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In 1991, Philomena Essed highlighted the importance of studying contemporary racism, focusing on the interplay between the macro‐social dimension and its constant reactivation in everyday interactions. Later, psychologists redefined the pervasive experience of racism in everyday encounters in terms of racial microaggressions. Migrants and asylum seekers today constitute “ideal” candidates for this kind of experience. This is due to the persistent historical processes that harken back to Western colonialism and imperialism, as well as the growing hostility towards people migrating from the Global South. This hostility has been brewing for several decades in Western countries, and it manifests in both everyday informal interactions and institutional contexts, where migrants and asylum seekers constantly face racist attitudes.

This study was an initial qualitative exploration to (a) capture varied experiences of racial microaggressions directed at Chinese immigrant women before and during Covid and (b) investigate different forms and levels of microaggressions based on socioeconomic status, age, and other characteristics. Racial microaggressions were examined by interviewing 12 foreign‐born, Chinese immigrant women aged 23 to 80 years old, with most of the participants identified as middle class or above. Building upon previous scholarship on racial and gendered microaggressions, an analytical framework was developed using 12 major themes to identify and interpret discriminatory behaviors. Our main findings suggest that the research sample encountered more blatant hate incidents and expressed heightened concern over their physical safety in the post‐Covid period. Young women, compared to their older counterparts, were more inclined to report microaggression episodes and distinguish more subtle forms of discrimination. These findings could serve as preliminary evidence for future research.

Im Artikel wird das sozialpädagogische Handeln mit rechten Jugendlichen in den 1990er-Jahren unter einer genderreflektierenden Perspektive rekonstruiert, wobei der Begriff Männlichkeit und dessen theoretische Konzeptionierung als Analyseinstrument dient. Unter dem Einbezug männlichkeitstheoretischer Überlegungen wird exemplarisch ein genauerer Blick auf eine Interviewsequenz mit einer ehemaligen Fachkraft geworfen, die in den frühen 1990er-Jahren in der Jugendarbeit mit rechten Jugendlichen tätig war. Der Artikel beschäftigt sichmit der Frage, welche Auswirkungen aufgrund des fehlenden Einbezugs von genderreflektierender Perspektiven in die Ausgestaltung der Jugendarbeit mit rechten Jugendlichen Anfang der 1990er-Jahre auszumachen sind. Diskutiert wird, welche Folgen die fehlende Markierung, Auseinandersetzung und (kritische) Bearbeitung von männlichen Inszenierungspraxen hatte, inwiefern der fehlende Einbezug von genderreflektierenden Perspektiven zu einer Entpolitisierung von Männlichkeiten führte und welche Auswirkungen dabei im Umkehrschluss auf die Tradierung von Ideologien der Ungleichwertigkeit sowie auf rechtsextreme Szenebildungsprozesse auszumachen sind. n the 1990 s, the former GDR faced increasing juvenile violence by right-wing youth in many major cities and the landscape. This article reconstructs social pedagogy's approach from a gender-informed point of view while using theoretical concepts of masculinity as an analysis tool. Based on an interview sequence with a professional who worked with right-wing youth and research on masculinities, the social-pedagogical conduct and policies pursued at the time are considered. The article addresses the risk of not defining or examining masculinity based on the studies above. The article demonstrates how the lack of gender-reflective perspectives has led to a depoliticization of masculinities and how this affected the prevalence of ideologies of inequality within this right-wing scene.

Wenn ein Land wie die Bundesrepublik ökonomisch, materiell und kulturell auseinanderdriftet, gehört sein Zerfall in sozialräumlicher Hinsicht zu den brisantesten Folgen. Mit der sich vertiefenden Kluft zwischen Arm und Reich nimmt daher auch die sozialräumliche Ungleichheit in Form der residentiellen Segregation zwangsläufig zu. Einerseits ziehen sich Wohlhabende, Reiche und Hyperreiche teilweise in Luxusquartiere (Gated Communities) hinter hohe Mauern zurück, wo sie häufig von privaten Sicherheitsdiensten bewacht werden; andererseits werden Arbeitslose und Arme wegen steigender Mieten vermehrt aus ihren angestammten Quartieren verdrängt, was zu vermehrter Wohnungs- und Obdachlosigkeit führt. Angehörige der Mittelschicht geraten ebenfalls unter Druck, weil sie etwa nach einem beruflich notwendigen Umzug trotz ihres gesicherten Einkommens die hohe Miete für eine neue Wohnung nicht bezahlen können. Weshalb diese Ungleichheit des Wohnens entstanden und aufgrund der Covid-19-Pandemie noch gewachsen ist, wird im Folgenden genauso behandelt wie die Frage, was die „Ampel“-Koalition aus SPD, Bündnis 90/Die Grünen und FDP dagegen zu tun gedenkt und welche politischen Alternativen existieren.

Der Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit spezifischen Armutslagen von Frauen, wobei der Marginalisierungsbegriff in den Mittelpunkt gerückt wird. Die drei Phänomene Armut, Gewalterfahrungen und Wohnungslosigkeit werden als zentrale Aspekte des Alltags von marginalisierten Frauen bestimmt und dargestellt. Insgesamt sind in der sozialen Ungleichheitsforschung Studien zu gesellschaftlicher Marginalisierung schon rar, empirische Untersuchungen (quantitativ wie qualitativ) zur Marginalisierung von Frauen sind noch seltener. Anhand von neun Interviews mit armen und marginalisierten Frauen, die mit der dokumentarischen Methode ausgewertet wurden, verdeutlicht der Beitrag, wie die Befragten ihren Alltag gestalten und wie sie mit ihrer Armut und Marginalisierung umgehen. Somit wird eine Perspektive verfolgt, die von den Frauen selbst ausgeht und zeigt, wie sie diese Phänomene konkret erfahren und mit ihnen umgehen. Zentral dabei ist der Kampf der befragten Frauen um gesellschaftliche Respektabilität. The article deals with the specific poverty of women, focusing on the concept of marginalisation. The three phenomena poverty, violence and homelessness are identified and presented as central aspects of the everyday lives of marginalised women. Overall, studies on social marginalisation are already rare in social inequality research, empirical studies (quantitative as well as qualitative) on the marginalisation of women are even rarer. Based on nine interviews with poor and marginalised women, which were analysed using the documentary method, the article illustrates how the interviewees shape their everyday lives and how they deal with their poverty and marginalisation. The perspective chosen starts from the women themselves and shows how they experience and deal with these phenomena. Central to this is the struggle for social respectability.

Ecuador has one of the most progressive constitutions in Latin America. It defines the state as plurinational and guarantees collective rights to Indigenous people and even to Nature itself. At the same time, the oil sector has been of strategic importance and “national interest” to both right‐ and left‐wing governments for the last decades, contributing with its rents and revenues to around one‐third of the state coffers. Therefore, the extractivist model remains unchallenged and still promises development—while reproducing systemic inequalities and a “continuum of violence.” In June 2022, the Indigenous movement called for a nationwide strike to draw attention to the socio‐economic crisis following the pandemic. The authorities harshly repressed the mobilization and a racializing media discourse demarcated the “Indigenous” agenda from the needs of “all Ecuadorians,” classifying the protesters as “terrorists” and thus, a threat to the nation. Drawing on ethnographic research, this article discusses the role of extractivism in social mobilization. Exploring the future of social protest in Ecuador in the face of new pressures like climate change and the energy transition, it argues that extractivist patterns will change globally and amplify social discontent and mobilization.

