Finland, show how residents in similar social structural positions differed in terms of the cultural milieus they inhabited, presenting them with different cultural resources for dealing with stigmatization. In the article, I suggest that non-recognition is an understudied but significant consequence of stigma related to social housing neighborhoods. Further, I suggest that depending on the historical and cultural context of the neighborhood, different destigmatization strategies are employed when residents face non-recognition. My data shows that locally lived collective place narratives informed residents’ experiences of class: In one neighborhood, the defining element of the locally acknowledged place narrative was class struggle, whereas in the other it was middle-class aspiration. These narratives served as building blocks for their destigmatization strategies.

This introduction to the thematic issue on housing and territorial stigma provides concise overviews of the concepts of stigma, housing stigma, and territorial (or neighborhood) stigma, while tracing back current research on these topics to the pioneering work of Erving Goffman and Loic Wacquant. In doing this, we place particular attention on social responses to, and coping strategies with, stigma, especially various forms of stigma resistance. Finally, in brief summaries of all articles in the thematic issue, we emphasize their shared themes and concerns.

In the United States, residents of mobile homes and mobile home communities are faced with cultural stigmatization regarding their places of living. While common, the “trailer trash” stigma, an example of both housing and neighborhood/territorial stigma, has been understudied in contemporary research. Through a range of discursive strategies, many subgroups within this larger population manage to successfully distance themselves from the stigma and thereby render it inconsequential (Kusenbach, 2009). But what about those residents—typically white, poor, and occasionally lacking in stability—who do not have the necessary resources to accomplish this? This article examines three typical responses by low-income mobile home residents—here called resisting, downplaying, and perpetuating—leading to different outcomes regarding residents’ sense of community belonging. The article is based on the analysis of over 150 qualitative interviews with mobile home park residents conducted in West Central Florida between 2005 and 2010.

Urban research assigns immigrant enclaves an ambiguous role. While such areas are seen as rich in beneficial ethno-religious infrastructures and networks, they also tend to be located in deprived and stigmatised inner-city neighbourhoods. Research on neighbourhood attainment provides evidence for both, a desire to attain mainstream middle-class neighbourhoods, which grows the more immigrants and their descendants establish themselves in society, but also a continuing attraction of residing close to co-ethnics. To tease apart this ambiguity, we study how the life satisfaction of immigrants and their descendants depends on the characteristics of the neighbourhood they live in, and pay special attention to heterogeneity along generation, country of origin orientation and income. We use classic measures of neighbourhood quality vis-à-vis newly collected data on the spatial density of ethno-religious minority associations, places of worship and grocers. We link these data to the geocoded German Socio-Economic Panel to predict life satisfaction among immigrants and their descendants. To strengthen a causal interpretation of our results, we employ specifications that address self-selection into neighbourhoods and unobserved confounding. Contra the assumptions of standard assimilation models, we document that ethno-religious infrastructures contribute to increased life satisfaction primarily among the second generation, and there especially among sending-country oriented individuals. This suggests a continuing importance of origin-culture infrastructures for some groups. Furthermore, we find little evidence that overall neighbourhood quality, or the mere share of co-ethnics in a neighbourhood, increases life satisfaction either among immigrants or their descendants.

Die Autorin untersucht, wie junge Erwachsene binationaler Herkunft in Marokko und der Schweiz immer wieder ein subjektives Gleichgewicht herstellen zwischen nationalen Zugehörigkeitsdiskursen, sozialen Ein- und Ausschlussprozessen und eigenen adoleszenten Individuationsbedürfnissen. Anhand autobiographisch-narrativer Interviews mit jungen Erwachsenen in den beiden Ländern und mit Rückgriff auf die Stigma-Theorie von Erving Goffman wird aufgezeigt, dass eine binationale Herkunft nicht so sehr für die jungen Erwachsenen selbst eine Irritation darstellt, sondern vielmehr durch die Gesellschaft problematisiert und zu einer Herausforderung wird. Dies führt zu einer intensiven biographischen Auseinandersetzung, in der die jungen Erwachsenen versuchen, die Fremdzuschreibungen mit der Selbstwahrnehmung in Einklang zu bringen. Ein Vorgang, der in der Studie als eine Suche nach einem subjektiven Gleichgewichten identifiziert wird. Die Autorin arbeitet vier subjektive Gleichgewichte heraus: (1) der Versuch zu Vereinen, (2) die Entwicklung einer Expert_innenhaltung, (3) die Suche nach alternativen Zugehörigkeitsräumen und (4) das Herstellen von Normalität. Dabei wird deutlich, dass Zugehörigkeit ein Prozess ist, in dem die Heranwachsenden nicht nur auf nationale Zugehörigkeitsdiskurse und soziale Ein- und Ausschlussprozesse, sondern auch familiäre Kontexte, Erfahrungen in der Schule und mit Peers, das Verhältnis zur Sprache, Herkunftswissen, transnationale Erfahrungen und eigene adoleszente Individuationsbedürfnisse einen entscheidenden Einfluss darauf, welche biographische Bedeutung die binationale Herkunft für die jungen Erwachsenen entfaltet. Die Studie zeigt, dass in Marokko sowie in der Schweiz Individuen mit Mehrfachzugehörigkeit die Grenzen von 'Wir' und den 'Anderen' in Frage stellen und immer wieder aufs Neue ihre Zugehörigkeit aushandeln müssen. Die gefundenen Gleichgewichte reflektieren sodann subjektive Lösungen des Problems, dass Mehrfachzugehörigkeit gesellschaftlich nicht anerkannt wird.

While the statistical link between residential and school segregation is well-demonstrated, in-depth knowledge of the processes or mediating mechanisms which affect the interconnectedness of the two phenomena is still limited. By focusing on well-functioning schools in disadvantaged neighbourhoods, our article seeks to scrutinise whether reputation can be one of the key mediators of the connection between residential and school segregation. Our study combines qualitative ethnographic interviews from four (pre-)primary schools with quantitative segregation measures in four urban neighbourhoods in the Finnish capital city of Helsinki to understand the connections between lived experiences and socio-spatial segregation. The results show that there appears to be a clear link between neighbourhood and school reputation, as schools in disadvantaged neighbourhoods are strongly viewed through the perceptions attached to the place. Despite the case schools’ excellent institutional quality and high overall performance in educational outcomes, there is a consistent pattern of the schools struggling with negative views about the neighbourhoods, which seep into the schools’ reputation. Since school reputation is one of the central drivers of school choices and is also linked to residential choices, the close connection between neighbourhood and school reputation may feed into vicious circles of segregation operating through schools. The results highlight the need for integrated urban policies that are sensitive to issues concerning school reputation and support the confidence and identity of pupils, reaching beyond simply ensuring the institutional quality of schools.

Die sich hierzulande an Haupt- und Sekundarschulen unter Jugendlichen herausbildende schulische Gegenkultur zeichnet sich durch eine Ablehnung institutioneller Verhaltensnormen sowie eine symbolische Prämierung von anti-schulischen Haltungen aus. Doch in diesem Gestus der Auflehnung besteht gleichsam die Gefahr, dass rangniedrige Statuspositionen perpetuiert und sozialmoralische Vorurteile bestätigt werden. Paul Willis hat in den 1970er Jahren die jugendkulturelle Attraktivität und die statusbezogene Tragik dieser Counter-School-Culture in seinem Buch "Learning to Labor" beschrieben. Ich greife dieses Modell auf und übertrage es auf Schulen in Berlin-Neukölln und Wedding, in denen ich in den Jahren 2008/09 bzw. 2012/13 umfangreiche Feldforschungen durchgeführt habe. Dabei frage ich im ersten Teil nach den Auswirkungen veränderter, von Prekarisierung und Neoliberalisierung geprägter gesellschaftlicher Rahmenbedingungen und im zweiten Teil nach den neuen inhaltlichen Stoßrichtungen der schulischen Gegenkultur, die sich in den letzten Jahrzehnten aus einer ethnischen Unterschichtung und einer Kulturalisierung von Fragen sozialer Ungleichheit ergeben haben. The counter school culture that is developing among young people at secondary and lower secondary schools in Germany is characterized by a rejection of bourgeois values and institutional norms of behavior as well as a symbolic award for anti-school attitudes. But in this gesture of rebellion, there is a danger that low-ranking status positions are perpetuated and social-moral prejudices are confirmed. In the 1970s, Paul Willis used the English example to describe the attractiveness and tragedy of the counter school culture for young people in his book "Learning to Labor". I take up this model and transfer it to secondary schools in the Berlin districts of Wedding and Neukölln, where I conducted extensive field research in 2008/09 and 2012/13 respectively. In the first part, I ask about the effects of changed social conditions and in the second part about new topics of the school counterculture that have emerged in recent decades.

