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This paper examines how the discourse of creative industries is interpreted in the Canadian context with a case study of the Department of Canadian Heritage's Creative Canada policy framework. Based on textual analysis of policy documents from both federal and provincial governments, it analyzes the underlying dynamics of Creative Canada with pre-existing dialogues of Canadian cultural policies. The findings of this research indicate that this policy masterplan reinterprets traditional mandates of Canadian cultural policies, such as safeguarding the nation's cultural sovereignty and developing a distinctive Canadian value with market mechanisms. While Creative Canada is a major turning point in policymaking towards the commodification of culture and creativity, its schemes of valuing culture and the arts remain subject to the complexity of the nation's cultural politics that also shapes the market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pierre Trudeau's vision of Canada's cultural policy was situated within a bilingual framework. Canada, so conceived, has "no official culture" and two official languages. Nearly 50 years later, debates regarding the effects and broader significance of this policy combination persist as illustrated by the recent debate about Supreme Court judges. Yet, Canadians' attitudes about bilingualism have received relatively little scholarly attention. This paper probes the structure and recent evolution of public attitudes toward the general idea of official bilingualism using the Survey on Official Languages (2003) and the Canadian Election Studies (1997-2011). It goes on to investigate regional differences in public support for bilingual Supreme Court judges using a large-scale survey conducted by Vox Pop Labs in 2015 (n = 291, 577). The combination of these data sources offers new insights into the contextual and individual-level determinants of regional differences in public attitudes toward bilingualism policy in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on a review of policy papers and cultural statistics from Canada and Europe, among others, this paper confirms a widespread belief in creative economy policies as panacea for revitalizing economies, while noting a general failure to acknowledge the role and the needs of creative workers. Existing policy instruments are mostly uncoordinated but can be divided into four categories entitled ‘education and training’, ‘awards and contests’, ‘business support’ and ‘social security policies’, with the greatest emphasis on the first three. Escaping the precarity trap – precarity meaning existence without security – typical of much cultural work requires a rehabilitated notion of ‘flexicurity’ that includes exceptionalist, sub-sectoral, sectoral and generalist strategies to support cultural workers. The authors argue for a more holistic policy framework that uses a rights-based perspective and emphasizes social security measures. This approach, which we term ‘creative ecology’, is based on the intersection of social, labour and cultural policy. This paper thereby begins the response to calls to academics, practitioners and policy analysts to provide a route map out of the demoralized terrain of neo-liberalism with respect to cultural work. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper engages selected moments in Austin Clarke's literary journey to argue that in spite of his involvement in the development of Canadian literature (CanLit) during the 1960s and 1970s, the Canadian literary establishment continues to pay little critical attention to his contributions. This lack of recognition is specifically evident in recent writings about Canadian literature and the literary figures who spearheaded its development after Canada's Multiculturalism policy of 1971. Canada's becoming officially multicultural required a new narrative of Canada and new literary depictions of Canadians in their national literature, as ethnically diversified but of a single citizenship. I argue that Clarke's legacy as a Black writer should be given more prominence in Canadian institutions because today this legacy is under threat of erasure as the number of Canadian Black voices telling mainstream stories about Black people's experiences is evidently in decline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the role assigned to culture in general and to cultural industries and diversity in particular by the Canada-EU Comprehensive Economic Trade Agreement (CETA). Although it pursues further economic liberalization, the arrangement is about much more than trade: its preamble, for instance, contains a reference to the 2005 UNESCO Convention on the Diversity of Cultural Expressions. Nevertheless, the text lacks a general exception clause protecting culture. This paper examines the consolidated CETA text from the perspective of political economy to clarify to what extent this is an opportunity to reconcile rules of free trade with cultural policies aiming to protect and promote the diversity of cultural expressions, especially when the latter derive from cultural industries in both analogue and digital scenarios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The cultural and creative industries enhance the quality of life for Canadians and visitors to Canada. However, definitions of the sector vary, presenting challenges for researchers and policymakers. Government data shows that the pandemic job and revenue loss were disproportionate in the arts. The Canadian government created a range of financial tools (grants and subsidies) to support the sector during the Pandemic. This paper analyzes these financial instruments created in response to the Pandemic. This paper offers a case study on how government can support the economic and social success of the creative and cultural sector (CCS) in Canada and avoid the risk of the cultural ecosystem collapsing. In addition, the key findings may be helpful in other