Este estudio se ha realizado parcialmente en el marco del proyecto de investigación B-SEJ-418-UGR20 financiado por el FEDER/Junta de Andalucía-Consejería de Transformación Económica, Industria, Conocimiento y Universidades., The workplace is currently one of the main places of discrimination for socially vulnerable groups such as immigrant work‐ ers, who are often required to take on highly stigmatized, menial jobs under supervisors who subject them to daily mis‐ treatment and racism. This study adopted a qualitative approach to 42 semi‐structured interviews of Ecuadorian immi‐ grant workers residing in Spain to explore the processes of discrimination these laborers feel in their everyday workplaces. The findings clearly indicate that immigrant workers can be victims of daily discrimination, which is evidenced by the higher degree of scrutiny and lower levels of trust they suffer compared to their Spanish counterparts, and by their super‐ visors’ lack of compliance with contractual agreements. As these immigrants are obliged to take on less qualified jobs, they suffer from a lack of recognition and a sense of being undervalued. This analysis also gathered evidence of intervie‐ wees’ daily humiliations imparted by their supervisors—and even, at times, by work colleagues—in the form of racial slurs, verbal abuse, and unequal treatment, leaving them feeling powerless and helpless. Most of our respondents in fact find themselves in a predicament they do not know how to confront and cannot reject. All of these factors lead to feelings of humiliation and lack of independence

In an increasingly hostile environment for refugees in the UK and the “everyday bordering” that creates exclusionary effects for refugees and migrants, this article examines how refugee women of diverse backgrounds enact resistance practices through volunteering to challenge everyday microaggressions and social exclusion. We draw on in‐depth qualitative research with members of a support group for refugee women established by a local charity in England. We find that the support group not only allows the refugee women to foster a strong sense of solidarity in the face of everyday microaggressions; it also facilitates the women’s volunteering activities in the local community. Applying the concept of “differentiated embedding,” we argue that such activities enable these women to build wider social connections and skills for future employment and, crucially, develop emotional and linguistic resources to critique dominant exclusionary discourses and policies towards refugees through the idea of “contribution” and “giving back.” In so doing, we contribute to renewed interest in the concept of integration to highlight the agency of refugee women in creating differentiated embedding in a hostile environment.

This article critically examines the application of an innovative project aimed at developing a mechanism for people with intellectual disabilities to provide input to the Icelandic government’s report on its implementation of the Convention on the Rights of Persons With Disabilities (CRPD). The project was undertaken to comply with the CRPD’s obligation to ensure the participation of disabled people in the review process and to respond to the recognized need for changes to consultation processes to accommodate the needs of people with intellectual disabilities. The project was successful in producing its intended outcome, to facilitate meaningful input by people with intellectual disabilities to the national review process. However, the research reveals that effective use of the outcome report by the authorities, which had both funded the project and praised its work, was lacking. These findings draw attention to the need to address unspoken norms and biases, and to take assertive steps to institutionalize a more structured and transparent process of co‐creation to ensure that the voices of marginalized groups are in fact heard and effectively taken into account in outcome processes. The research this article draws on is qualitative, comprised of data gathered through document analysis, as well as in‐depth interviews with representatives of disabled people’s organizations and the authorities.

Identity exploration and formation is a core rumination for young people. This is heightened in youth where flux and transition are characteristic of this liminal state and intensified further in contexts where identity is disputed and opposed, such as in Northern Ireland. In this post‐colonial setting, the indigenous Irish language and community recently gained some statutory protections, but the status and place of the Irish‐speaking population continue to be strongly opposed. Drawing on focus group data with 40 young people involved in the emerging field of Irish‐medium youth work, this article explores how informal education offers an approach and setting for the development of identities in contested societies. Principles of emancipation, autonomy, and identity formation underpin the field of youth work and informal education. This dialogical approach to learning and welfare focuses on the personal and social development of young people and troubles those systems that marginalise and diminish their place in society. This article identifies how this youth work approach builds on language development to bring to life a new social world and space for Irish‐speaking young people. It identifies political activism and kinship development as key components in strengthening individual and collective identity. This article proposes a shift in emphasis from the language‐based formal education sector to exploit the under‐recognised role of informal education in the development of youth identity, cultural belonging, and language revitalisation.

In this article, we argue that the concept of racial microaggression is a white supremacy construct that is an ideological and discursive anti‐Black practice. We discuss how microaggressions’ reduction of historical and hegemonic white supremacy to everyday relations that are merely performative, not integral to sustaining such larger forces, is an analytical shortcoming. We contend that without the adequate heft of historical white supremacy as a part of capitalist and colonial expansion, genocide, and Indigenous erasure, microaggression scholars will remain enthralled with the idea that individual behavior changes can eradicate anti‐Black violence.

This thematic issue focuses on critical, insightful, and innovative strategic approaches to social inclusion through a change in social systems. Contributions propose effective and responsive approaches, principles, practices, and/or models for impactful systemic change towards meaningful and practical social inclusion in our institutions, communities, and societies, adopting a systemic view—a wide‐angle lens—to explore opportunities for transformation.

The Coronavirus pandemic has caused significant disruption and change in most aspects of society, and there are concerns that disabled people may be particularly disadvantaged. This article, written by disabled activists and non‐disabled allies, shares data extrapolated from focus groups regarding the lived experiences of twelve disabled people and disability allies during the Covid‐19 pandemic, eleven of whom were based in the UK, and one based in Iraq. We describe the key issues and learning points from this data, arguing that the measures taken by the government and organisations to protect the public during the pandemic have instead brought to the fore long‐standing ableist narratives regarding which bodies are valuable in society. This ableist agenda has acted to control and silence the voices of disabled people by objectifying disability and defining “pre‐existing health conditions” as being more expendable, and therefore less worthy of attention during the pandemic. In presenting our position for change and call to action, we will argue that it is only when disabled people’s experiences and voices are heard in decision‐making that policymakers can begin to learn from the inequalities that have been demonstrated through the pandemic. Here, we will introduce our Wellcome Trust‐funded “We Are the People” Disability Research Collective programme (2021–2026). This programme develops a new disability activist‐led research network, whereby disabled people can conduct research into topics that are important to them.

Volunteering is an important form of social participation, and significant for social integration into society. However, not all population groups have engaged in volunteering in equal proportions, even before the COVID-19 pandemic. This chapter examines how access to volunteering changed for individual population groups in the second half of life during the Covid-19 pandemic, and whether the pandemic contributed to an increase in inequality in volunteering.

The purpose of this article is to contribute new insights to critical disability and disabled children’s childhood studies that center on the valuing of disabled children’s lives—a guiding purpose in the disability justice movement. We use published findings from the Inclusive Early Childhood Service System project, a longitudinal, institutional ethnography of the ways that families and children are organized around categories of disability, which show social inclusions and exclusions before and during the pandemic. These findings illuminate: (a) institutional flexibility for the purpose of social inclusion and isolation during the pandemic as a result of institutional organization; (b) the impact of institutional decisions around closures, remote programs, and support on families’ choices and self‐determination; and (3) the ways safety is differently applied and rationalized for disabled children allowing institutions to exclude disabled children and families. We use critical disability studies and disabled children’s childhood studies to interpret these findings and position the valuing of disabled children’s lives with a call for disability justice actions.