Die Stigmatisierung von Kindern mit Verhaltens- und emotionalen Störungen wie ADHS stellt immer noch eine große Barriere für einen adäquaten Zugang zur Bildung dar. In diesem Kontext spielen die Einstellungen von Lehrkräften gegenüber diesen Kindern eine wichtige Rolle, da sie die Chancen für eine erfolgreiche inklusive Bildung für die betroffenen Kinder erhöhen. Vor diesem Hintergrund stellen Stigmatisierungseffekte durch Ursachenzuschreibungen in Fallbeispielen ein relevantes Ziel für die Anti-Stigma- und Gesundheitskommunikation dar. Ursachenzuschreibungen in Fallbeispielen, wie sie in vielen medialen Beiträgen vorkommen, können Einstellungen gegenüber stigmatisierten Personengruppen sowohl positiv als auch negativ beeinflussen. Basierend auf der exemplification theory (Zillmann & Brosius, 2000) und dem Mixed-Blessings Modell (Haslam & Kvaale, 2015) wurde in einem 3 × 2 Online-Experiment untersucht, wie biologische, psychosoziale und bio-psychosoziale Ursachenzuschreibungen für eine ADHS in Fallbeispielen betroffener Kinder stigmarelevante Einstellungen von Lehramtsstudierenden gegenüber Kindern mit ADHS beeinflussen. Biologische Ursachenzuschreibungen im Vergleich zu psychosozialen Ursachenzuschreibungen verringerten die soziale Distanz gegenüber Kindern mit ADHS, während bio-psychosoziale Ursachenzuschreibungen positivere Einstellungen zur schulischen Inklusion von Kindern mit ADHS hervorriefen als psychosoziale Ursachenzuschreibungen. Die Implikationen dieser Ergebnisse für die strategische Anti-Stigma- und Gesundheitskommunikation werden diskutiert., The stigmatization of children with behavioral and emotional disorders such as ADHD still represents a major barrier to adequate access to education. In this context, teachers' attitudes toward these children play an important role in increasing the chances of successful inclusive education for affected children. With this in mind, stigmatization effects through causal attributions in case vignettes represent a relevant target for anti-stigma and health communication. Causal attributions in case studies, as they occur in many media reports, can influence attitudes toward stigmatized groups of people both positively and negatively. Based on exemplification theory (Zillmann & Brosius, 2000) and the mixed-blessings model (Haslam & Kvaale, 2015), a 3 × 2 online experiment examined how biological, psychosocial, and bio-psychosocial causal attributions for ADHD in case vignettes of affected children influence aspiring teachers’ stigma-relevant attitudes towards children with ADHD. Biological causal attributions compared to psychosocial causal attributions decreased social distance toward children with ADHD, whereas bio-psychosocial causal attributions elicited more positive attitudes towards the inclusive education of children with ADHD, compared to psychosocial causal attributions. Implications of these findings for strategic anti-stigma and health communication are discussed., Risiken und Potenziale in der Gesundheitskommunikation: Beiträge zur Jahrestagung der DGPuK-Fachgruppe Gesundheitskommunikation 2020

The aim of the study.Finding out the attitude of the respondents to HIV-infected / AIDS patients, their awareness of the ways of HIV infection. Methods.A survey of teachers and students of Kyiv City Medical College was conducted (educational institution of 1–2 levels of accreditation). The total number of students, who participated in the study, was 150 people aged 17 to 25 years. The survey involved 62 teachers aged 30 to 65 years. In order to find out the level of stigmatization of people living with HIV, a questionnaire has been developed that contains questions, related to various aspects of HIV infection and the lives of HIV-infected people. Results.The study showed a high willingness to stigmatize and discriminate against people living with HIV / AIDS by teachers and medical school workers. The problem of reasonable stigma and discrimination against people living with HIV is the low level of knowledge about the epidemic. This is especially true for work. A tolerant attitude towards HIV-infected people from work and lectures at medical college is directly related to the awareness of these problems. The high level of stigma and discrimination against HIV-infected students and teachers in medical schools is reflected in the willingness to refuse medical care to people living with HIV. The state's information policy in the field of combating stigma and discrimination against HIV-infected people is imperfect and insufficient. Сonclusions.The study shows the imperfection of the existing system of medical education in the field of upbringing of tolerant attitude to vulnerable groups, in particular to HIV-infected. In this area, the existing system of medical education needs to be improved and modernized. The aggravation of the problem of stigmatization and discrimination of HIV-infected people, the ineffectiveness of outdated methods requires the search for new approaches to its solution.

This paper looks at how Muslim women with an Iranian background and now living in Canada perform their identity through wearing the hijab. This was achieved by observing the behavior of six members of this community on Facebook using Erving Goffman’s stigmatization theory. The observation reveals that women who wear the hijab are more likely to identify themselves as Muslim-Canadian while those who have abandoned the hijab after immigration are more likely to identify themselves as Iranian-Canadian. Moreover, the results show that while Goffman’s theory is very useful in trying to understand the stigmatization of the veil after the 9/11 attacks as well as other extremists’ attacks, the pressures that this created on Muslim women, as well as the behavior of some women in dropping the veil in order to ‘pass’ such stigmatization, his theory is of limited use in understanding the more complicated performance of women who kept their hijab in spite of the challenges they faced.

Kontula, a suburban estate at the margins of Helsinki, Finland, has been plagued by a notorious reputation since its construction in the 1960s. At different moments in history, it has reflected failed urbanity, with shifting emphases on issues such as rootlessness, segregation, intergenerational poverty, and unsuccessful integration of immigrants. Unlike many other suburban estates in Helsinki, it has become a potent symbol of the ills of contemporary urbanity in the vernacular geography of the city. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, this article explores how its inhabitants experience the dynamic between the internalised stigma and their responses to it. The focus is on how historically formed and spatially defined senses of belonging and exclusion shape their everyday lives and how they have found ways to challenge the dominant perceptions about their homes and neighbourhoods. I argue that an understanding of cultural intimacy, conceptually developed by Michael Herzfeld, offers a useful way to approach the tension between essentialised categories and lived realities. Rather than simply limiting their agency, the shared stigma enables inhabitants to form powerful senses of belonging. The article emphasises how culturally intimate understandings employ both complex historical trajectories and shifts in relative location to question and confront the stigma in the language of mutual trust and belonging.

This article treats housing stigmatization as a social process of symbolic ascription, connected to inhabitants, housing form, housing tenure, and/or housing location. Stigmatization research tends to focus on personal stigmatization, or to examine housing only in relation to territorial stigmatization, while housing research tends to focus on health and policy. This article demonstrates that housing stigmatization, which is differentiated from personal stigmatization and territorial stigmatization, is a viable unit of analysis in its own right for stigma research. Seven core elements are identified, showing that housing stigmatization is: (1) relational; (2) contextual; (3) processual; (4) reinforceable; (5) reversible; (6) morally loaded; and (7) treated as contagious. Comprehending the elements of housing stigmatization will benefit destigmatization efforts.