industries and markets when exploring ways to support the cultural and creative sectors, which are vital components of domestic and tourism activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the assumptions and structure of the concentric circles model of the cultural industries. Empirical data for Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the UK and the US are used to illustrate the model's key characteristic: the proposition that the cultural content of the output of the cultural industries declines as one moves outwards from the core. The test uses the proportion of creative labour employed in production as a proxy for cultural content. The results confirm the model's validity as a means of depicting the structural characteristics of the cultural industries and also enable some wider features of the cultural workforce in the five countries to be examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the diverse nature of multiculturalism. Although there is no lack of literature on multiculturalism, it is dominated by a Western paradigm and perspectives. This paper offers a model that takes a pluralistic perspective on diversity by locating multiculturalism within the imaginings of the nation. This model uses the concept of narratives with its ideological bases to invite dialogue among various multiculturalisms and to examine the processes by which particular multicultural narratives emerge within their socio-political and historical locations. The Canadian and Singaporean multicultural narratives are explored to tease out some of the nuances of this model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using Canada’s National Film Board (NFB) as a case study, this paper highlights a paradigm shift in media policy away from supporting diverse content in favor of new digital formats. Historically the NFB has supported Aboriginal media production as a hallmark of the institution’s founding commitment to representing Canada’s people and culture. However, in recent years the institution has shifted its focus to digital technologies and interactive productions. This research is rooted in both a quantitative and qualitative examination of NFB official reports and related press coverage. The examination demonstrates a decrease in emphasis on Aboriginal production and an increase in attention to new technologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociology of Sport Journal is the property of Human Kinetics Publishers, Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores a rarely discussed side of celebrity – the ‘state celebrity’ produced by state broadcasting systems. The state celebrity is explored by way of a case study of four central television personalities – not, incidentally, all white men – found on the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. The state celebrity differs in important respects from individual entrepreneurial celebrities found in commercial contexts. As such, theories of celebrity that focus primarily on commodification, consumption, and individualism do not adequately explain this form of celebrity. The state celebrities discussed here are found to support state formation and legitimate state cultural policies. Thus, state celebrity must be understood in terms of its state positioning, as the state broadcasting system provides the framework and conditions for the celebrity’s appearance and performances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper builds on the insights of Sawer and Laycock (2009) to explore similarities in the use of populist discourse by former Australian Prime John Howard and current Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper. While Sawer and Laycock label this discourse ‘market populism’ and focus on economic issues, here it is argued that Howard and Harper's populism is better understood as ‘mainstream populism’ due to the equal importance of sociocultural issues in their discourses. To demonstrate this, the treatment of issues such as immigration, multiculturalism, the culture wars, criminal justice, and childcare is considered. It is further suggested that such populist policies were used to satisfy rival wings of their respective parties – neoliberals and social conservatives – that do not always share the same priorities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Cultural planning is often explained as a strategic approach to urban cultural development; an approach that involves the 'mapping' and leveraging of a wide range of 'cultural resources' (arts, culture, and heritage). However, it is increasingly being questioned whether cultural planning is anything more than a fairly traditional arts policy with a different name. In particular, it has been observed in Australia that cultural plans usually fail to address more than arts sector concerns. The objective of this paper is to investigate whether this assessment applies to cultural planning practice in Ontario, the province at the forefront of the current 'municipal cultural planning' push in Canada. An examination of all cultural plans in Ontario's mid-size cities and interviews conducted with municipal staff members overseeing these initiatives shows that whereas several municipalities do follow an arts-driven policy agenda, this is not the case with most mid-size cities in the province. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada’s book trade is fascinating not only because it really consists of two book trades—the Anglophone and the Francophone—but also because it is a site of intense and sustained policy interventions designed to foster greater domestic control. Examining the country’s book policies, Statistics Canada data, trade association membership rosters and trade directories, this paper reveals that Canada’s contemporary book trade is characterized by three features: circa 40 years of government interventions in response to foreign dominance; the central role of foreign firms despite these interventions; and the dominance of Toronto and Montreal as domestic sites of book production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Social Research is the property of Association for Canadian Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper addresses the transformations of local cultural governance following the popularisation of the creative city thesis. While the economic impact of the arts in urban settings has been a topic of great interest in recent years and an amply documented theme, little is known about the consequence of such development knowledge and practice on the local cultural policy arena where it takes roots. Moreover, given the popularity and the enthusiasm for such strategies within municipal governments, we have seen a growing tendency to implement the creative city strategy and to formulate cultural policies that follow it in rural and smaller communities which are quite different from the more extensively documented urban and metropolitan cases. Through case studies of three cities in Northern Ontario (Canada), we can identify a number of changes in cultural governance and policy logics. Overall, the creative city narrative appears to be detrimental to typical arts advocacy in smaller communities since it leads to the domestication of the arts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the ongoing impact of Canadian Content Regulations as applied to commercial radio. While commercial broadcasters have repeatedly called for a relaxation of the regulations in response to the changing music industry, particularly the increased impact of the Internet, it is possible to demonstrate that the regulations have had a positive impact on Canadian listening habits. An examination of the 'national' charts provided by Last.fm, a webs ite that tracks users' listening habits, shows that Canadian users listen to Canadian tracks in excess of the amounts currently regulated for radio. Commercial broadcasters' claims that the regulations prevent them from competing fairly with new technology thus run counter to such evidence. As official charts, and hence commercial playlists are still reliant on older modes of tracking music, via in-store purchases, an incomplete picture of the current state of the industry exists, and it is this picture that seems to shape the claims made by the commercial industry. Additionally, this paper explores the rise of a successful Canadian 'scene', spearheaded by bands such as Arcade Fire and Broken Social Scene, that demonstrates the impact of policy in creating a national music culture that is confident enough to no longer have to be explicitly Canadian, either sonically or lyrically. Cancon regulations would appear to have aided in situating Canadian acts comfortably within a wider music culture within Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the ways in which audiovisual media policies articulate a particular agenda for cultural and political diversity in the European Union. It explores the approaches of Canada and EU to the question of social cohesion and problematises their respective agenda priorities. Locating media policy within the globalised context of market integration and supra-and-international policymaking, the article identifies not only perceptions — and realities — of concerns shared across two distinctive political and social contexts, Canada and the EU, but also a remarkable similarity in their approach to these problems. The article argues that globalisation provides a broader context within which the quest for diversity and the processes leading to the articulation of solutions and future policy is directly linked to the interaction between the pressures deriving from the conflict of representation of private interests and the social justice claims from diverse corners of societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For centuries, colonizing governments have utilized cultural policies to eliminate Aboriginal culture, to make ‘citizens’ out of Native peoples in part by forcing them to relinquish language, cultural practices and traditions and have encouraged them to embrace mainstream values and cultural practices. In the Canadian context, sport has been utilized by the Canadian government as a civilizing agent to assimilate Aboriginal peoples. This paper analyses the history of this process in Canada and explains how Aboriginal leaders inverted this process to achieve self-determination through sport, in particular through the North American Indigenous Games and the World Indigenous Games. In this sense, we argue, sport has been historically contested terrain, wielded to disempower and to empower Aboriginal peoples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper reviews recent trends in the Canadian system of urban policy, and documents the implications of these trends for planning and public policy. Although urban planners tend not to work at this scale, the ongoing reorganization of the urban system provides the broader context for their policies and plans. The analysis focuses on the effects on cities of the demographic transition and an aging population, intense economic restructuring and shifting patterns of international trade, increased immigration and ethno-cultural diversity, and the changing role of the state. These factors, in combination, have tended to augment levels of metropolitan concentration and increase the degree of uneven growth. They have also sharpened the economic and social divide between growing and declining places, and placed additional stress on service providers and on the resources of local governments. In concluding, the paper asks whether we are creating, as an outcome of these trends, new sources of difference - new fault lines - in Canadian society and in the country's urban fabric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes research that was designed to examine the assertion that historic designation of properties, under the heritage legislation in Canada's largest province, has a negative impact on the values of