Mindestsicherungssysteme dienen in den meisten entwickelten Wohlfahrtsstaaten als Sicherheitsnetz letzter Instanz. Dementsprechend spielen sie gerade in wirtschaftlichen Krisenzeiten eine besondere Rolle. Inwieweit Mindestsicherungssysteme in Zeiten der Krise beansprucht werden, hängt auch von der Ausprägung vorgelagerter Sozialschutzsysteme ab. Diese Studie untersucht die Bedeutung von Systemen der Mindestsicherung sowie vorgelagerter Systeme wie Arbeitslosenversicherung, Kurzarbeit und arbeitsrechtlichem Bestandsschutz für die Krisenfestigkeit in Europa. Im Kontext der Finanzkrise von 2008/2009 und der Corona-Krise wird die Fähigkeit sozialpolitischer Maßnahmen untersucht, Armut und Einkommens­verluste einzudämmen und gesellschaftliche Ausgrenzung zu vermeiden. Die Studie setzt dabei auf quantitative und qualitative Methoden, etwa multivariate Analysen, Mikrosimulationsmethoden sowie eingehende Fallstudien der Länder Dänemark, Frankreich, Irland, Polen und Spanien, die für unterschiedliche Typen von Wohlfahrtsstaaten stehen. The aim of this study is to analyse the role of social policies in different European welfare states regarding minimum income protection and active inclusion. The core focus lies on crisis resilience, i.e. the capacity of social policy arrangements to contain poverty and inequality and avoid exclusion before, during and after periods of economic shocks. To achieve this goal, the study expands its analytical focus to include other tiers of social protection, in particular upstream systems such as unemployment insurance, job retention and employment protection, as they play an additional and potentially prominent role in providing income and job protection in situations of crisis. A mixed-method approach is used that combines quantitative and qualitative research, such as descriptive and multivariate quantitative analyses, microsimulation methods and in-depth case studies. The study finds consistent differences in terms of crisis resilience across countries and welfare state types. In general, Nordic and Continental European welfare states with strong upstream systems and minimum income support (MIS) show better outcomes in core socio-economic outcomes such as poverty and exclusion risks. However, labour market integration shows some dualisms in Continental Europe. The study shows that MIS holds particular importance if there are gaps in upstream systems or cases of severe and lasting crises.

In diesem Beitrag wird die aktuelle soziale Lage in Österreich einschließlich der drängenden sozialen Herausforderungen anhand der Dimensionen "soziale Ungleichheit und soziale Spaltung", "soziale Risiken und soziale Ungewissheit" sowie "soziale Bedürfnisse und soziale Probleme" analysiert. Wir skizzieren dann die Architektur des konservativen österreichischen Wohlfahrtsstaats. Vor allem seit der COVID-Krise werden neben dem traditionellen Instrumentarium sozialpolitischer Interventionen zunehmend diskretionäre Maßnahmen gesetzt. Aus den konstatierten Herausforderungen für die Sozialpolitik und den diagnostizierten Lücken in der Absicherung leiten wir Überlegungen zu einer progressiven Weiterentwicklung des österreichischen Sozialstaats ab, die sich aus den einleitend beschriebenen Dimensionen ableiten lassen: Den Herausforderungen "soziale Ungleichheit und soziale Spaltung" setzen wir die Zielsetzungen "soziale Gleichheit und Solidarität" entgegen. Den Herausforderungen "soziale Risiken und soziale Ungewissheit" stellen wir die Zielsetzungen "soziale Sicherheit und Schaffung von Freiräumen zur Lebensgestaltung" gegenüber. "Soziale Bedürfnisse und soziale Probleme" sollten adressiert werden, indem auf die Zielsetzungen "soziale Rechte und Daseinsvorsorge" fokussiert wird. This contribution analyses the current social situation in Austria, including the pressing social challenges, according to the dimensions "social inequality and social divisions", "social risks and social uncertainty" and "social needs and social problems". We then provide an overview of the architecture of the Austrian welfare state, which is traditionally defined as being part of the conservative welfare state regime. Especially since the Covid-19 crisis, discretionary instruments to target the specific challenges of the crisis have complemented traditional measures of Austrian social policy. Based on our analysis of current challenges and gaps in terms of social security provision, we conclude by discussing elements for a progressively-oriented further development of the Austrian welfare state: We argue to counter challenges of "social inequality and social divisions" with policies aimed at achieving "social equality and solidarity". Challenges of "social risks and social uncertainty" should be addressed by focusing on "social security and capacities to realize the plans for one's life". "Social needs and social problems" ought to be tackled by focusing on "social rights and public services".

Wohlfahrtsstaaten sehen sich vor dem Hintergrund multipler Krisen mit neuen Herausforderungen bei der Bekämpfung von Armut konfrontiert. Der Beitrag zeigt, dass geringe Einkommen, hohe Lebenshaltungskosten und schwierige Wohnsituationen zunehmend mit Armut zusammenhängen - und in der Armutsberichterstattung nicht nur abgebildet, sondern auch zeitnah erhoben und zur Verfügung gestellt werden müssen. Insgesamt kommen wir zu dem Schluss, dass zur effektiven Bekämpfung von Armut nicht nur die Reduktion von Einkommensarmut entscheidend ist, sondern auch die Sicherstellung eines ausreichenden Lohnwachstums und die Bereitstellung von öffentlichen Gütern und Dienstleistungen zur Sicherung eines guten Lebensstandards. In der Armutsberichterstattung werden neben Informationen zur Einkommensarmut zunehmend Informationen zu Lebenshaltungskosten sowie zu Wohnbedingungen relevant. Traditionelle Instrumente und diskretionäre Maßnahmen prägen das institutionelle Gefüge des österreichischen Wohlfahrtsstaates: Lücken gibt es aber nach wie vor. Maßnahmen zur Prävention von Delogierungen werden aktuell noch angeboten - und müssen angesichts der hohen Inflation noch länger zugänglich gemacht werden. Against the background of multiple crises, welfare states face increasing challenges in maintaining living standards and combatting poverty. This contribution reviews the evidence with respect to poverty (risk) and homelessness in Austria, while assessing welfare state change in the past decade. It supplements traditional income-based measures with a discussion of material indicators of poverty, and discusses the important role of living costs and housing for the analysis of poverty in particular. Overall, the analysis highlights the need for policy-makers not only to rely on employment as a poverty reduction strategy, but also to ensure wage growth and the provision of basic goods and services to keep the cost of living moderate. In addition to well-known correlates of poverty, such as unemployment, high living costs and difficult housing conditions become increasingly important in shaping poverty. A combination of traditional social policy instruments and discretionary policies, some of which more lasting than others, dominated the Austrian welfare state recently. Measures to prevent evictions for households struggling with the cost of living are still in place, and ought to be maintained given the current high inflation rates.

