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Despite an increased interest in the diplomatic history of India – chiefly supplemented by the opening up of Indian diplomatic records – the Latin American region has received marginal attention. Interestingly, the archival sources based in India throw an altogether fresh perspective on diplomatic engagements between India and Latin America during the Cold War period. This Research Note places the Cuban Revolution in perspective to examine how developments in Cuba kept Indian diplomats and leaders engrossed. Through India's understanding of Castro's Cuba, the Note captures ideological and pragmatic considerations defining the responses to each other's overtures during such an important turn in history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the phenomena of the so-called "Special Period in Time of Peace" of the 1990s and the influence that these have had on the economic, social, and political crisis of the Cuban Revolution after the outbreak of Covid-19 and the implementation of economic reforms on the island. Likewise, the optics emerged in publications by the Cuban system are presented, as well as the cultural products that reactively explain the Cuban reality. Finally, we emphasize the importance of the historical discipline to analyzes the Cuban present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Cuban Revolution is passing through one of the most complex moments of its history. After more than a decade of profound economic, political, and social reforms, the Cuban socialist project faces enormous challenges, amid difficulties arising from intensified imperialist harassment, the sequels of the pandemic, the global crisis, and internal bureaucratic errors. Cuba's economic and social development model stands at several crossroads. The Caribbean island must deepen its socialism along revolutionary lines and with greater worker and popular control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the comparative method used by Italian writer Alba de Céspedes in relation to questions of translatability, and in connection to the role of censorship in the production of historical narratives. It draws on two case studies: an article written on the Cuban Revolution for the magazine Epoca in 1959, and a series of poems portraying the Parisian May 1968, and it examines the history of translation of these poems in the Italian and Cuban contexts. Two types of comparisons emerge from the analysis of these texts: 'vertical comparisons', that is, comparisons that establish a relation between events positioned at different historical times, and 'horizontal comparisons', which connect contemporary, geographically distant events. While horizontal comparisons are necessarily transnational, vertical comparison can involve comparanda based within or beyond the nation. In de Céspedes' works, transnational comparisons issue a desire for translation, but at the same time prevent the translation from taking place, due, in part, to the contentious relationship between comparison and censorship evoked by the text in the target context. In fact, it is precisely the hyper-comparability of the poems themselves that limits their circulation in translation. In turn, untranslatability makes such texts significant for the comparatist precisely because it prompts a reflection on the socio-political factors that limit comparability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La mala memoria, the autobiography of Heberto Padilla published in 1989, has been studied to date as a source of information on the controversy known as "the Padilla case" of 1971. But the work can also be studied as a testimony of the experience of direct contact of Latin American writers with Soviet socialism. That experience is decisive in the concrete ideological evolution of the Cuban poet. From this perspective, the famous "Padilla case" could be analyzed from the Sovietization of the Cuban revolution, which Heberto Padilla discovered early, nine years before the controversy, and which he explains in detail in La mala memoria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the clashes among leftist Mexican intellectuals at the beginning of the 1970s as a consequence of the Cuban Revolution. The correspondence of Laurette Séjourné, an archeologist of Italian origin based in Mexico, provides a source for identifying the tensions generated between those who had maintained an unconditional loyalty toward the Cuban regime and those who had distanced themselves following its Sovietization. This confrontation shows that the New Left was not an ideologically homogenous group and leads to questioning the use of this category. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Lua Nova is the property of CEDEC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This brief essay places Rodney in the context of the development of trans-Atlantic African Diaspora consciousness and culture, and the development of non-Western contingent Marxist theories from dependency to his underdevelopment thesis. Rodney's biography and intellectual development are contextualized in their Caribbean, Latin American and Diasporic Black contexts, and in the context of Rodney's engagement with people, pedagogy and political processes in Jamaica, Tanzania, London and Guyana. Specifics of his Cuban sojourns and evolving conceptions of the revolution, his work on a book while there, and his placement within Cuban research and broader Caribbean and Latin American tendencies are examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After breaking away from 'Stalin's isolationism', Moscow saw the 1959 Cuban Revolution as an opportunity to expand its influence and granted Cubans numerous scholarships for postgraduate and technical training in the USSR. Facing international hostility, preparing new specialists was crucial to Cuba's development. However, for many uneducated Cuban students, in addition to serious external obstacles (weather, language, depression), studying