those properties. The actual selling price of subject properties was used to establish their value history trends, which were then compared to ambient market trends within the same communities. Almost 3,000 properties in twentyfour communities were investigated, in what is believed to be the largest study of its kind ever undertaken in North America. It was found that heritage designation could not be shown to have a negative impact. In fact there appears to be a distinct and generally robust market in designated heritage properties. They generally perform well in the market, with 74% doing average or better than average.The rate of sale among designated properties is as good or better than the ambient market trends and the values of heritage properties tend to be resistant to downturns in the general market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines an iteration of debate about seal hunting in Canada wherein the politics of nature and celebrity culture intersected via Web 2.0 in an unanticipated way. Our analysis focuses on a spike in social media posting that took place after celebrity Ellen DeGeneres took a ‘selfie’ photo with a group of movie stars live during the 2014 Academy Awards. ‘Nature 2.0’ is a relevant framing for this case because, in the weeks and months after the 2014 Oscars, many seal hunters and other pro-hunt advocates took to Twitter and posted personal photos and/or accounts of seal hunting and its significance. In a play on DeGeneres’ Oscars selfie, both types of posters often labelled their tweets with the following ‘hashtag’: #sealfie. Our analysis shows that, while important, the Oscars spectacle and the star-studded selfie did not alone the scene for #sealfies and their circulation. Moreover, we demonstrate that some #sealfie posters challenged the authority of anti-sealing organizations and employed Web 2.0 functionalities in ways that took debate about sealing beyond engrained moral and environmental binaries. We conclude that Web 2.0 not just enabled, but actually shaped, the form and function of #sealfies and the journalistic attention that the phenomenon received. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Culture & Local Governance / Culture et Gouvernance Locale is the property of Culture & Local Governance, Centre on Governance and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In some ways, "history"--as the scientific, evidence-based investigation of the past--and "heritage"--as the emotion-laden commitment to our national, familial and personal inheritances-are incommensurable approaches to understanding the past. When it comes to planning public commemorations or setting goals for school curricula, they are frequently at odds. This paper explores the relationship of history and heritage in the current moment in Canada, after the demise of the Historical Thinking Project, and in anticipation of Confederation commemorations. It lays out the educational potential of a careful and conscious reconciliation between the two agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Law & Society/Revue Canadienne Droit et Societe (Cambridge University Press) is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article highlights the significance of the crime genre to the resurgence of the made-for-TV-movie, especially the Hallmark Channel's romance movies. Typical assessments of Hallmark movies as brimming with positive affect encourage us to take a closer look at the representational strategies that make such happiness possible in stories otherwise concerned with violence and death. I draw upon theories of melodrama and film to identify which experiences are considered common or shared in these predominantly white, upper-class worlds, and how they create an orientation against which guilt and justice are determined. I also situate these made-for-TV-movies in relation to discussions about the status of filmmaking in Canada, as examples of the distinct shift in emphasis in Canadian cultural policy that now sees cultural texts as products and prioritizes commercially viable—and internationally desirable—media (as distinct from "national cinema"). I combine these critical perspectives to track the ways in which Hallmark combines high body counts, low violence, and often White homogeneity into happy crime films—and what the mass production of them tells us about the present and future of filmmaking in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the establishment of public education over a century ago, Canadian educators have continually faced the challenges of teaching a common national history to the younger generations. This paper looks at the implications of these challenges for 21st century history education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will undertake a survey of the various conceptual perspectives from which scholars and practitioners engaged in educational research and practice in their attempts to understand the dynamics of multiculturalism policy. These include: conservative multiculturalism, liberal and left-liberal multiculturalism, critical multiculturalism, anti-racist education, and anti-oppressive education perspectives. While these do not represent the entire range of perspectives that scholars and practitioners employ, it must also be kept in mind that these are not monolithic and/or consensual perspectives, and that there are debates internal and intrinsic to these perspectives that require separate research endeavors. This article takes the Trudeau era policy of Multiculturalism as its point of departure and examines how various provinces have adapted and implemented the official policy in their educational programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Social Research is the property of Association for Canadian Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper theorizes the multiculturalization of national identity. Concentrating on the Canadian case, it examines newspaper discourses from the Globe and Mail and the