This thematic issue addresses the challenges faced by Indigenous peoples in protecting their rights and maintaining their unique cultures and ways of life. Despite residing on all continents and possessing distinct social, cultural, economic, and political characteristics, Indigenous peoples have historically faced oppression and violation of their rights. Measures to protect Indigenous rights are gradually being recognized by the international community, but ongoing issues such as illegal deforestation, mining, and land clearances continue to desecrate sacred sites and oppress Indigenous peoples. Indigenous women and youth are particularly vulnerable, facing higher levels of gender‐based violence and overrepresentation in judicial sentencing statistics. Land rights continue to be threatened by natural resource extraction, infrastructure projects, large‐scale agricultural expansion, and conservation orders. There is also a heightened risk of statelessness for Indigenous peoples whose traditional lands cross national borders, leading to displacement, attacks, killings, and criminalization.

Einsames Sterben und ein sozial unbegleitetes Lebensende sind alltägliche, doch häufig verborgene soziale Probleme. In einer vielschichtigen sozialwissenschaftlichen Analyse verknüpft die Autorin Erkenntnisse der Einsamkeits-, Sterbe- und Ungleichheitsforschung im städtischen Raum zu innovativen Ergebnissen. Sie veranschaulicht die Ambivalenzen eines einsamen und unentdeckten Todes als Endpunkt einer abwärts gerichteten Spirale der Einsamkeit und sozialen Isolation bzw. Exklusion. Die Feldforschung in einem sterbenden Sozialraum gibt marginalisierten Menschen das Wort, die sonst nicht gehört werden, und lässt die Leser*innen teils beklommen zurück.

Die Gegenwart spart nicht mit gesellschaftlichen und ökonomischen Herausforderungen: Wir erleben in Österreich immense Teuerungsraten, entsprechend hohen finanziellen Druck für viele Haushalte, zunehmende Ungleichheit, wachsende Unsicherheit und starke Polarisierungstendenzen in der Gesellschaft und spüren die Folgen der Klimakrise immer stärker. Vor diesem Hintergrund fällt es nicht leicht, den Überblick über wichtige Entwicklungslinien in zentralen Politikfeldern zu bewahren und gut abgestimmte, fortschrittliche Perspektiven für die Weiterentwicklung des Wohlfahrtsstaates zu bieten. Mit der vorliegenden Publikation wollen wir rezente Analysen zu verschiedenen Themen- und Politikbereichen zusammenführen und damit einen aktuellen kritischen Überblick über die österreichische Sozialpolitik geben. Da derzeit noch kein aktueller Sozialbericht des Sozialministeriums vorliegt, soll unsere Publikation auch einen Beitrag dazu leisten, diese Lücke zu schließen.

The coronavirus pandemic necessitated rapid, radical changes to global systems, structures, and organisations across all areas of life, including education, healthcare, and social services. These changes were something of a double‐edged sword. On the one hand, widespread adoption of the kinds of remote‐working technologies long advocated for by disabled people opened up possibilities for inclusion. On the other, some people's inability to access such technologies, together with increased social isolation, exacerbated forms of exclusion. This thematic issue considers what lessons can be learned from the pandemic in striving to design a future which is more inclusive for all. In this editorial, we provide a brief overview of some of the major challenges the pandemic created for disabled people, who were disproportionately negatively affected by it. We also suggest that a disability rights lens is a useful way of highlighting both the contingency of disability and the need for more responsive and humane healthcare systems. The editorial goes on to outline the opportunities to challenge entrenched ableism and create a "new normal" the pandemic afforded. It concludes by offering a thematic overview of the articles in this thematic issue, which together reveal a complex pattern of inclusions and exclusions, interdependence, and intersectionality.

This study investigates the lived experiences of racial microaggressions faced by young adult migrants in everyday life in Glasgow, UK. The personal stories reported in this study are a direct challenge to the dominant political narrative that Scotland does not have a racism problem. When faced with this discord between narrative and reality, young adultmigrants in Scotland must negotiate both their own lived experiences and biographical narratives to achieve a sense of security. A narrative enquiry methodology is used to explore mundane and everyday interactions for four young adult migrants who have settled in Glasgow over the last 10 years. These accounts of daily life offer a unique view into the everyday racism and racialmicroaggressions faced by this group. Additionally, the opinions of selected Scottish politicians have been collected to gather an additional viewpoint on racism in Scotland. A theoretical perspective stemming from ontological security theory contributes to the racial microaggressions literature in unpacking how individual migrants negotiate traumatic experiences of racism and manage their identities. The analysis explores how migrant individuals may employ coping mechanisms and adopt distinct behaviours to minimise the daily trauma of racism and microaggressions experienced in Scotland. This study, therefore, highlights the potential for interdisciplinary research on racism, narrative, and security studies, and the opportunities for bringing together these distinct perspectives.

Im Beitrag geht es um die Frage, warum und inwiefern Menschen mit Behinderungen als "Zielgruppe" österreichischer Sozialpolitik vergessen werden. Dies hat konkrete Auswirkungen auf die Lebenssituation von Menschen mit Behinderungen. Was Behinderung ist, ist dabei ebenso wichtig wie behindertenpolitische Entwicklungen. Die Ratifikation der UN-Konvention über die Rechte von Menschen mit Behinderungen markiert einen Paradigmenwechsel, der nur langsam umgesetzt wird. Die COVID-19-Pandemie verstärkt hingegen Haltungen, die Menschen mit Behinderungen zum Randthema sozialpolitischer Fragen machen. Dadurch wird Menschen mit Behinderungen der gleichberechtigte Zugang zu sozialpolitischen Maßnahmen verwehrt. Menschen mit Behinderungen werden sozialpolitisch als vergessene Randgruppe behandelt, und dies hat direkte Auswirkungen auf ein gutes und Selbstbestimmtes Leben. Die UN-Konvention über die Rechte von Menschen mit Behinderungen markiert einen Paradigmenwechsel in Bezug auf Behinderung, der in Österreich nur langsam umgesetzt wird. Menschen mit Behinderungen werden immer noch als Empfänger:innen von Almosen und nicht als Träger:innen von Rechten verstanden. This contribution addresses the question why and how persons with disabilities are ignored as a “target group” within Austrian welfare policies, which directly impacts the living conditions of persons with disabilities. In this context, definitions of disability and developments with regard to disability policies need to be discussed. The ratification of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities marks a slowly implemented paradigm shift. In contrast, the Covid-19 pandemic reinforced perceptions that make persons with disabilities a marginal issue with regard to welfare questions. As a result, persons with disabilities are denied equal access to welfare measures. With regard to welfare policies, persons with disabilities are treated as a forgotten marginal group with a direct impact on their ability to live good and independent lives. The UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities marks a slowly implemented paradigm shift with regard to disability. Nevertheless, persons with disabilities are perceived as recipients of charity rather than holders of rights.