Einleitung: Der rechtliche Status des Schwangerschaftsabbruchs in den Regionen der früheren DDR hat sich nach der Wiedervereinigung und der Übernahme der restriktiveren westdeutschen Politik geändert. Ziel dieser Studie war es, die Auswirkungen dieser Veränderungen auf die Einstellungen zum Schwangerschaftsabbruch und die Implikationen für die damit verbundene Gesundheitsversorgung in Ost- und Westdeutschland zu untersuchen. Material und Methoden: Der Allgemeinen Bevölkerungsumfrage der Sozialwissenschaften aus den Jahren 1992, 1996, 2000, 2006 und 2012 (N = 14 459) wurden bundesweit repräsentative Daten über das Ausmaß der öffentlichen Unterstützung für den legalen Zugang zum Schwangerschaftsabbruch entnommen. Basierend auf der Anzahl der vorhandenen Einrichtungen, die Schwangerschaftsabbrüche vornehmen, und dem Anteil der Frauen, die für einen Schwangerschaftsabbruch in ein anderes Bundesland reisten, wurden pro Bundesland 2 Indikatoren kalkuliert, welche die Einschränkungen beim Zugang zur Versorgung bei Schwangerschaftsabbrüchen darstellen sollten. Die Daten wurden mittels der latenten Klassenanalyse analysiert. Ergebnisse: Die Ergebnisse deuten darauf hin, dass die Einstellungen zum Schwangerschaftsabbruch in 3 unterschiedliche Untergruppen unterteilt werden können: 1) Der Zugang zum Schwangerschaftsabbruch wird, ungeachtet der Gründe der betroffenen Frauen, unterstützt; 2) Der Zugang zum Schwangerschaftsabbruch wird unterstützt, wenn der Schwangerschaftsabbruch mit einem mütterlichen oder fetalen Gesundheitsrisiko begründet wird, nicht aber, wenn er aus sozioökonomischen Gründen (z. B. finanzielle Einschränkungen) durchgeführt wird; und 3) der Zugang zum Schwangerschaftsabbruch wird generell nicht unterstützt. Die Größe der jeweiligen Untergruppen, die eine teilweise oder gänzliche Einschränkung des Zugangs zum Schwangerschaftsabbruchs befürworten, ist im Laufe des untersuchten Studienzeitraums in beiden Regionen angestiegen und diese Tendenz war nicht auf Veränderungen in den soziodemografischen Merkmale zurückzuführen. Befragte, die in Bundesländern lebten, wo der Zugang zur Versorgung bei Schwangerschaftsabbrüchen mit größeren Hürden verbunden war, neigten eher zu restriktiveren Einstellungen zum Schwangerschaftsabbruch. Schlussfolgerung: Die negativen Einstellungen zum Schwangerschaftsabbruch sind in West- und Ostdeutschland in den 2 Jahrzehnten seit der Wiedervereinigung angestiegen. Das kann sich auf Frauen nachteilig auswirken, wenn die allgemeine Akzeptanz der Versorgung und der Zugang zur Versorgung bei Schwangerschaftsabbrüchen sinkt. Politische Maßnahmen, der öffentliche Diskurs und die Integration von Schwangerschaftsabbrüchen in die Gesundheitsversorgung sollten sich nach den internationalen Richtlinien zum Schutz von Frauengesundheit und Frauenrechten richten. Introduction: The legal status of abortion has changed in the regions of former East Germany after reunification due to the adoption of restrictive West German abortion policies. The aim of this study was to evaluate the impact on attitudes towards abortion and the associated health care implications in Western and Eastern Germany. Materials and Methods: Nationally representative data on public support for legally restricting abortion access were taken from the German General Social Survey and included the surveys 1992, 1996, 2000, 2006 and 2012 (N = 14 459). Two indicators of barriers to access to abortion care were calculated for each federal state, based on the number of abortion facilities and the proportion of women seeking abortion outside their state of residency. Data were analysed using latent class analysis. Results: Results suggested that abortion attitudes could be classified into three distinct subgroups: 1) support for abortion access independent of womenʼs reason; 2) support on the basis of maternal or foetal health reasons but not for socio-economic reasons (e.g. financial restrictions); and 3) no support. The size of subgroups in favour of partial or complete restriction on abortion access increased in both regions over the study period and this trend could not be explained by changes in socio-demographic characteristics. Respondents living in a federal state with more barriers to access to abortion care were more likely to hold restrictive abortion attitudes. Conclusion: Negative attitudes towards abortion have increased in Western and Eastern Germany during the two decades following reunification and may harm women by limiting acceptability and accessibility of abortion care. Abortion policies, public discourse and provision of abortion care should be informed by international guidelines protecting womenʼs health and rights.

International audience; PrEP (Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis) is a relatively new drug-based HIV prevention technique and an important means to lower the HIV risk of gay men who are especially vulnerable to HIV. From the perspective of biopolitics, PrEP inscribes itself in a larger trend of medicalization and the rise of pharmapower. This article reconstructs and evaluates contemporary literature on biopolitical theory as it applies to PrEP, by bringing it in a dialogue with a mapping of the political debate on PrEP. As PrEP changes sexual norms and subjectification, for example condom use and its meaning for gay subjectivity, it is highly contested. The article shows that the debate on PrEP can be best described with the concepts 'sexual-somatic ethics' and 'democratic biopolitics', which I develop based on the biopolitical approach of Nikolas Rose and Paul Rabinow. In contrast, interpretations of PrEP which are following governmentality studies or Italian Theory amount to either farfetched or trivial positions on PrEP, when seen in light of the political debate. Furthermore, the article is a contribution to the scholarship on gay subjectivity, highlighting how homophobia and homonormativity haunts gay sex even in liberal environments, and how PrEP can serve as an entry point for the destigmatization of gay sexuality and transformation of gay subjectivity. ‘Biopolitical democratization’ entails making explicit how medical technology and health care relates to sexual subjectification and ethics, to strengthen the voice of (potential) PrEP users in health politics, and to renegotiate the profit and power of Big Pharma.

On 7 May 2012, the Cologne regional court ruled that circumcising young boys was a form of previous bodily harm (körperverletzung). Although both Muslims and Jews circumcise infant boys as a religious practice, the Cologne court found that the child’s “fundamental right to bodily integrity” was more important than the parents’ rights, leaving Muslim and Jewish parents under suspicion of causing bodily harm to their children. After heated public discussions and an expedited legal process, legal authorities permitted the ritual circumcision of male children under a new law. However, the German debates on religious diversity are not yet over. On the third anniversary of the Court decision in 2015, thirty-five civil society organisations organised a rally in Cologne for “genital autonomy”, calling for a ban on ritual male circumcision. In this article, I will focus on religious diversity, which is undergoing changes through minority and immigrant claims for religious accommodation. Analysing the ongoing controversies of ritual male circumcision in Germany, I argue that this change is best observed with Muslim and Jewish claims for practicing their religion. By using political debates, news reports and information provided by lawyers and medical doctors who were involved in the public debate, I show that religious diversity debates are a litmus test for social inclusion: Muslims and Jews, in this context, are both passive subjects of social inclusion policies and active participants in creating a religiously diverse society in Germany.

Research suggests Australian childless women are at risk of pronatalism-driven social exclusion. This exploratory, mixed methods, cross-sectional study described and explored the social exclusion of Australian childless women aged 25 to 44 years, and asked: what are the nature and extent of social exclusion of childless women; and do the nature and extent of exclusion vary for different types of childless women? A total of 776 childless female Australian residents aged 25 to 44 years completed a self-administered questionnaire. Quantitative data were collected on childlessness types, indicators of exclusion and perceived stigmatisation and exclusion due to being childless. Data were analysed using descriptive statistics, One Way ANOVAs and Kruskal Wallis Analysis of Ranks. Qualitative data on childless women’s experiences were inductively thematically analysed. Findings suggest societal-level pronatalism drives exclusion of Australian childless women. While exclusion occurs in all domains of life, childless women experience more exclusion, and perceive more exclusion due to being childless, in the social and civic domains than the service and economic domains. Circumstantially and involuntarily childless women, followed by voluntarily childless women, perceive more exclusion due to being childless than undecided and future childed women. Experiences are influenced by the nature of women’s ‘deviance’ from pronatalism. (author's abstract)

In this article we review the literature on body-mapping (BM) as an approach to health research in order to systematize recent advancements and to contribute to its development. We conducted a critical narrative synthesis of the literature published until September 2016 guided by two questions: 1. How has BM been utilized in health research? 2. How does BM advance a decolonization agenda? Twenty-seven studies in English, Spanish, and Portuguese were analyzed. Most of them were published between 2011 and 2016 and were conducted in South Africa, Canada, Australia, Brazil, Chile, and USA. They narrate stories of marginalized groups and commonly focus on the social determinants of health. Data generation, analysis, and knowledge mobilization strategies differ considerably. Recent developments show that body-mapping is a visual, narrative, and participatory methodology that has several names and is used unevenly by health researchers. Despite its diversity, core methodological elements reveal that participants are considered knowledgeable, reflexive individuals who can better articulate their complex life journeys when painting and drawing their bodies and social circumstances. The decolonization of health research occurs when these unlikely protagonists tell their stories producing counter-hegemonic discourses to exclusionary capitalist, patriarchal and colonialist rationalities. We call this methodology body-map storytelling., Forum Qualitative Sozialforschung / Forum: Qualitative Social Research, Vol 19, No 2 (2018)