in the USSR was a highly politicised experience. They formed colectivos and were called on to induce a 'revolutionary morality' through incentives and sanctions; they also received ongoing political orientation from the embassy, shaping a well-entrenched 'culture of militancy'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In this article, we seek to analyze the history of public policies of sport and leisure in Cuba during the administration of Felipe Guerra Matos at the head of the Dirección General de Deportes, between January 1959 and February 1961. We based our analysis on the academic literature, Cuban legislation, US government documentation, and Fidel Castro's speeches. We concluded that the actions of the Cuban State in the sphere of sport and leisure between 1959 and 1961 consisted of increasing the sports budget, building sport and leisure spaces, expropriating and nationalizing clubs and beaches, creating the Department of Beaches for the People and creating the Círculos Sociales Obreros. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: This article analyzes several factors that in the first half of the 1960s helped establish the link between Vivian Trías, the outstanding Uruguayan intellectual and politician, who defined himself as a Latin-Americanist and tercerista, and who would get explicitly distant from the communist world and the StB, the Czechoslovak secret service subordinated to the interests of the kgb. Methodology: The analysis is mainly based on sources from the Czechoslovak intelligence archive which are supplemented with texts published by Trías. Originality: Analyzing the specific case of Uruguayan tercerismo, represented by Trías, this research study presents a new look on the challenges brought by the Cuban-Soviet approach within the non-communist Latin-American left. Furthermore, it gives a new value to the role played by the communist secret services in the Latin-American Cold War. Conclusions: While before 1961, terceristas saw in the Soviet Union a way of imperialism, Castro’s declaration on the Marxist-Leninist nature of the Cuban Revolution helped to redefine this view. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (ussr) started to be seen by some sectors of the tercerismo, Trías included, as a power that could defend the third world peoples against the US aggression. Although the Soviet-Cuban relationship was marked by great tensions, the Czechoslovaks were an important ally of the Castro government, and the StB operated as a mediator between the Soviets and the ideologically heterogeneous actors, who, in turn, showed some sympathy for the Cuban Revolution. Under these circumstances, the fact that Trías had been recruited by the StB as its agent in 1964 turned out to be a great coincidence of mutual interests aimed at curbing the influence of the US on Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article presents a gender analysis of power and culture in post-revolutionary Cuba, using Bohemia magazine as a source. It argues that despite the relative paucity of historical research on the subject, gender was integral to the identity, legitimacy and popularity of the Cuban Revolution. This article examines Bohemia as a communicatory tool and a site of dissemination and contestation to demonstrate how the Cuban Revolution both endorsed and criticised the cultural ideals it inherited. Bohemia elucidates a dynamic between grassroots enthusiasm, institutional mobilisation and popular disenchantment, whereby gender discourse functioned to encourage and regulate behaviour. The article first focuses on the construction of national identity through historical narratives in Bohemia, exploring the uses of José Martí and Mariana Grajales to create an ambiguous discourse framing behaviour, both domestically and internationally. It then shifts to the discursive construction of the individual Cuban woman, analysing the multiple contentious identities that existed in this post-revolutionary cultural framework, using this incongruity to evidence fundamental shortcomings in the revolution's approach. The final section bridges the national and the individual to understand how these discursive frameworks were used to encourage female participation in the workplace, in political organisations and social campaigns. This analysis also highlights that the central dissonance within the revolutionary project's cultural framework prevented the realisation of gender equality. This article therefore argues that a gender analysis is integral to understanding the nature, legitimacy and longevity of the Cuban Revolution on both a national and international level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article examines the transnational activism of the Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil (Revolutionary Student Directorate, DRE), a group of exiled Cuban anti-Castro students. In the wake of the Bay of Pigs invasion, with CIA funding, the DRE attempted to challenge student support for the Cuban Revolution in Latin America and elsewhere in the global South. This article uses the DRE's trajectory to rethink the 1960s as a period of anti-communist, as well as leftist, youth ascendancy. It challenges the idea that Cuba garnered universal youth support, stressing instead that the Cuban Revolution helped turn student politics into a key battleground of the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Cuban and Sandinista Revolutions stand together as Latin America's two socialist revolutions achieved through guerrilla insurgency in the latter half of the twentieth century. But beyond studies that demonstrate that Cuba militarily trained and supported the Sandinistas before, during, and after their guerrilla phase, and observations that the two countries were connected by the bonds of socialist revolution, the nature of Cuba and Nicaragua's revolutionary relationship remains little explored. This article traces exchanges of people and expertise between each revolutionary state's