Vermögen ist in Österreich sehr ungleich verteilt. Seit der HFCS-Vermögenserhebung der Oesterreichischen Nationalbank (OeNB) und von Wissenschaftler:innen durchgeführten Hochschätzungen lässt sich besser beziffern, wie groß die Vermögenskonzentration tatsächlich ist. Österreich steht innerhalb der Eurozone mit an der Spitze der Vermögensungleichheit. Die große Mehrheit der in Österreich lebenden Bevölkerung empfindet die bestehende Vermögensverteilung als ungerecht. Vermögensteuern sind ein Weg, die Schieflage zu reduzieren. Das reichste 1 % verfügt über rund 40 % des gesamten Nettovermögens, während die ärmere Hälfte gerade einmal 2,8 % des Nettovermögens besitzt. Die hohe Vermögenskonzentration hat negative wirtschaftliche, demokratiepolitische und ökologische Konsequenzen. Der Überreichtum kann durch Vermögenssteuern reduziert werden. In Austria, wealth is very unequally distributed. Thanks to the HFCS wealth survey conducted by the Austrian National Bank and projections by researchers, it has become easier to quantify the actual extent of wealth concentration. Regarding wealth, Austria is one of the most unequal countries in the Euro area. The vast majority of the population of Austria perceives the existing distribution of wealth as unfair. Wealth taxes are one way to reduce this imbalance. The richest 1 % owns around 40 % of the total net wealth, while the poorer half owns just 2.8 % of net wealth. High wealth concentration has negative impacts on economy, democracy, and the environment. Wealth concentration can be reduced through the introduction of wealth taxes.

At its height, the Covid‐19 pandemic dispersed across society a perception of bodyminded contingency that ushered in modes of “building community” that were unimaginable in pre‐pandemic times, alongside an intensification of health and social inequalities. From the start, disabled people intervened on social media to stress the considerable extent to which the pre‐pandemic knowledge derived from their lived experience, disability theory, and disability rights’ organising could contribute both to the critique of how in pandemic times people were made differentially disposable and to the creation of new relationalities, mostly online, around the principle of accessibility. This article explores how a critical perspective rooted in the lived experience of disability builds on these interventions to excavate the role played by the lived experience of bodyminded contingency and vulnerability during the pandemic in generating a radical transformation of modes of living (together). First, it will suggest that this radical transformation powerfully resonated with the politics of accessibility associated with disability politics. It will do so by delineating the critical significance of commentary produced during the pandemic by disability theorists and activists, as well as the relationship between the perception of widespread bodyminded contingency and vulnerability and the development of “crip utopias of accessibility” and “dismodernist revolutions” during the pandemic. It will then locate this experiential spread of bodyminded contingency and vulnerability at the core of pandemic infrastructural sensibilities. I will conclude by reflecting on its relevance for the development of a “more‐than‐social” model of disability which attends to the crip world‐making power of disability as fundamentally entangling the social and the biological.

Das Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit ist es zu beantworten, welche Faktoren dazu beitragen, dass Frauen in Familien- und Paarbeziehungen in unterschiedlichen Kontexten Gewalt ausüben. Hierzu sollen neue Erkenntnisse gewonnen und bestehende Erkenntnisse zu Gewalt von Frauen in heterosexuellen Paarbeziehungen, gegen Kinder und in der informellen Pflege verknüpft werden. Um die Forschungsfrage zu beantworten, wird die Gewalt durch Frauen übergeordnet betrachtet und anhand von Literaturanalysen und Expert*inneninterviews in den gewählten Kontexten untersucht. Die gewonnenen Erkenntnisse aus beiden Erhebungsmethoden werden für die jeweiligen Kontexte zusammengefasst und anschließend in einer Synthese zusammengeführt. Die Ergebnisse der qualitativen Studie zeigen, dass die Ursachen von Gewalt durch Frauen multifaktoriell und Ebenen übergreifend sind. Die Gewalt kommt in sämtlichen Schichten und Formen vor. Sie kann als Reaktionsverhalten auftreten, durch Belastungen entstehen und ist abhängig von der Beziehung zum Gegenüber und der erlernten und erlebten Gewaltkultur. Das gesellschaftliche Rollenbild und die Vorstellung von Weiblichkeit konnten als weitere gewaltbedingende Ursache identifiziert werden, welche einen starken Einfluss auf die Art der Ausübung und den Umgang mit der Gewalt durch Frauen hat. Zusammenfassend zeigen die Ergebnisse, dass die Faktoren von Gewalt durch Frauen in Familien- und Paarbeziehungen vielschichtig und komplex sind und genaue Entstehungszusammenhänge sowohl auf individueller als auch auf gesellschaftlicher Ebene untersucht werden müssen. Hierzu appelliert die Studie, dass tiefergehende Forschungen zu Ursachenzusammenhängen und zusätzlichen Gewaltkontexten durchgeführt werden müssen, um den Diskurs zu Gewalt durch Frauen zu enttabuisieren und zu entstigmatisieren. Nur durch ein prozesshaftes, wissenschaftlich fundiertes Vorgehen können passende Präventionsangebote und Unterstützungsleistungen für gewaltausübende Frauen entwickelt werden.

Der vorliegende Abschlussbericht der wissenschaftlichen Untersuchung der modellhaften Erprobung ausgewählter Regelungsbereiche des Bundesteilhabegesetzes (BTHG) fasst die zentralen Erkenntnisse aus der vierjährigen Projektlaufzeit zusammen. Mit dem Projekt wurde das Ziel verfolgt, die Umsetzung und Wirkungsweise der neuen gesetzlichen Regelungen der Eingliederungshilfe (EGH), die im Wesentlichen zum 01.01.2020 in Kraft traten, nachzuvollziehen. Im Zentrum des Vorhabens standen 30 EGH-Träger (sog. Modellprojekte) aus 15 Bundesländern, die seit 2018 insgesamt sieben Regelungsbereiche des BTHG mit einer Stichprobe an Leistungsberechtigten aus ihrem Fallbestand erprobten. Während die Modellprojekte mit der Erprobung und somit Datenerhebung zur materiell-rechtlichen Anwendung der neuen Vorschriften (inklusive Gegenüberstellung zur alten Rechtslage) betraut waren, war es Aufgabe von Kienbaum, die Erprobung durch die Modellprojektewissenschaftlich und beratend zu begleiten. Der Bericht gibt, unter Bezugnahme auf die Perspektiven der Leistungsberechtigten, Leistungsträger und Leistungserbringer, Auskunft über den aktuellen Umsetzungsstand der EGH-Reform in den Ländern.

Der Artikel beschäftigt sich mit häuslicher Senior_innenbetreuung in Deutschland durch Pendelmigrant_innen aus Mittel- und Osteuropa. Der Fokus liegt auf den Perspektiven einzelner Pflegerinnen. Empirische Grundlage bilden narrative Interviews mit vier Pflegemigrantinnen aus Polen. Theoretisch wird die Tätigkeit als intime und emotionale Arbeit (Boris und Parreñas 2010, Hochschild 1999) verortet, durch die vier zentrale Aspekte der häuslichen Pflege analysiert werden: zwischenmenschliche Beziehungen zwischen Arbeitgeber_innen und Arbeitnehmer_innen, die Rolle des Körpers, die emotionale Arbeit, die Pflegekräfte zu leisten haben, und abschließend Strategien der Aneignung durch die Betreuerinnen. Die Forschung zeigt, dass einseitige Darstellungen von entweder ausgebeuteten oder selbstbestimmten Pflegekräften unzureichend sind. Die häusliche Betreuung als Teil des transnationalen Pflegesystems ist von ungleichen Machtverhältnissen durchzogen und beruht auf sozialen Ungleichheiten. Gleichzeitig sind Erfahrungen von einzelnen Pflegekräften ebenso ernst zu nehmen, die teilweise aus der Arbeit Freude und Stolz schöpfen und bereichernde Bezie-hungen knüpfen. Dies sollte allerdings keinesfalls romantisiert werden, da die Pflegerinnen auch die psychischen und physischen Folgen der Tätigkeit betonen. Ihre Erfahrungen widersprechen Darstellungen von Vermittlungsagenturen, die emotionale Arbeit der Pflegekräfte herunterspielen, indem sie auf Geschlecht und Herkunft verweisen, welche sie auf vermeintlich „natürliche“ Weise für die Pflegearbeit prädestinieren.