Using a laboratory experiment, we present first evidence that social image concerns causally reduce the take-up of an individually beneficial transfer. Our design manipulates the informativeness of the take-up decision by varying whether transfer eligibility is based on ability or luck, and how the transfer is financed. We find that subjects avoid the inference both of being low-skilled (ability stigma) and of being willing to live of others (free-rider stigma). Using a placebo treatment, we exclude other explanations for the observed stigma effects. Although stigma reduces take-up, elicitation of political preferences reveals that only a minority of "taxpayers" vote for the public transfer. November 2016 (revised July 2018)

This article examines the question whether rejection experiences negatively relate to the social trust of Children Born of War (CBOW) and if this connection is mediated by sense of self-worth. CBOW is a group of people born out of relations during war- and post-war times, involving one parent being a foreign soldier, a para-military officer, rebel or other person directly participating in the hostilities, while the other parent is a member of the native population. Also children born to child soldiers and children fathered by members of a peacekeeping troop are included within this group. These children, due to their biological background, often grow up in a surrounding in which they are perceived as child of the enemy. The general hypothesis is that, due to their exposure to rejection experiences by their caregivers as well as by the society, CBOW are less likely to develop trust. It is further assumed that this relationship is mediated by the sense of self-worth. A structural equation model was applied to test the relation using a sample of Norwegian children born of war. Results indicate that CBOW who experience rejection share a lower sense of self-worth, which is further connected to lower trust, whereas no direct association between rejection experiences and trust was found.

Zusammenfassung Die Implementierung der Position der Gleichstellungsbeauftragten in offentlichen Institutionen ist in der Regel gelungen. Funktionstragerinnen auf diesen Posten gehoren dabei mittlerweile nicht mehr zwingend einer gesellschaftspolitischen Bewegung an bzw. grenzen sich teilweise explizit von der Frauenrechtsbewegung ab. Daruber hinaus haben sich, beispielsweise durch die Etablierung von Vernetzungsstrukturen, Professionalisierungsprozesse vollzogen. Dennoch haftet der Funktion der Frauen- und Gleichstellungsbeauftragten das „Stigma des Feminismus“ an. Vor diesem Hintergrund stellt der Beitrag die Frage nach dem Zusammenspiel biografischer Verletzbarkeit und professionellen Handelns von Gleichstellungsakteurinnen. Stigmatisierungsprozesse in der Gleichstellungsarbeit werden dabei auf der Ebene interpretativer Interaktionsraume verortet und aus feministischer Perspektive betrachtet. Letztlich wird die Notwendigkeit eines reflexiven Stigmamanagements als biografisch dimensioniertes Professionalisierungsprojekt von Gleichstellungsakteurinnen identifiziert. Schlusselworter: Stigmatisierung, Gleichstellungsarbeit, Biografie, professionelles Handeln, Feminismus ----- Stigmatisation as a biographical challenge of professional practice in gender equality work Summary Gender equality offices have generally been successfully implemented in public institutions. Office-holders no longer have to belong to a socio-political movement or they distance themselves explicitly from the women’s rights movement. A process of institutionalisation and (or so it seems) of demarcation of the original female emancipation and women’s rights movement has taken place. Nevertheless, women’s issues and equal opportunity commissioners are stuck with the stigma of feminism. Against this background, this article analyses the interplay between biographical vulnerability and the professional activity of equal opportunity commissioners. Stigmatisation processes in gender equality work are located on the interpretative level of spaces of interaction and are looked at from a feminist perspective. The article concludes that refl ective stigma management is required as a biographically-dimensioned professionalisation project of equal opportunity commissioners. Keywords: stigma, gender equality work, biography, professional practice, feminism ----- Bibliographie: Kassebaum, Silke: Stigmatisierung als biografische Herausforderung professionellen Handelns in der Gleichstellungsarbeit, GENDER, 1-2014, S. 82-92. https://doi.org/10.3224/gender.v6i1.18111

For decades, the ideal of a two-child family has been predominant in Germany. Nevertheless, there are people who deviate from this mainstream, taking the informed decision not to have any children at all, to have only one child or, alternatively, to have three or more children. Such differences in the number of children have long been examined, however, cultural concepts of having either lots of or no children at all, have rarely been included. The data collected in the survey “Familienleitbilder” reveals that in young adults in reproductive age, existing cultural conceptions provide new insights into the phenomenon of deviation from the norm, deviators being subject to social stigmatization. Moreover, in case of families with four and more children, a high degree of intrinsic motivation outshines all economic and structural aspects. In childless people - even more than in comparison to other groups - a discrepancy with respect to the majority becomes apparent, potentially suggesting a pressure to justify oneself to society or even to comply with the mainstream. In contrast to the advocated thesis in literature, childlessness is indeed commonly regarded as “normal”, however, rarely as desirable in terms of an ideal. Furthermore, despite the dominant two-child-norm, other family milieus have been established. Zusammenfassung Seit Jahrzehnten dominiert in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland das Leitbild der Zweikindfamilie. Dennoch gibt es Menschen, die von diesem Mainstream abweichen: Sie entscheiden sich bewusst gegen Kinder, für ein Einzelkind oder aber für drei oder mehr Kinder. Solche Paritätsunterschiede werden seit langem untersucht, jedoch selten unter Einbezug kultureller Vorstellungen zum Leben ohne oder mit vielen Kindern. Anhand der Daten des Leitbildsurveys wird für junge Erwachsene im reproduktiven Alter gezeigt, dass kulturelle Idealvorstellungen einen zusätzlichen Erkenntnisgewinn zur Normabweichung liefern und dass Abweichler eine soziale Stigmatisierung wahrnehmen. Zudem überstrahlt bei der Kinderwunschparität von vier und mehr Kindern die hohe intrinsische Motivation alle ökonomischen und strukturellen Aspekte. Bei Kinderlosen zeichnet sich – im Vergleich zu den anderen Normabweichlern am stärksten – eine wahrgenommene Diskrepanz zur Mehrheitsgesellschaft ab. Sie weist möglicherweise auf sozialen Druck hin, sich zu rechtfertigen oder sogar der Norm zu entsprechen. Entgegen der in der Literatur vertretenen These der „Kultur von Kinderlosigkeit“ besteht die verbreitete Ansicht, dass Kinderlosigkeit zwar „normal“ sei, jedoch selten erstrebenswert im Sinne eines Ideals. Außerdem haben sich trotz der dominanten Zweikindnorm weitere Familienmilieus etabliert., JFR - Journal of Family Research, Vol 28 No 3 (2016)

Drawing on longitudinal qualitative research in Brazil involving participant observation and narrative interviews with young homeless persons, and semi-structured interviews with middle class residents, local businesses, and patrolling police officers, three overlapping yet contradictory dimensions of inclusion and exclusion are developed. First the hegemonic exclusionary discourse that tends to produce stigmatizing labels on poor people in general, and boys and young men on the street in particular, is mapped out. Second, socio-spatial exclusionary mechanisms involving architectural measures, surveillance cameras and violent policing, guarding the neighbourhood from stigmatised ‘others’ are examined. Third, the less recognised but equally important inclusionary mechanisms, facilitating street life and enabling a sense of belonging among young homeless people are explored. A simplistic and unidimensional conceptualisation of social exclusion is critiqued while demonstrating the multifaceted, intertwined, and contradictory character of homeless people’s social relationships with middle class residents, businesses, and police. Furthermore, the exclusion/inclusion dualism that is vivid in the existing literature is questioned. It is suggested that a nuanced picture is vital to increasing our understanding of the everyday lives of homeless populations and that further investigation and theorization of their exclusion as well as inclusion is needed. © 2016 by the author; licensee Cogitatio (Lisbon, Portugal). This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (CC BY).