Ministry of Foreign Relations and Ministry of Culture. It employs diplomatic and institutional archives, personal collections, and oral interviews to demonstrate the deep involvement of Cuban experts in building the Sandinista state. Yet, Cuban advice may have exacerbated tensions within Nicaragua. This article also shows that tensions marked the day-to-day realities of Cubans and Nicaraguans tasked with carrying out collaborations, revealing their layered and often contradictory nature. Illuminating high-level policy in terms of Cuban-Nicaraguan exchanges and how they unfolded on the ground contributes to new international histories of the Sandinista and Cuban revolutions by shifting away from North-South perspectives to focus instead on how the Sandinistas navigated collaboration with their most important regional ally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lua Nova is the property of CEDEC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Cuban Revolution constitute probably the most influential event in the contemporary history of Latin America due to its scope and significance. Even today, the echoes of that historical event are projected greatly in the present and the numerous of unanswered questions that still generate turn into extraordinary field to this study. In the present article we want to explore the potentialities what the oral history can offer us to reach that objective. In order to dive into this issue we shall focus in the life stories of some person who had direct experience or taken part in political and social happen in Cuba, from fifties decade to the present in a different scenes. The rescue of their voices allows us to approach the "lived experience" of the Revolution and helps us to know the very meaning of that historical process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the two most revisited experiences of transition to socialism in the Latin American twentieth century: the Cuban Revolution and the Chilean Popular Unity government. To contrast Cuban and Chilean leftist conceptions of that period, we analyzed how the cultural magazines Casa de las Américas and La Quinta Rueda represented the agenda of the left. Based on these sources, we will discuss each government's cultural policies, the intellectual debates, the exchanges, and conflicts between the two revolutionary processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Seen in 1959 as an additional piece within the larger democratization process in Latin America, the Cuban Revolution arose general enthusiasm within the Chilean Christian Democratic Party. But its unanimous acceptation declined in the coming years because of the Cuban authorities' decision to radicalize their revolution and establish an alliance with the Soviet Union, although not all Christian Democrats turned away from the Island. With the beginning Eduardo Frei Montalva's presidential term in 1964, his "Revolution in Liberty" was showcased as an alternative agenda to the radical Cuban path, which engendered concerns in La Habana. Forced to take sides, some Christian [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1968, Aimé Césaire travelled to Cuba to participate in the Havana Cultural Congress, a mass international meeting where delegates discussed the place of culture in the struggle against imperialism, neo-colonialism, and underdevelopment. Among the likes of C.L.R. James, Nicolás Guillén, René Depestre, Michel Leiris, and Daniel Guérin, it was in Havana that the Martinican politician undertook the until-now untranslated interview with Sonia Aratán for the Casa de las Américas revue and delivered his Cultural Congress conference paper – previously believed by Césaire scholars to be lost. Both texts shed light on Césaire's little-known views on Fidel Castro, the Cuban Revolution and Marxism in the context of late-1960s tricontinentalism. By reconstructing Césaire's exchanges with Cuban writers before and during the Congress, we propose a consideration of the role of Cuba in Césaire's political thought as a tragic possibility, combining the catastrophe of Caribbean history with the uncertain potential of new social forms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the influence of the Cuban Revolution and of Che on Lotta Continua (LC) - the main organisation of the Italian extra-parliamentary Left - from 1969 until 1974, through the pages of the newspaper Lotta continua. Che was a political and moral example for LC, which by 1974 went beyond myth and reached a balanced view on him. The issue of Che's relevance in present-day Italy is also assessed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we will analyze the reception of the Cuban Revolution in Argentina from the characterizations of that process elaborated by the 'Movimiento Izquierda Revolucionaria - Praxis' (MIR-P), the Trotskyist organization 'Palabra Obrera' and the 'Grupo Liberación' (GL). For this we will survey the newspapers, magazines and brochures published by these groups and evaluate to what extent their previous conceptions were altered and what contradictions were generated inside them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What should be the place of the Cuban Republic in histories of sexuality under the revolution? This essay argues that scholarly accounts of gender and sexuality in post-1959 Cuba want for a fuller engagement with their pre-1959 context. In particular, it seeks to open up a conversation about questions and topics in the history of sexuality that might straddle the 1959 divide, as well as the historiographical (and political) consequences of writing across it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Operation Truth (Operación Verdad) was the Cuban Revolution's first major intervention in the global mass media. In late January 1959, the revolutionary government invited journalists and politicians from around the world to witness the trials and executions of individuals accused of committing human rights abuses during the Fulgencio Batista