Prior to the February 2019 announcement that the Household Food Security Survey Module (HFSSM) will be used to estimate household food insecurity, there has not been a standardised measurement approach used in the United Kingdom (UK). Measurement has instead been somewhat inconsistent, and various indicators have been included in national and regional surveys. There remains a gap relating to the comparative usefulness of current and past food insecurity measures used in Northern Ireland (NI) (HFSSM; European Union-Survey of Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) food deprivation questions), and the potential usefulness of a headline indicator similar to that used to measure fuel poverty. This study presents findings from Northern Ireland (NI) stakeholder interviews (n = 19), which examined their perspectives on food insecurity measures which have previously been or are currently, or could potentially, be used in the UK/NI (HFSSM; EU-SILC food deprivation questions; headline indicator). Interview transcripts were coded using QSR NVivo (v.12) and inductively analysed to identify relevant themes. Stakeholders preferred the HFSSM to the EU-SILC, reasoning that it is more relevant to the food insecurity experience. A headline indicator for food insecurity was considered useful by some; however, there was consensus that it would not fully encapsulate the food insecurity experience, particularly the social exclusion element, and that it would be a complex measure to construct, with a high degree of error. This research endorses the use of the HFSSM to measure food insecurity in the UK, and provides recommendations for consideration of any future modification of the HFSSM or EU-SILC measurement instruments.

Im dominanten neoliberalen Kontext gerät die Frage der Dekolonisierung - im materiellen Sinn - oft in den Hintergrund antirassistischer Politiken. Wie radikale Schwarze feministische Zusammenhänge historisch sowie gegenwärtig einfordern, ist die Frage der Dekolonisierung in Kämpfen gegen Rassismus jedoch zentral. In diesem Sinne behandelt mein Artikel die Frage der antikolonialen Ausrichtung der Schwarzen Frauenbewegung in Deutschland: An welchen Stellen werden vergeschlechtlichte Manifestationen anti-Schwarzen Rassismus mit der Frage neokolonialer Grenzregime, die an der Basis heteropatriarchaler anti-Schwarzer Strukturen ist, in Verbindung gebracht? Es zeigt sich, dass das panafrikanische Erbe des transnationalen Schwarzen Feminismus antikoloniale Praxis fest in die Schwarze feministische Bewegungsgeschichte in Deutschland einschreibt. Insbesondere der Feminismus der Grenze, den Schwarze geflüchtete Frauen, Lesben, Non-Binarys, Queers, Inter und Trans aus afrikanischen Kontexten praktizieren, spielt hier eine tragende Rolle. Ihre situierte Kritik an der Struktur der Grenzregime erweist sich für eine antikoloniale Schwarze feministische Praxis als richtungsweisend und befördert die Entfaltung des widerständigen solidarischen Raums des Schwarzen Mittelmeers. In the dominant neoliberal context, the question of decolonization - in its material sense - often remains peripheral to anti-racist politics. However, as radical Black feminist movements remember, the question of decolonization is central to struggles against racism. In this spirit, my article addresses the question of the anti-colonial dimension of the Black women's movement in Germany: how does it link gendered manifestations of anti-Black racism to the question of neocolonial border regimes grounded in heteropatriarchal anti-Black structures? It shows that the pan-African legacy of transnational Black feminism inscribes anti-colonial praxis within Black feminism in Germany. Here, the border feminism practiced by Black refugee women, lesbians, non-binaries, queers, inter and trans play a crucial role. Their situated critique of border regimes proves to be indicative for an anti-colonial Black feminist praxis and promotes the unfolding of the Black Mediterranean as a space of resistant solidarity.

A new actor in the European geopolitical space - an ethno-religious "parallel society" - is transforming the social and political fabric of Sweden. An institutionalised Muslim parallel society is emerging in vulnerable areas, such as marginalised immigrant districts of Swedish cities, through the efforts of Islamist political, social, and economic structures adhering to the religious and political doctrine of the Muslim Brotherhood (this organization is banned in the Russian Federation). Committed to maintaining the Muslim identity, these organisations seek gradual Islamisation of the Swedish population through ideological influence on immigrants with a Muslim background. These efforts thwart cultural assimilation attempts and hinder the implementation of Swedish integration policy. The lack of research into the peaceful Islamisation of Swedish society and the related problems of Islamophobia, anti-Muslim racism, and radicalisation of Muslim youth lends urgency to investigating the influence of Islamist organisations on the Swedish Muslim immigrant community. This study analyses the literature, sources, and statistics on the essential aspects of Swedish Islamisation to provide a holistic picture of the formation of an ethno-religious parallel society in Sweden. The findings help evaluate the effectiveness of the national policy on confronting parallel societies, as well as of measures to promote democratic values as the foundation of a united Swedish society.

Research suggests that children with disabilities have been systemically marginalised during the Covid-19 pandemic as contamination measures complicated some social policies. School closure, quarantine, and the increased use of social media in remote schooling have placed children with disabilities in a vulnerable situation. This article explores the subjective consequences of such processes through the analysis of qualitative interviews with parents who had children with disabilities. To contextualise our analysis, we also draw on expert interviews with bureaucrats and social workers and data from a survey that was sent out to parents who had children with disabilities. Taken together, these data sources provide a rich empirical context to study how the pandemic influenced the access of children with disabilities to education and social services in Norway. We also pay attention to how the pandemic influenced parents’ perception of social welfare in Norway and discuss how issues of race, class, and socio-economic background were reflected in their experiences. Both interview data and survey data were gathered during the pandemic. Conceptually we take inspiration from the capability approach with a particular focus on theoretical work on “conversion factors.” These theoretical perspectives invite us to identify and analyse specific mechanisms that prevented and/or enabled children with disabilities to live a life according to their own visions and values during the pandemic. Through this study of how children with disabilities experienced education and social welfare in Norway during the pandemic, we shed new light on how one of the world’s most advanced welfare states operates during a time of crisis.