It is surprising that little research has been conducted by Eliasians on museums and that, with some exceptions, academics working on museums do not cite The Civilizing Process. All the more so given that: (i) museum research supports Elias’s claim that elements of modernity originated in court societies, (ii) the nineteenth-century museum was a leading edge of the West’s belief in itself as a singularly civilized place and (iii) there is a contradiction between the museum’s universalism and its latent capacity to stigmatize some visitors as uncivilized outsiders. Indeed, Elias’s theory of established-outsider relations offers profound insights into the museum dimension of social stigma and the socio-genesis of the museum. First, an Eliasian perspective illuminates the relationship between museums and the peculiar structures of feeling that flowed from the interdependencies of modernization. Secondly, in studying European upper classes, he stressed the co-existence of different propertied strata within nineteenth-century states. This explains the apparent inchoateness of European national museums as they emerged at the interface of ruling dynastic elites and upwardly mobile bourgeois outsiders. Thirdly, documentary evidence reveals the museum to be a place where middle class people incorporated and transformed a courtly habitus whilst simultaneously stigmatizing both aristocratic and working class ways of living the body. Finally, Elias elaborated dynamic models of established-outsider relations, emphasizing their ‘complex polyphony’ as the key to explaining the power to stigmatize. The museum performed that polyphony at the interface of established-outsider relations; it could be said that they were the very causes of museums.

Norbert Elias provides a very useful theoretical framework for understanding long-term changes in childhood-adulthood relations at the societal level. Key processes central to this theorization include: the increasing separation of the social worlds of children and adults; the increasing distance between childhood and adulthood; the partial defunctionalisation of the family; the civilizing of parents; changes in the ‘we-I balance’ towards the ‘I’; and the gradual conversion of social constraints into self-restraints. Yet variable trajectories are under-developed in Elias' work: the differing nature of these interrelated social processes for different ‘outsider’ groups in society were not systematically addressed by Elias. However, this paper argues that Elias’ theories on childhood do provide us with a very useful conceptual framework from which to understand these variable trajectories. It applies his theories on childhood and individualization to Gypsy-Traveller/Roma groups in Europe and situates them within a long-term established-outsider figuration. The paper argues that the above processes differ markedly for many groups and, coupled with the existence of a very strong group orientation and long-term stigmatisation, are central to accounting for their relative lack of social integration. That is, differing processes of childhood and family socialisation are crucial in explaining how Gypsy-Traveller/Roma groups have maintained their own group identity and cultural continuity under intense pressures to assimilation and conformity.

Canada represents a compelling illustration of the complexities of established-outsiders relations. A close examination of various historical processes, such as the official narrative of two founding peoples, different waves of colonization, and racialized immigration policies, sheds light on how dynamic and ever changing established-outsiders relations are developing. It also uncovers the tremendous importance of racialization in the shaping of Canadian figurations. First, I offer some historical highlights on the colonization processes and their effects on established-outsiders relations in Canada. Second, I look at inclusion / exclusion dynamics in the different immigration waves and focus more specifically on “whitening.” It shows that established and outsiders are not two black boxes but very fluid and dynamic relational patterns. Lastly, I present the persistent hierarchies of the hierarchies within both the French-speakers and English-speakers which allows me to open the discussion on the problematic conceptualization of identity as a single root and multiculturalism. I finally argue that taking seriously rhizomatic identities seems a promising avenue to overcome established-outsiders relations.

To advance understandings of how religion manifests in subtle, nuanced ways in secular institutions, we examine student religiosity and spirituality at an elite liberal arts school marked by a strong intellectual collective identity. Using mixed research methods, we examine how the college’s structures and dominant culture influence students’ religiosity and spirituality. Despite an institutional commitment to promoting students’ self-exploration and inclusion of social “diversity,” we found both campus structures and mainstream culture deterred open spiritual and religious exploration and identification. The structure of the college and its dominant secular, intellectual culture reinforced: (1) a widespread stigma against religious and spiritual expression, (2) a lack of dialogue about the sacred, (3) discreetness in exploring and adhering to sacred beliefs and practices, and (4) a large degree of religious and spiritual pluralism. Our findings additionally illustrate that early exposure to the campus culture’s critical regard for religion had a long-lasting impact on students’ religiosity. A majority of students kept their religious and spiritual expressions hidden and private; only a marginalized minority of students embraced their expressions publically. To increase students’ comfort with religious and spiritual exploration, we propose that colleges foster intentional peer dialogues early in the college experience. Furthermore, we recommend that campus communities prioritize religious and spiritual literacy and respect. (author's abstract)

This paper describes experiences of living and belonging from the perspectives of Ugandan children with spina bifida and their siblings and parents. We explored belonging at micro, meso and macro level taking into consideration African Childhood Disability Studies, central concepts of family, cultural conceptions of disability, poverty, and the notion of ‘ubuntu’, and using child-friendly culturally adjusted interview methods including play. Whilst children with spina bifida had a strong sense of belonging at household level, they experienced more difficulties engaging in larger social networks, including school. Poverty and stigma were important barriers to inclusion. We propose strengthening the network at family level, where the environment is more enabling for the children to find a place of belonging and support, and expanding investment and awareness at community and national level. (author's abstract)

Moving from Elias and Scotson’s “Established and outsiders” the article proposes a discussion about everyday life analytical category. This book clearly highlights what can be considered a constant in Elias’ sociological methodology: the necessity for sociology to depart as little as possible from actual observable reality. Through a typically meso approach to social phenomena, the small things of everyday life, the ways that interactions and relations take place in specific places and times, become the observation plan to analyse the structural dimensions making society. Gossip, neighbours, free time, lifestyle, stigma and solidarity are just some of the topics dealt with in this text. With them, everyday life appears as the terrain on which social figurations reveal themselves, reproduce and are visible, in the ongoing game of the changing interdependencies of human living. I started by referring to the critical position that Elias assumed when invited to express himself on everyday life. The second part of the paper deals with the pars construens of Elias’ thought: through the category of figuration everyday life as a meso tool to approach sociological analysis. He sees real individuals at work in it – with their I- and we-identities, their habitus – acting and reacting in networks of interdependencies. With the figurational approach, everyday life appears as life that is there, as the unique and inevitable dimension of sociological analysis. With the peculiar established-outsiders figurational one, everyday life appears as the ground to see and study production and reproduction mechanisms of social inequalities.

This paper paradigmatically deals with the problem of understanding and explanation of established-outsider-figurations which have been mostly grasped in the dominant research, public understanding as well as political debates under the category ‘cultural differences.’ Further, I am going to evaluate the concept of an established-outsider figuration of Norbert Elias as much more adequate to understand group conflicts and their dynamics in time. In this paper, using the example of the “Sarrazin debate,” I would like to work out how the differences in power ratios could be perceived in an established-outsider-relationship as differences of human beings in terms of their quality as well as their values as groups and as individuals. This connection is conceptualised by Norbert Elias and John L. Scotson as “the logic of the emotions.”

Tattooing is a practice long associated with social outsiders – sailors, criminals, bikers and women of disrepute. In recent years, however, the practice has become increasingly popular, and acceptable, in mainstream culture as these marks of distinction appear on an ever greater number of bodies. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, academic literature, and content analysis of popular media, I propose that four inter-related developments have contributed to the redefinition of tattooing: the increasing importance of the body as a site for constructing identity; processes of cultural diversity and globalization; the increased visibility of the practice in popular culture; and attempts to legitimise the practice as an acceptable art form both within academia and popular culture. By drawing together these inter-related developments this paper demonstrates how Elias’ theories of established-outsider relations provides an understanding of the processes that lead to changing statuses for certain cultural practices.