Toronto Star during the 1990's. The analysis reveals that both Canada/USA comparisons and English Canada/Quebec comparisons play crucial roles for the construction of multicultural Canadian identity. The results from the empirical analysis are then used to nuance existing theories of multicultural nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper sets out to bridge my experience in Canada working in the intersecting space between culture and technology and my more recent experience in Europe as the Canadian director of a European initiative called LabforCulture. The experiences in Europe with respect to the impact of digital technologies on culture and the development of cultural policy are not so different from those in Canada. The issues of culture and technology are decidedly similar arid the challenges are shared. What follows is a reflection, briefly and randomly, on overall policy trends across Europe and their similarities to the Canadian situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research in the field of ethnic conflict studies has taken up the theme of social capital. Bridging social capital, the interaction of members of different ethnic groups in associations of various types, is credited with helping to maintain peaceful ethnic relations. This paper evaluates that theory in the case of New Brunswick, using data from the New Brunswick Social Capital Survey (2003 NBSCS). We find no evidence that interethnic interactions in associational life are an important ingredient in explaining the absence of significant ethnic conflict in the province. Instead, other dimensions of associational involvement, including membership in multiple groups, intensive participation, and long-time involvement, have considerably stronger effects on attitudes conducive to social harmony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Popular and academic discourses perceive Quebec's approach to pluralism, called interculturalism, as being very different from Canada's multiculturalism. Multiculturalism is seen as fragmenting; interculturalism as dialogical and unifying. Yet the hallmark policies of both governments are, in fact, very similar in their approach to cultural pluralism. In policy terms, interculturalism and multiculturalism strike a similar balance between individual fights, the accommodation of cultural difference, and the promotion of social cohesion. Why, then, is there this divergence between perception and policy? Unpacking both, this paper fosters a more accurate understanding of the terms of the multiculturalism/ interculturalism debate. It argues that in this case, demographic and historical contexts as well as national mythologizing are more important in explaining popular and academic discourse than substantive policy differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Royal Commission on National Development in the Arts, Letters and Sciences (The Massey Commission, 1949-1951) is widely seen to be Canada's most important position paper on national cultural policy. This article explores the relation of this significant document to UNESCO and its characteristic discourse of "cultural relations." Not only did UNESCO appear in the terms of reference for the Massey Commission Report, but it also was a repeated touchstone for submissions to the Commission. This overlooked international aspect of the Massey Commission underscores the connection between politics and culture in Cold War Canada providing a clear case of how international political language becomes entangled with--and helps to legitimize--artistic and cultural endeavours. The combination of the discussion of education and culture with that of development and trade allowed Canada to reconsider its position on public funding for the arts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article highlights the cultural policy design strategy. In his study the author establishes the relationship between a recent example of action research realized in a major Quebec City and its epistemological, theoretical and methodological grounding in qualitative research. This study, which was carried out by the University of Quebec, in partnership with the Arts and Culture Division of the City of Longueuil from 1999 to 2001 will provide a breakdown of the complexity of an action research project, while underlining the necessary contribution of a constructivist research design, of participatory action research, of soft systems methodology and of the mechanics of knowledge transfer, all of which were part of the research strategy. In the present paper we propose a model for the analysis and planning of a cultural system constructed with these various strategies in mind. We also discuss a cultural policy design strategy and the instruments needed in order to obtained the desired results. This article is intended for university researchers and municipal stakeholders in the cultural domains and attempts to emphasize the relevancy of action research for those who work professionally in or with the cultural milieu.

Studies of racial inequality have not paid sufficient attention to a social process of cultural production that results in the marginalization of minority art and culture. This paper argues that Canada's policy towards Occidental arts and the arts community, and its multicultural policy towards minority arts and cultures have produced two different support structures, or unequal art worlds, for enhancing the artistic development of the dominant group and visible minorities. The first is a formal, legitimized and high-status art world of white Canadians, and the second a marginal, folklorie and low-status multicultural circle reserved for recent immigrants of mainly non-white origin. The formal art world of Canada and the multicultural circle of visible minorities are distinguishable by differences in social organization, rules of operation, standards of evaluation, source of patronage, and forum of communication; as well, their products differ in form