Early in the pandemic, researchers were cautioning that COVID-19 and the associated health policy countermeasures would have an increased negative impact on groups that were already vulnerable before the pandemic. One of these groups are older people affected by poverty, who according to official figures make up 13.9% of older population in Austria. Even before the pandemic, their living situation was considered precarious. Not without reason, this group has been identified as a high-risk group of the pandemic, due to their increased likelihood of severe COVID-19 related illness and their limited monetary resources and thus lower chances of coping with the pandemic. Nevertheless, research on this group has remained sparse to date. Therefore, the aim of the study is to focus on older people (60+ years) below the poverty line and to compare them with non-poor individuals. Data from the SHARE (Survey of Health Aging and Retirement in Europe) project is used, combining data from the two SHARE Corona Surveys (summer 2020 and summer 2021) and the SHARE Corona Special Austria Survey (December 2020) to gain the most complete picture of life situation during the pandemic. Results demonstrate that older people in poverty were more likely to report poor subjective health before as well as during the pandemic yet were significantly more likely to refuse vaccination against COVID-19, despite adhering to other measures against the pandemic to the same extent as non-poor people. Restrictions in the health care system affected both groups equally and no significant differences in the frequency of social contacts could be found. However, older people below the poverty line were significantly more likely to rely on social support to obtain necessities during the pandemic and were less likely to use the internet. Together, these results point out that disadvantage exist for the older poor in some but not all areas of life during the pandemic. This paper is aimed at providing first insights into the lives of poor older persons during a taxing time and may perhaps inspire more in-depth study of this particularly understudied population.

Many share the concern that the Covid-19 pandemic has had devastating impacts on the vulnerable who are already disproportionately at risk of social exclusion. The health-related risks that the pandemic entailed and the challenges that resulted from the associated measures have led to new vulnerabilities for specific groups such as persons with disabilities, persons from a (forced) migrant background, and women/girls. This article will discuss the complexity of the multiple vulnerabilities during the Covid-19 pandemic by relying on data collected from immigrant women with disabilities. To this end, data from two women with disabilities who are members of the historically marginalized Turkish immigrant group in Austria were analyzed with regard to their experiences during the pandemic. Their accounts are analyzed from an intersectional perspective in order to document the effects of peri-post-pandemic measures on the lives of people with multiple disadvantages. The interviews and audio diaries by two immigrant women with disabilities recorded over seven months are used to delve into latent oppression structures and overlapping mechanisms of difficulties embedded in their experiences. The findings show how the multiple identities and struggles of the two women were affected during the pandemic by building upon each other.

Living on an island in a pandemic has its obvious advantages. However, in a globalised economy, border restrictions cannot keep the COVID‐19 virus completely at bay. Despite coordinated efforts at infection control and extensive vaccination, Iceland, a sparsely populated island in the north, was placed among the countries in the highest risk category by the ECDC. In this article, wereport a qualitative study carried out at the peak of the fourth COVID‐19 wave in 2021, when the pandemic had severely hit the Icelandic social and healthcare system, with a record‐breaking number of infections. Semi‐structured interviews were conducted with parents with seven disabled children. Guided by feminist standpoint theory and critical disability studies, we focused on how service structures affected and shaped parents’ and children’s experiences during the first waves of the pandemic. The findings suggest that the pandemic intensified the already precarious position of the families. During the pandemic, the gaps in the already fragmented services widened, and the families were left to navigate this new reality on their own. Preventive measures enforced by municipalities and healthcare services centred on non‐disabled people’s experiences and needs. Unprepared service systems distanced themselves from the families while maintaining governance and supervision over defining their need for support.

We add to the current debate on ethno-religious discrimination by studying to what extent discrimination in the wedding venue business is based on religious or ethnic grounds. Do the two reinforce each other? Does the explicit mentioning of a non-religious wedding help to reduce ethnic discrimination in a secularized society? We draw on two field experiments in Germany and Austria. We sent 805 valid emails to wedding venues. We randomly varied two traits, the names (Arabic-origin and native-origin) and whether the wedding was religious (Islamic or Free Church) or not. Using linear probability models and ordinary least squares regressions, we predicted the likelihood of receiving a confirmation, the response time from venues, the length, formality, and tone of the emails as well as the prevalence of mistakes in the emails. Our analyses showed that couples with Arabic-origin names, celebrating an Islamic wedding, received significantly fewer confirmations compared to couples with native-origin names. Celebrating a non-religious wedding of couples with Arabic-origin names reduced the disadvantage. The study suggests statistical discrimination based on religiosity that is inferred from Arabic-origin names.

Die Autorinnen befassen sich in ihrem Beitrag mit der Unterbringung von Menschen in Geflüchtetenunterkünften (GefU) in Deutschland und den damit einhergehenden Konfliktpotenzialen und Konflikten. In den vergangenen Jahren haben empirische und literaturbasierte Studien, Fallbeispiele aus der Praxis und Stellungnahmen zivilgesellschaftlicher Bündnisse zu Lebenswirklichkeiten, Konfliktpotentialen und Konflikten zugenommen. Der Beitrag systematisiert die vorliegenden Untersuchungen und bündelt sie entlang der vier Themenfelder "Konfliktpotentiale in unterschiedlichen Unterbringungsformen", "Konflikte und Gewalt zwischen verschiedenen Personengruppen", "Lebenssituation vulnerabilisierter Gruppen" und "Unmittelbare, organisationale und politische Umgangsweisen mit Konflikten in Geflüchtetenunterkünften". Er schließt mit Überlegungen, wie GefU konfliktvermeidend ausgerichtet werden können sowie mit alternativen Möglichkeiten der Unterbringung und des Zusammenlebens in der Migrationsgesellschaft.

The Covid-19 pandemic has disproportionately affected disabled people across the globe. This review article maps the impact of the pandemic on disabled people in low- and middle-income countries (LMICS) during the first ten months of the pandemic, based on a semi-systematic review of 113 articles of empirical and “grey” literature. We highlight the multiple exclusions faced by disabled people across the sectors of health, education, economy, community, and pandemic management. Following this, we discuss the broader issues arising from the literature, including the systematic de-prioritisation of disabled people in emergency planning, the ongoing framing of disability as a medical rather than a social or human rights issue, a recognition of how the complexity of societal structures creates systematic disadvantage, and local, national, and global policymakers’ lack of engagement with disabled people during pandemic management. We identify the need for both stronger quantitative evidence on disability in LMICs to inform planning and policy processes, and the need for equitable collaboration with disabled people from LMICs across research, policy, and development programming, in the spirit of “Nothing About Us Without Us.”

Concerns about the quality of housing feature prominently in academic and policy discussion on housing, yet there is little agreement about how housing deprivation should be measured or monitored. In empirical studies, measures of housing deprivation are typically examined for one of two purposes—either to compare incidences of housing quality problems for different groups, which typically leads to an examination of performance of different measures of housing deprivation, or as dependent variables to examine competing theories about what explains cross-national variation in such problems, which typically ignores these measurement considerations. Our paper seeks to analyse measurement and theory jointly, focussing in particular on the EU’s severe housing deprivation measure, and its subcomponents—overcrowding and housing conditions problems. In descriptive analysis, we show that the two components of the severe housing deprivation measure are weakly related and pattern differently across nations and that the aggregation rule of the main measure has a substantial influence on observed incidences of this problem. We subsequently construct multi-level regression-based models and demonstrate that the two components have quite different determinants. Our paper has implications for the measurement of severe housing deprivation in Europe, for theories that seek to account for differences in housing outcomes, and for policy that seeks to tackle housing deprivation problems.