dictatorship. This essay argues thatOperation Truth prompted a battle of information waged to define the legitimacy of emotion and calculation as a way of supporting political action in Cuba. Operation Truth coverage judged the revolutionary leaders' suitability as governing officials by characterizing them as bearers of a "true masculinity," and positively or negatively judging their "Latin" identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines how gender facilitated the encounters between Angela Y.Davis and the Cuban Revolution in the late 1960s and 1970s. Davis'smultifaceted identity as a black woman and communist shaped both her representation and reception in Cuba. Cubans supported Davis by participating in the global campaign for her freedom and welcoming her to the island several times, often with delegations from the Communist Party, beginning in 1969. The Cuban state propagated an iconography of Davis that cast her as a global signifier for both repression and international solidarity. Furthermore, at a transitional moment when Cuban leadership advocated institutionalization of the revolution, the Federation of Cuban Women provided highly visible opportunities for Davis to speak and be seen not afforded to men in the black liberation movement. Davis's time in Cuba proved transformative and foundational in shaping her view of global liberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay opens new perspectives on the Cuban Revolution by considering its global impact through the lens of gender and sexuality. This framework provides important new insights into the rise of the New Left and the anticommunist Right by centering ideas of gender, sexuality, and the family. Locating the Cuban Revolution alongside other contemporary struggles against racism and imperialism, the essay argues that gender and sexuality were crucial terrains of struggle that demonstrate the complexity of the Cold War in the Global South. Moreover, this point of view challenges long-standing perceptions of revolutionary Cuba as "isolated" by showing how the island precipitated and was embedded in transnational networks and flows of people and ideas, including solidarity campaigns, militarymissions, and forms of cultural diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Left turn of the late 1990s, most Latin American and Caribbean nations have come to support the Palestinian struggle for statehood and the right of return, opposing Israel's and its allies' severe repression of them. This study explains the singular historic exception — Cuba's 70-year-long solidarity with Palestine — through the theoretical lenses of race, class and colonialism. It first reviews the transformation of Cuba's constrained solidarity with Palestine in the pre-revolution post-war years to comprehensive internationalism from Socialist Cuba. Then, analysing Zionism and its Latin American advocates from partition in 1947, we assess Cuba's break with Israel in 1973, alongside US-based Israeli and Cuban expat hostilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Victor Emilo Dreke Cruz is a walking archive. Today, at age 82, his life represents the arch of the Cuban Revolution. He was fifteen in 1952, when General Batista waged a military coup in order to protect US neo-colonial and Cuban elite interests. It was at this moment that Dreke joined the resistance. First as an organizer, then in charge of a sabotage unit, and then as leader of campaigns against the dictator's police and army. Once the revolution succeeded he took leadership in the Revolutionary Armed Forces. He battled US supported counter-revolutionary forces at the Bay of Pigs and in the Escambray Mountains and joined Che Guevara in the Congo after the assassination of Patrice Lumumba. He worked with the brilliant theorist Amilcar Cabral in Guinea Bissau and Cape Verde, and trained numerous leaders from Africa in Cuba. This article examines the extraordinary life of this man in the context of extraordinary events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1959, Cuba's Revolutionary leaders passed a sweeping Agrarian Reform. This article focuses on a group of black radical peasant organizers, many of them Communists, in order to rethink the origins of the revolutionary project. Based on oral histories, archival documents, and testimonial narratives, this article decenters Cuba's revolutionary leaders to recover the lost stories and victories of black radicals who laid the groundwork for one of the revolution's most socially, economically, and politically transformative measures and whose long-held commitment to socialism and agrarian justice made an early and deep impact on the origins and course of the Cuban Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper quantitatively measures the impact of the 1959 Cuban revolution on the country's GDP per capita and exports. We use various policy evaluation methods to obtain a valid counterfactual of Cuba's GDP per capita after the revolution using other Latin American countries as control candidates. We find evidence that regarding both outcomes, the overall impact of the revolution was negative. We also document a negative effect of the economic embargo imposed by the United States and a sizable, positive effect of Cuba's trade agreement with the Soviet Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