The problem of domestic violence has become one of the most urgent problems of modern social practices, namely, its study, fight against all forms of using violence, prevention of domestic violence, social stigmatization. In connection with the actuality of the problem, it has appeared the necessity of working out complex program of prevention of domestic violence and giving help to victims of domestic violence. The success of prevention of domestic violence directly depends on how deeply the society recognizes the problem of domestic violence, social stigmatization, its sequences. 1. INTRODUCTION The problem of domestic violence has become one of the most urgent problems of modern social practices, namely, its study, fight against all forms of using violence, prevention of domestic violence. In Russia, domestic violence has spread wider and wider. Persons, killed or injured on grounds of everyday conflicts, are fixedly placed first among various categories of injured in violent crimes: 70-80% of serious violent crimes, including 30-40% of murders, are committed in the family. Furthermore, women and children make up 70% of the victims of violence. Annually, 10000-14000 women are killed by their husbands or lovers (Bulletin of the Informational Centre of the Independent Women’s Forum, 1997), 2000000 children experience physical violence, and 5000 children leave their houses owing to cruel treatment. Furthermore, every second child never returns home (Father, Mother, Me – a Cruel Family, 2006). In accordance with the statistical data of the Ministry of Inner Affairs, domestic violence takes place in every forth Russian family (Regional Social Organization “Anna”, 2006). 2. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION As a result of deeper penetration of violence into family life, its morality declines, relation and succession of generations, as well as humanism of family upbringing, become weaker, children’s homelessness arises, children are drawn in drinking alcohol, taking drugs, they are drawn in prostitution and criminal activity. A. Fromm states in his theory of people’s destructivity that “cruelty ruins soul and body, and the very life; it ruins not only the victim, but the tormentor himself.”(1992, p. 28)

Surprisingly, the discourse on ageism hardly profits from stigma research despite their common denominator—discrimination. The goal of this article is to discuss the stigma concept developed on micro-level interactions and apply it to ageism research on the macro level, i.e. using Round 4 data of the representative international European Social Survey (2008). The data analysis is focused on dominant opinions of the Lithuanian population (N=2002) and usual behavior toward older people, while international comparison is used for interpretation of results. The results show that old age in the Lithuanian society is an “open secret” type of stigma: verbal praise of older people, high assessment of their morals and polite declaration of respect conceal intolerance, disregard and discrimination on the behavioral level. The old age stigma is widespread in Lithuania and stronger than in advanced European countries. Its level is close to discrimination particular to other post-communist and Mediterranean countries.

"Welche Zusammenhänge bestehen zwischen Raum, Kontrolle und Weltbild? Der Autor beantwortet diese Frage anhand des Konzepts des cognitive mapping, das er als theoretisches Konzept der Gesellschaftsanalyse sowie als empirisches Mittel der Forschung vorstellt und diskutiert. Überwachung - so seine These - macht die Überprüfung und Kontrolle von Weltbildern möglich und wird damit zu einer Form gesellschaftlicher Orientierung. Zugleich bieten Weltbilder auch eine Grundlage für das Verständnis von Einstellungen zu Überwachungsmaßnahmen. Überwachung in diesem Sinne ist kein Produkt der Moderne, sondern kommt in allen historischen Epochen vor und dient der Organisation von Realität. Raum und räumliche Vorstellungen von der Welt werden von der Umwelt und den Erfahrungen geformt, die Menschen in ihnen machen. Sozial-räumliche Vorstellungen sind Ursprung von Diskursen der Überwachung und werden im Gegenzug durch Formen der Kontrolle beeinflusst. Über Weltbilder lassen sich Einstellungen zu Überwachung und den dahinterstehenden Orientierungsmustern nachvollziehen. Das vorliegende Buch beschäftigt sich mit diesen Zusammenhängen anhand des Konzepts des cognitive mapping. Mit diesem Konzept werden Ursachen und Wirkungen analysiert und es wird erklärt, wie diese bei Prozessen sozialer Ausgrenzung/ Integration oder den Möglichkeiten von Identitätsformation eine wichtige Rolle spielen." (Verlag)

Objetivo: Conhecer a percepção dos portadores de hanseníase acerca do estigma e preconceito que vivenciam em unidades prisionais. Método: Estudo de abordagem qualitativa, caráter descritivo e exploratório. Foram participantes cinco homens e duas mulheres encarceradas. Dados coletados através do Teste de Associação Livre de Palavras (TALP) e entrevista semiestruturada e tratados por Análise de Conteúdo, proposta por Bardin. Resultados: Com o uso do TALP, emergiram as categorias Tratamento, Preconceito, Sintomas e Sentimentos. Das entrevistas emergiram as seguintes categorias: A hanseníase sob a ótica dos portadores e as relações familiares; O estigma da hanseníase, o impacto do diagnóstico e seus sentimentos; e Negando a hanseníase e recorrendo à fé divina para enfrentar a doença. Conclusão: Sentimentos negativos, preconceito e estigma fizeram-se presentes nos discursos dos sujeitos. A investigação e o acompanhamento de portadores de hanseníase tornam-se indispensáveis para as ações de enfermagem e para os espaços de cuidados no que se refere aos aspectos sociais e representativos da hanseníase.

Die Stigmatisierung und das Negativimage benachteiligter Quartiere bzw. Stadtteile sind eigenständige Faktoren der sozialen Benachteiligung und bedürfen bei der politischen Bearbeitung sozialräumlicher Ausgrenzungsprozesse einer besonderen Aufmerksamkeit. Dieser Frage wird anhand des Programms Soziale Stadt nachgegangen, das seit 1999 als Bund-Länder-Programm der Städtebauförderung eingeführt wurde. Es wird beleuchtet, welchen Stellenwert Fragen der Imageentwicklung im Rahmen dieses Programmansatzes einnehmen und welche Wirkungen bislang von dem Programm mit Blick auf die Imageentwicklung der betroffenen Gebiete ausgehen. In diesem Zusammenhang kann positiv an Erfahrungen mit Neighbourhood Branding in den Niederlanden angeknüpft werden. Das Konzept wurde dort zur Erneuerung von Wohnquartieren entwickelt, um gemeinsam mit Bewohnerinnen und Bewohnern die Kernwerte eines Quartiers zu identifizieren und das Quartier an dieser gemeinsamen „Marke“ zu entwickeln. Die Methodik geht dabei über ein klassisches Marketing hinaus. Es geht um die Einbettung in einen umfassenden Erneuerungsprozess, die Mobilisierung der Betroffenen und die Entwicklung einer gemeinsamen Strategie, um das Image von Quartieren positiv zu beeinflussen. The stigmatisation of neighbourhoods and the negative image this creates are distinct factors of spatial discrimination and exclusion. Programmes aimed at stabilising such disadvantaged areas in Germany (the Social City) therefore increasingly focuse on image development and improvement measures as part of an integrated structural, economic and social improvement strategy. This paper provides an overview of such meas- ures and assesses them with regard to their effects on an area’s image. It will also discuss which role the Social City-Programme plays in the main discourses about stigmatisation of urban neighbourhoods in Germany. In doing so Neighbourhood Branding concepts and subsequently compared them, are included. Neighbourhood Branding was developed in the Netherlands as an approach for reviving residential neighbourhoods by identifying the core values of the neighbourhood together with its residents in question and developing a common branding for it. The method used goes beyond a traditional marketing approach; it is rather embedded in a comprehensive urban regeneration process, mobilizing the affected people and developing an overall strategy to influence a neighbourhood’s image in a positive way.

27. Oktober 2005 in Clichy-sous-Bois, einer Vorstadt von Paris: Zwei Jugendliche sterben auf der Flucht vor der Polizei in einem Umspannwerk. Im Nachgang entwickeln sich Unruhen zwischen Jugendlichen und der Polizei, die ein nationales Ausmaß erreichen und mehr als drei Wochen andauern. Die Ursachen und Hintergründe dieser Vorortunruhen werden in der öffentlichen Diskussion unterschiedlich gerahmt: als Konsequenz städtebaulicher und sozioökonomischer Problemlagen bestimmter Orte, als Ausdruck von wachsender Kriminalität in den banlieues (den Vororten französischer Städte) sowie als Folge mangelnder Integration ethnisch beziehungsweise religiös definierter Gruppen. Der Beitrag beleuchtet die Geschichte der Stigmatisierung der banlieues und ihrer Bewohner und zeigt aus einer diskurstheoretischen Perspektive Entwicklungslinien der „Krise der Vorstädte“ auf. Auf der Basis einer lexikometrischen Analyse des banlieues-Diskurses in der großen französischen Tageszeitung Le Monde seit den 1980er Jahren wird deutlich, dass die Stigmatisierung der banlieues und ihrer Bewohner als eine Verräumlichung, Versicherheitlichung und Ethnisierung gesellschaftlicher Problemlagen interpretiert werden kann. On the 27th of October 2005, two teenagers on the run from police died in an electric power station in Clichy-sous-Bois, a northern banlieue of Paris. In the days that followed, riots broke out between suburban youth and the French gendarmerie and spread rapidly to other banlieues across France. Public discussions of the (sub-)urban riots framed them differently: as a consequence of urbanistic and socio-economic problems in specific places, as an expression of a growing criminality in the banlieues, and as a result of the failed integration of ethnically and religiously-defined social groups. This paper illuminates the history of the stigmatisation of the French banlieues and its inhabitants and presents the genealogy of the so-called “crisis of the banlieues”. Using lexicometric analysis, it shows that the stigmatisation of the banlieues and its inhabitants can be interpreted as a spatialisation, securitisation, and ethnicisation of social problems.