The ongoing Covid-19 pandemic has catalyzed long-needed changes in accessibility and flexibility for work tasks. Disabled and chronically ill people have often experienced unprecedented inclusion during this time. As someone who is both disabled and chronically ill, I have experienced this firsthand. My work as a medical educator, public health program evaluator, and community advocate has been more accessible in recent months than at any prior time. As the pandemic escalated in early 2020, people readily embraced a “new normal” that would allow them to sustain their own livelihoods while staying as safe as possible. Yet even as Covid-19 cases increase sharply both locally and nationally with the spread of the Delta virus variant, many abled people from both my institution and others increasingly demand a return to pre-pandemic practices. The “normal” state for which abled individuals ardently long violates the basic human rights of disabled and chronically ill people. This desire for “normalcy” is fueled by false notions of the pandemic being over. It remains preferred by many for the sake of their own comfort—even though sustaining the inclusive approaches to collaboration introduced during the pandemic often requires little effort and offers advantages for abled people as well. This experiential piece describes ableist implications of seeking “post-pandemic” work environments—and how these constitute “generic processes” in the reproduction of ableism—using both oral history from the author and emerging literature from fellow scholars. In response, it recommends inclusive strategies for anti-ableist work collaboration that achieve justice in accessibility while fostering a welcome sense of normalcy for all.

Adolescent asylum seekers have been an independent, yet understudied group in the German Youth welfare service since 2016. Due to the separation from their familiar surroundings, young people must establish new connections with their peers in supervised living groups. However, little is known about this special group in the youth welfare system as there are only a few studies covering the situation of adolescent asylum seekers in residential groups. In our study, we apply a mixed‐methods approach to analyse the self‐understanding of adolescent asylum seekers, social comparisons between the perceived own group and outside group and link them with data on the emergence of friendship ties among adolescent asylum seekers. Analytically, we describe institutional factors and narratives (qualitative focus) and access structural mechanisms (demographics, network organization principles) via network regression models (quantitative focus). Our results indicate a strong influence of a high level of upstreamness in the network in the tie creation and less influence from factors like age and religion. Following this, our study provides first indications about patterns of connection and separation in this niche group.

Economic instability, social changes, and new social policies place economic insecurity high on the scholarly and political agenda. We contribute to these debates by proposing a new multidimensional, intertemporal measure of economic insecurity that accounts for both its multiplicity and its dynamism. First, we develop three theory-driven, multidimensional measures of economic insecurity. Principal Components Analysis validates the measure. Second, we develop a dynamic approach to insecurity, using longitudinal data and a newly revised headcount method. Third, we then use our new measures to analyze the distribution of insecurity in Europe. Our analysis shows that insecurity is widespread across Europe, even in low-inequality, encompassing welfare states. Moreover, it extends across income groups and occupational classes, reaching into the middle classes.

Digitalisierungsprozesse veränderten in den letzten zehn bis zwanzig Jahren die Felder und die Handlungspraxis der Sozialen Arbeit nachhaltig. Das Spektrum digitaler Anwendungen, Einsatzbereiche und Nutzungskontexte ist breit gefächert, und digitale Technologien eröffnen neue Möglichkeiten in der Betreuung, Begleitung und Versorgung von Adressat*innen sowie in der Organisation der Arbeitspraxis. Zudem verändert sich die Zusammenarbeit in den Einrichtungen und mit Netzwerkpartner*innen. Im Zentrum dieses Beitrags steht daran anschließend die Frage, wie die Digitalisierung der Handlungspraxis im Feld der Sozialen Arbeit aus der Sicht von Fachkräften wahrgenommen und bewertet wird. Um diese Frage zu beantworten, wurden neun Gruppendiskussionen mit 30 Fachkräften durchgeführt. Die Gruppendiskussionen wurden einerseits mit dem Auswertungsverfahren nach SCHMIDT (2013) im Querschnitt ausgewertet, um Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede zwischen den befragten Organisationen zu identifizieren. Andererseits wurde in Anlehnung an die Methode des thematischen Codierens nach FLICK (2012) Einzelfallanalysen und kontrastierende Analysen durchgeführt, um Besonderheiten und zentrale Themen des Feldes zu erarbeiten. Es zeigte sich, dass die Wahrnehmung und Bewertung von Digitalisierungsprozessen im Feld der Sozialen Arbeit mit drei Themen zusammenhängen: 1. Zielgruppe (Kinder und Jugendliche vs. Senior*innen), 2. Angebotsstruktur (mobile vs. Stationäre Tätigkeiten) und 3. organisationale Rahmenbedingungen der Trägerorganisationen (Digitalisierungsverständnis, Regeln/Richtlinien)., Forum Qualitative Sozialforschung / Forum: Qualitative Social Research, Vol. 22 No. 2 (2022)

Based on longitudinal data from Germany, we analyze how perceptions of discrimination change once migrants’ integration evolves. Individuals who identify more strongly with the host country, speak the language, have native friends, and are adequately employed report less discrimination overall. However, group-specific analyses reveal that German-born Turks feel more rather than less discriminated against after their language skills and their identification increase. For this group, we find evidence for the “integration paradox”, i.e., the finding that better educated migrants have more rather than less negative attitudes about the host society. Results suggest that attributional processes rather than rising exposure to discrimination might be the main mechanism linking integration to higher levels of perceived discrimination. Obviously, discrimination does not disappear for groups facing salient ethnic boundaries and is met with growing awareness and sensitivity among individuals that have become more similar to the majority of members. This, in turn, by no means implies that perceived discrimination is detached from reality. Im Rahmen einer Längsschnittanalyse des sozio-oekonomischen Panels gehen wir der Frage nach, wie sich Diskriminierungswahrnehmungen von Einwanderern und ihren Nachkommen im Laufe des Integrationsprozesses verändern. Insgesamt betrachtet fühlen sich Migrantinnen und Migranten, deren Integration weiter fortgeschritten ist, seltener aufgrund ihrer Herkunft benachteiligt. Allerdings zeigen gruppenspezifische Analysen, dass in Deutschland geborene Türkeistämmige sich mit zunehmenden deutschen Sprachkenntnissen und zunehmender Identifikation mit Deutschland stärker diskriminiert fühlen. Für diese Gruppe finden wir Hinweise auf ein Integrationsparadox, das heißt für die These, dass gerade besonders weitgehend integrierte Migrantinnen und Migranten negativere Einstellungen zum Zielland aufweisen. Unsere Befunde sprechen dafür, dass diesem Sachverhalt vor allem attributionale Prozesse zugrunde liegen und dagegen, dass Individuen, deren Integration weiter fortgeschritten ist, Diskriminierungsprozessen besonders stark ausgesetzt sind. Gerade wenn diese Herkunftsgruppen angehören, die mit salienten „ethnic boundaries“ konfrontiert sind, verschwindet Diskriminierung mit zunehmender Integration nicht – und trifft gleichzeitig bei den Betroffenen auf ein wachsendes Bewusstsein für Diskriminierung und eine größere Sensitivität gegenüber dieser. Dies bedeutet im Umkehrschluss nicht, dass wahrgenommene Diskriminierung losgelöst von der Realität wäre.