No prior scholarly work on Cuban architectural and intellectual history has yet focused on Arquitectura Cuba, a periodical published by the Colegio Nacional de Arquitectos, as an archive. However, issues of the publication from the early years of the Cuban Revolution (especially 1959 and 1960) provide an indication of state-sponsored views on architecture, urbanism and the interplay between these and the socialist project in Cuba. Using articles and editorials from Arquitectura Cuba alongside other contemporary sources, this article focuses on and critiques three themes that recur throughout these issues: the idea of architecture as a socially minded profession, the need for urbanisation of the countryside as a core goal of the new Cuban state and the interplay between global modernism and localised practices. Ultimately, this investigation illustrates potential methodological directions and archival sources for Cuban architectural and social historiography, revealing another lens to read the Cuban Revolution and its legacies today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of Revolution has been treated in different ways by comrade Fidel Castro Ruz. Over the years, the definition and concept of the Cuban Revolution has been clarified and enriched by our leader; Currently, the definition is more complex. It represents 90 years of struggle and experience and more than 50 years in power. In the general concept of the Cuban Revolution, a series of elements that validate it as a true Revolution are maintained and maintained. To avoid mistaken interpretations, we will go to the textual words of Comrade Fidel to argue each one of the treated aspects. This, of course, will contribute to the understanding of the ideas and purposes that we have set out to address. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Indias is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

With the 1959 victory of the Cuban Revolution, documentary film became a means by which to study and educate the population, to disseminate and at times question revolutionary ideology, and through these processes to construct a new nation. Because of its association with the lively effervescence of cubanía, popular dance continued to be a crucial element in Cuba's self-image, featured prominently in new filmic production. Yet revolutionary perspectives on past eras and goals for a new moral culture complicated its portrayal. This article explores the diverse, sometimes conflicting, currents in Cuba's documentary film production from 1960 to 1974 through the analysis of four short documentaries focused on popular dance. It argues that popular dance, as viewed through the lens of documentary film, was a crucial area of ideological struggle, the victory of which implied control over the minds, hearts and bodies of Cubans in the construction of a revolutionary state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the newly-declassified letters that Mexicans and people residing in Mexico sent to the Cuban government in the first decade after the Cuban Revolution. The letters reveal that the Cuban Revolution found supporters among a variety of Mexicans because the events in Cuba reflected their own nation's history of revolution and U.S. intervention. In addition to praising the Cuban Revolution, the Mexicans who put pen to paper confessed their hopes and fears for their own country. While these letters were ostensibly about Cuba, they in fact reveal more about political culture in 1960s Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a diverse variety of sources, including archival materials, interviews and newspapers, this article seeks to demonstrate that the Cuban Revolution was not from the outset a project inspired by an "orthodox" communism. Close ties with the USSR led to doubts and theoretical debates (encouraged by Che Guevara's thesis: "foquismo") in a country where many feared a passive integration in the socialist sphere. Intense controversies erupted within the intellectual milieu during the 1960s (like the "manual controversy" in 1966), reflecting divergent sensibilities regarding "things Soviet" and differing ideas about the role of artists and the avant-gardes in a revolutionary society. The "normalization" of Cuban-Soviet relationships, noticeable at the end of the decade, was only possible after a long period of disagreements, apprehensions and doctrinal controversies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The decade of the sixties of last century in Cuba was a very prolific period in quantity and quality of realizations, as much in the urban as architectonic scope. With the temporary distance of fifty years, it becomes necessary to reconstruct the enormous constructive task that unfolded the Cuban Revolution in that decade, during which the buildings of social content prevailed. This article presents the results of a historical investigation, focused on the production of housing and its immediate services, as well as sports and recreational facilities, built in Havana by different state entities in conjunction with municipal administrations. This article intends to demonstrate how during the first years of the Revolution the constructive programs carried out had the purpose of balancing the different areas of the capital city in order to achieve equity and give everyone the right to enjoy it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abd-el-Krim al-Khattabi's guerilla tactics are said to have influenced several renowned revolutionaries, such as Ho Chi Minh and Mao Zedong. There is evidence that Che Guevara equally employed at least some of the tactics and methods, which were devised by the Rifis. After all, Alberto Bayo, the much respected guerilla trainer of Che, had fought during his military career for a relatively long period of time against the Rifis. Castro, yet another role model for Che, mentions in his biography that he read about the battle of Annual, one of the most successful attacks against the Spanish initiated by Abd-el-Krim in 1921. There are also claims that Che had met Abd-el-Krim in 1959 in Cairo. Castro does not mention that he had discussed with Che anything about his readings on the Rif War, but he clearly states that Bayo used to teach in his camp guerilla methods that he had encountered during his assignments in Morocco. However, neither Bayo nor Che (or their biographers) mention that any of the tactics imparted during the training were from the time of Abd-el-Krim's struggle. The only person praised by both men is the Nicaraguan rebel leader Augusto César Sandino. This article compares the tactical teachings of Bayo as well as the operational methods used by