Seit den 1990er Jahren wurden Neubausiedlungen in Warschau zu großen Teilen als Gated Communities verwirklicht. Viele davon befinden sich am Rande oder inmitten von Großwohnsiedlungen, bei deren Errichtung in den 1960er bis 1980er Jahre große Flächen unbebaut geblieben waren. Hierdurch kommt es zu extremen städtebaulichen Gegensätzen von offenen Großwohnsiedlungen in Plattenbauweise sowie umzäunten und bewachten Apartmentkomplexen auf engstem Raum. Seit der Jahrtausendwende ist in Polen eine intensive öffentliche Debatte über diese beiden Siedlungsformen entbrannt. Der Artikel zeigt, dass mit dieser städtebaulichen Debatte nicht nur eine räumlich-städtebauliche Differenzierung einhergeht, sondern – über oft implizite Aussagen über „typische Bewohnerstrukturen“ – sich daran auch gesellschaftliche Differenzierungen festmachen und damit räumlich verankerte Identitätskonstruktionen (re-)produziert werden. Hiermit sind – vor allem im Falle der Plattenbausiedlungen – tiefgreifende Stigmatisierungen verbunden. Die Autoren analysieren solche stigmatisierenden Diskurse bzw. die grundsätzliche Frage, wie soziale Identitätskonstruktionen an räumliche Differenzierungen gekoppelt sind, am Beispiel von Warschau-Ursynów. Der Stadtteil umfasst die größte Großwohnsiedlung der polnischen Hauptstadt und ist zugleich durch umfangreiche postsozialistische städtebauliche Investitionen in Form von Gated Communities gekennzeichnet. Grundlage bildet ein Textkorpus aus Artikeln der polnischen Tageszeitung Gazeta Wyborcza sowie Transkrip- tionen eigener Experteninterviews. Since the 1990’s, new housing estates in Warsaw have predominantly been developed in the form of gated communities, many of them using unbuilt areas in large pre-fabricated housing estates from the socialist era. As a consequence, extreme polarization between different settlement types in close proximity with one another can be observed. Since the turn of the millennium, an intensive debate in the Polish media has arisen around these contrasting types of settlements. Based on our discourse analysis of statements in the media defining the typical inhabitants of gated communities and those of large housing estates, we are able to point out the way in which this urban debate (re)produces and reinforces hegemonic discours- es on the construction of identity in post-socialist Polish society. Bound up with these discourses – above all in the case of pre-fabricated housing estates – is a profound stigmatization.

Tolerance and equality are widespread norms in the official policy of many European countries. The educational system is an arena which even more than others is meant to foster equal opportunities by giving individuals the opportunity to strive for social mobility through their educational performance. Despite this, young people from ethnic minority backgrounds experience different forms of stigmatization in school and higher education, ranging from feeling marked as different to experiencing more explicit racism. This article analyses young people’s coping strategies in order to combat or avoid such stigmatization. We will analyse the possible reasons why young people choose a particular strategy in a given situation, how successful that choice is, and changes in their choice of strategies over time. We will discuss how earlier experiences of support, encouragement and respect (or the lack thereof) inform the extent to which young people choose more approaching than avoiding strategies as a response to perceived ethnic stigmatisation in the educational setting. The empirical basis of the article is a sample of 50 biographical interviews with young people of ethnic minority backgrounds living in Norway.

Der Künstler MC Nick rappt in einem seiner Songs „Ja ihr habt Recht, wir haben in Deutschland keine Ami-Ghettos, das hier ist Deutschland, wir haben andere Ghettos“; die Kulisse seiner Performance bildet eine Plattenbausiedlung. Der junge Hiphop- Interpret Eko Fresh beklagt in einem seiner Lieder „Junge denn ich leb’ im Gheddo, Grembranx1 oder Tempelhof (...) und ich bete jeden Tag, dass ich nicht hier bleiben muss“. Dazu erscheinen im Videoclip Schwarzweißbilder, in denen Plattenbausiedlungen, Waffen, Drogenkonsum und kriminelle Jugendliche zu sehen sind. Viele Videoclips aus der Sparte Hiphop bzw. Gangsta-Rap bedienen sich solcher Darstellungskonventionalitäten und tragen so zur Manifestierung oder gar Etablierung eines stigmatisierenden Ghetto-Diskurses bei. Innerhalb Deutschlands sind es vor allem Großwohnsiedlungen wie Berlin-Marzahn, München-Neuperlach oder Bremen-Tenever, die mit diesem Image gekennzeichnet sind. Durch die Videoclips bzw. die immer wiederkehrenden Bildkommunikate (Plattenbauten, Hochhäuser, Waffen, Kampfhunde, Drogen, Polizei) werden sie zu Orten der Gewalt, Verwahrlosung und Unsicherheit konstituiert. Dieses Negativimage haftet folglich auch den in den jeweiligen Bezirken lebenden BewohnerInnen an und führt zu weiteren Problemen (bspw. bei der Arbeitsplatzsuche). So sind Raumbilder fähig, die Gesellschaft zu ordnen. Der Aufsatz betrachtet aus diskurstheoretischer Perspektive die Konstitution von Alltagswissen innerhalb der Populärkultur und setzt einen besonderen Fokus auf die visuelle Ebene. Es geht darum herauszufinden, wie spezifische Stadträume innerhalb popkultureller Jugendmedien medial definiert werden und welchen Einfluss sie auf gesellschaftliche Wirklichkeitskonstitutionen haben. Dazu werden Musikvideoclips des Genres Hiphop/Gangsta-Rap einer semiotischen Bilddiskursanalyse unterzogen und auf ihren Beitrag zur medialen Produktion des Images städtischer Großwohnsiedlungen hin untersucht. Inwieweit die erzählten Bildergeschichten zur Reproduktion oder zum Aufbrechen des hegemonialen Ghetto-Diskurses beitragen, soll ebenfalls Überlegung finden. Artist MC Nick raps in one of his songs „Yes, you are right, in Germany we don’t have Ami-Ghettos, but this is Germany, we have different ghettos“; sourrounded by a large housing estate. The young Hiphop-performer Eko Fresh complains in one of his songs, „Man, I’m from the ghetto, Grembranx2 or Tempelhof (...) and I pray each day, not to live here any longer“. Black-and-white-pictures showing large housing estates, weapons, drugs and criminal kids appear in the videoclip. A lot of clips out of hiphop-genre or gangsta-rap use these pictures. By using these generalized pictures, the stigmatizing ghetto-discourse is strengthened or even created. Especially large housing estates like Berlin-Marzahn, München-Neuperlach or Bremen-Tenever are labeled with this ghetto-image. The above described videoclips and their elements (large housing estates, weapons, fighting dogs, drugs, plolice) create places of violence, neglect and insecurity. People living in these large housing estates are also stigmatized with this image, which implements other problems (e.g. when looking for a job). It shows – images of places are able to seperate society. The essay examines with a special focus on discourse theory the constitution of knowledge by popular culture with a stress on visual communication. The essay shows, how particular urban spaces are created by popular youthculture media like videoclips and how these videopclips are part of creating realities. Music-videoclips out of hiphop or gangsta-rap are examined with a semiotic visual discourse-analyses. The question is, how and in which way the music-clips are part of creating an image of large housing estates. Another question is, whether the story told by the videoclips breaks or strengthens the hegemonial ghetto-discourse.