and content and carry unequal aesthetic and market value. The Government's patronizing policy towards minorities' art and culture and the institutionalization of these two separate art worlds stifle the artistic creativity and aesthetic development of visible minorities. Canada's art and multicultural policies reflect and reinforce a cultural hegemony that upholds the dominance of Occidental values and culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Listed events are policies enacted by states to protect the free-to-air rights of specific television and radio broadcasts that are identified as being of particular national significance. Some states (including the UK, Belgium, and Argentina) have begun to adopt these listed events policies, typically regarding significant national sporting events. We re-conceptualize listed events as a practical means by which to protect the intangible cultural heritage of states – an issue addressed by international institutions such as ICOMOS and UNESCO. Furthermore, we engage in a critical analysis regarding both the merits and potential problems involved in the possibility of Canada adopting listed broadcasting events policies, specifically involving hockey broadcasts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article inquires into the difference between philosophy as a universal practice and philosophy as a cultural product; its aim is to establish a case for there being Canadian philosophy. Philosophy as a practice can exhibit a dialectical framework. The practice can pursue both universal truths and cultural variations in expressions of those truths. Each philosophical endeavor requires the other to be meaningful. No matter how abstract a "truth" may be, an example always creates cultural relevance. The article introduces the example of an early Canadian philosopher, whose work is documented in the book by Leslie Armour and Elizabeth Trott, The Faces of Reason: An Essay on Philosophy and Culture in English Canada, 1850-1950. John Watson (1847–1939) was the most prolific and well-known contributor to philosophy in early Canada, pursuing universal questions and yet responding to the circumstances of his new home in developing Canada and, in doing so, contributing to Canadian cultural interpretations of philosophical questions. This article uses his example to conclude that the study of philosophy in Canada must include Canadian philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The écomusée--the small, local, and community-owned and managed museum--and similar cultural institutions, represent more than a typical museum: they are also community movements in time and space that resist the modern hierarchical practices of the cultural sector. Through four Canadian cases, this article examines the different forms of écomusée resistance by discursively excavating the conditions of their formation, institutional practices, and the resulting effects and implications. The movement's resulting schism in space and time has created local empowerment of underrepresented community groups by reappropriating and challenging the modern cultural landscape with implications for public action and public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A study done in Canada and Ireland and in the 2 countries that cast a long shadow of influences over them—the United States and England respectively—suggests that the press council/ombudsman self-governing structure recently implemented in Ireland might help the Canadian press to gain more independence from court controls and regain a deeper sense of its own stated mission. The study included in-depth interviews with journalists and scholars in all 4 countries, close readings of sample crime coverage, and examinations of prevailing ethics codes and accountability practices. The Irish said they are discovering that by foregrounding ethics, they have relaxed the battle against legal restraints and—to some measure—dug out from under the competitive pressures that had threatened to bury their primary mission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the role of Canadian municipal governments in relation to the development of music industry policy. It examines two attempts by Canadian cities (Calgary and Toronto) to develop municipally based music policies. Both cases are examined in context of the policies of other levels of government in Canada, where municipalities have not generally played a significant role in addressing the music industry. Historically, music industry policy has been a concern of federal government policies. The article addresses how this creates a particular conception of the industry and the extent to which municipal policies need to challenge this in order to be effective. Further, the article examines some of the other factors that constrain and shape the ability of Canadian municipalities to intervene in this field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Canadian Radio-Television and Telecommunications Commission provoked extensive debate in 2004 when, in a seminal decision, it approved controversial and popular satellite television network Al-Jazeera Arabic for Canadian distribution. While the broadcast regulator's decision placed what some consider onerous responsibilities on potential Al-Jazeera carriers, others argue that given past egregious incidents of abusive speech on the network, it should not have been approved at all. This article accounts for the policy and regulatory context in which the Al-Jazeera decision is situated and the factors leading to the decision. The article argues that in proscribing abusive speech on the airwaves, the regulator locates freedom of expression within the context of a mandate to ensure that the Canadian broadcasting system makes a tolerant, multiethnic and multicultural Canadian nation imaginable. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Sociology is the property of Canadian Journal of Sociology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)