Powerful media and political discourses constitute particular French banlieues as threatening places of social and cultural exclusion, which are framed, in an essentialist manner, as in opposition to the République. These hegemonic and often stigmatizing discourses are, however, contested: they are challenged by counter-hegemonic discourses speaker positions, which articulate - through struggle over meanings – other representations of the banlieues. Drawing a discourse theoretical and empirical approach, this paper examines the discursive production of stigmatized banlieues by counter-hegemonic speaker positions. How do counter-hegemonic discourses evoke alternative and politizised constructions of space and space-related identities? This work is informed empirically through an enunciative analysis of rap music and the social movement Forum Social des Quartiers Populaires, both serving as examples of emancipatory speaker positions that define themselves through spatial exclusion. The analysis shows that examined speaker positions tend to inverse hegemonic representations of the banlieues and their inhabitants regarding questions of urban insecurity. At the same time they extend the discourse by making underrepresented inhabitants discursively visible or by relating sensitive socio-historical issues (of colonization) with the banlieues. Wirkmächtige mediale und politische Diskurse konstituieren bestimmte französische banlieues als bedrohliche Orte der sozialen und kulturellen Exklusion, welche der République essentialistisch entgegengesetzt werden. Die hegemonialen, zumeist stigmatisierenden Zuschreibungen bleiben jedoch umstritten: Sie werden in Diskursen gegenhegemonialer Sprecherpositionen angefochten, die über Deutungskämpfe um selbige Orte andere Repräsentationen der banlieues artikulieren. Ziel des Beitrags ist ein Versuch, sich der diskursiven Herstellung stigmatisierter banlieue-Viertel durch gegenhegemoniale Sprecherpositionen diskurstheoretisch und empirisch zu nähern. Dabei wird den Fragen nachgegangen, wie gegenhegemoniale Diskurse alternative sowie politisierte Raumkonst- ruktionen bzw. raumbezogene Identitäten zu banlieues hervorbringen. Den empirischen Zugang mittels Aussagenanalysen bilden sowohl Rap-Musik sowie die soziale Bewegung Forum Social des Quartiers Populaires als Beispiele für emanzipatorische Sprecherpositionen, die sich über räumliche Exklusion definieren. Die Analyse zeigt, dass untersuchte Sprecherpositionen die Repräsentationen hegemonialer Diskurse zu banlieues und ihren BewohnerInnen bzgl. Unsicherheitsfragen z.T. verkehren. Gleichzeitig erweitern sie den Diskurs durch Sichtbarmachung unterrepräsentierter Gruppen oder der Verknüpfung sensibler soziohistorischer Fragen (der Kolonialgeschichte) mit den banlieues.

Objetivo: Apreender as representações sociais da hanseníase para o ex-doente do Hospital Colônia Getúlio Vargas, Bayeux/PB. Método: Estudo de abordagem qualitativa e representacional. Resultados: O habitus foi definido através do tempo longo e o tempo vivido na construção de comportamentos situacionais e das diversidades. O contexto asilar é revelado através do tempo. Na esfera da religiosidade, o seu adoecimento é compreendido como uma herança de um castigo divino. O contato com a sociedade como aspecto caritativo não diminuiu o sentimento de excluído pelo preconceito e estigma que permeia o portador de hanseníase. Conclusão: Podemos inferir que, ao recontar sua vida, os sujeitos vivenciaram uma condição quase-experimental, rememorando histórias marcantes naquele contexto. Descritores: Hanseníase; Representações sociais; Pesquisa metodológica em enfermagem.&nbsp

This article, based on empirical findings of a research project, chronicles those people who were sanctioned by political criminal law in the 50s and 60s of the last century. This example of West German Communists shows that they were not only seen to be public enemies from the political and legal point of view, but were also seen as such through discursive processes of interpretation. The central questions of this article are: 1. What effects did these processes of stigmatisation and exclusion have on the lives of the persons involved?; and 2. What were the consequences for political culture? Political culture is defined here as figuration (Norbert ELIAS). It is constitutive for a figuration, that it is an interdependent net in which different actors generate politics of definition and knowledge. At the same time, this article puts forward a methodological suggestion for discussion—an alliance of sociological biographical research with perspectives derived from discourse analysis. This would lead to an approach that could be described as political analysis based on cultural-historical perspectives and the sociology of knowledge. This approach would allow for a triangulated interpretation of political processes., Este artículo, basado en descubrimientos empíricos de un proyecto de investigación, hace una crónica de aquellas personas que fueron sancionados por la ley de política criminal en los 50's y 60's del último siglo. Este ejemplo de los comunistas alemanes del oeste muestra que no solo fueron vistos como enemigos públicos desde el punto de vista político y legal, también fueron vistos a través de procesos discursivos de interpretación. Las preguntas centrales de este articulo son: 1. ¿Qué efectos tuvieron estos procesos de estigmatización y exclusión en la vida de las personas involucradas y 2. ¿Cuáles fueron las consecuencias para la cultura política? La cultura política es definida aquí como una figuración (Norbert ELIAS). Se constituye por una figuración que es una red interdependiente en la cual diferentes actores generan políticas de definición y conocimiento. Al mismo tiempo, este artículo avanza hacia una sugerencia metodológica a discusión – una alianza de la investigación biográfica sociológica con perspectivas derivadas del análisis discursivo. Lo cual guiará a un enfoque que puede describirse como un análisis político basado en perspectivas histórico-culturales y sociología del conocimiento. Este enfoque permitiría una interpretación triangulada de los procesos políticos., Der Beitrag handelt, basierend auf empirischen Ergebnissen eines Forschungsprojekts, von Personen, die in den 1950er und 1960er Jahren nach politischem Strafrecht sanktioniert wurden. Am Beispiel von westdeutschen Kommunistinnen und Kommunisten wird gezeigt, dass sie nicht nur im Rahmen politischer und justizieller Praxis, sondern auch innerhalb diskursiver Deutungsprozesse zu Staatsfeindinnen und -feinden wurden. Welche lebensgeschichtlichen Wirkungen diese politischen Stigmatisierungen und Exklusionsvorgänge für die Beteiligten hatten und welche Konsequenzen sich für die politische Kultur daraus ergaben, sind die Leitfragen des Artikels. Die politische Kultur wird in Anlehnung an Norbert ELIAS als Figuration begriffen. Konstitutiv für eine Figuration ist, dass sie ein Interdependenzgeflecht unterschiedlicher Akteur/innen darstellt, die in diesem Handlungs- und Diskursrahmen Definitions- und Wissenspolitiken betreiben. Zugleich stellt der Beitrag einen methodologischen Vorschlag zur Verknüpfung von soziologischer Biografieforschung mit diskursanalytischen Perspektiven zur Diskussion, der in einen Ansatz einer kulturhistorisch informierten, wissenssoziologisch fundierten Politikanalyse mündet. Für diesen Ansatz ist eine Methodentriangulation zentral.

"Die Verminderung sozialer Ungleichheit gehört in vielen Ländern zu den Kernzielen der Politik. Einzelne Elemente der Gesundheitspolitik können aber Folgen haben, die diesem allgemeinen Ziel entgegenwirken. Das zeigt das Beispiel der NichtraucherschutzPolitik. Das Rauchen wird sozial stigmatisiert, und den Rauchern, die in zunehmendem Maße aus den ärmeren Schichten kommen, wird abweichendes Sozialverhalten vorgeworfen. Dies führt zu einer Verschärfung gesellschaftlicher Trennungen, die eigentlich aufgehoben werden sollen."[Autorenreferat] "In many countries the reduction of social inequalities in health is an important policy goal. Some populationbased public health interventions, however, may have effects that in practise conflict with these objectives. Current antismoking policies, for instance, are framing smoking as a deviant, undesirable, and morally repugnant behaviour. The discourse embraced by tobacco control and public health may be contributing to the stigmatization of smokers, thus adding to the process of “lumpenization” of smoking and ultimately the social exclusion of economically disadvantaged smokers."[author´s abstract]

"Die Kritische Diskursanalyse der aktuellen Debatte über die Impfung gegen Humane Papilloma Viren (HPV) zeigt, dass die als 'Impfung gegen Krebs' betitelte Kampagne von einer Medikalisierung und Pathogenisierung des weiblichen Körpers flankiert wird. Aus medizin- und geschlechtersoziologischer Perspektive ist festzustellen, dass die Neu-Konfiguration der Krankheit Krebs als Infektionskrankheit mit einer Neu-Konfiguration des Mädchenkörpers als behandlungsbedürftig und ansteckend einhergeht." (Autorenreferat) "A critical discourse analysis of the current HPV debate in Germany shows that the major campaign 'vaccination against cancer' goes hand in hand with the medicalization and pathogenization of the female body. From a sociological perspective, the recent confi guration of cancer as a viral infectious disease cooperates with the confi guration of girls' bodies as sick and contagious." (author's abstract)