Che during his battles in Cuba with the methods applied by the Rifis under Abd-el-Krim's leadership, and highlights a number of tactical similarities. It also finds that the guerilla tactics applied by Sandino have little in common with the methods described by Bayo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using James Carey's notion of “historical consciousness,” this article conducted a historical analysis on how Robert F. Williams, a US-born civil rights activist and journalist, negotiated debates about race, racism, and class conflict while living in exile in Cuba and China during the 1960s. The author examined editorial coverage on Cuba and China published in Williams'Crusaderbetween 1961 and 1969. An analysis of this newsletter highlights the existence and importance of a news outlet that has received little attention in histories on black journalism. It reveals the insights, contradictions, and contentions that are present in black journalists' alternative media texts published from abroad. Carey's notion of “historical consciousness” is helpful for understanding how black journalists' lived experiences and perceptions have emerged from the media texts they produced. These alternative journalism texts reveal how public debates about race, racism, and class conflict have evolved as black journalists have operated across national borders. This article, therefore, contributes to scholarship on the relationship between black journalism and transnationalism by examining specific conceptualizations of race and class politics across various contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transformative ethos underpinning the Cuban Revolution aimed at the creation of the New Socialist Man as conceived by Che Guevara. This was to be achieved through the expansion of culture and education and the instillation of Marxist–Leninist ideology and philosophy of history. As a materialisation of history, monuments were considered as key devices for the reification and public spread of the official ideology. This paper explores how the Cuban Revolution generated a new public monumental aesthetic resulting from the competing demands of political commissioners and artists. It argues that artists sustained a hidden transcript of resistance by promoting abstract art, under the increasing pressure of the regime to develop a monumental public symbolic and material space following Soviet realist models. The paper focuses in the period of higher socio-cultural repression between the mid-1970s and the start of the Special Period in 1990. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The assassination of Panamanian President José Antonio Remón in 1955 and the triumph of the Cuban Revolution in 1959 brought about public trials of immense political importance. The article compares the ways legal processes in Panamá and Cuba were represented in the media, with particular focus on visual images. In both cases, images were key to the shifting of public sensibilities and understandings of the trials. But although in both Cuba and Panamá legal consciousness became highly politicized, in the former, the trials solidified public support for the young Revolution, whereas in Panamá, the notion of a corrupted legal process undermined the regime as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay partially traces the mediation in the work of the Haitian writer René Depestre (b. 1926) between a high culture associated with his poetic vocation and manifestations of and accessibility to popular expression. This issue surfaced spectacularly in a 1950s querelle with Aimé Césaire, who belittled Depestre's commitment to placing his poetry at the service of humanity by following Louis Aragon's precepts about returning to the traditional parameters of French rhyme and versification. The essay argues that many of Depestre's ideas expressed in the querelle, such as his recurrent references to Nicolás Guillén, prefigure his fascination with Cuba and the Cuban Revolution and his eventual emigration from Haiti to Cuba. Finally, the essay discusses the numerous ways in which Depestre interacted with the cultural production of Cuba in the 1960s, including collaboration with film, publishing, translation, and of course writing. Analyses of two texts, a poem and a short story, conclude the essay by showing that even in texts marked by different decades and widely divergent ideological commitments, the problematic of a high/popular cultural mediation is a persistent factor that provides a unity to the historical arc of Depestre's production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text examines the links between intellectual function and the project of the Cuban Revolution, by analyzing the main moments of this relationship and the approaches to it from power and the intellectual field, respectively. This analysis shows that such relationships can be understood by taking the interrelationships between the individual and the collective as a transversal axis; for example, between individual subjects related to intellectual function and the collective project, or between the revolutionary project and intellectual condition (collective) and intellectual function (individual). We also propose some central pairs for understanding the question, as the distinction between militant intelligentsia and intellectual militancy or cultural policy and politicized culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Sports have played a dual role in the Cuban Revolution. International sport competitions symbolize the revolution's success and compose a strategy for creating social cohesion. This essay explores how Cuban sports documentaries (as well as documentaries on Cuban sports made by foreign filmmakers) represent and problematize these complementary roles. It argues that Cuban sport documentaries offer insights about the Cuban Revolution over time and provide occasions to explore the sociocultural, economic, and political challenges that Cubans have faced in the revolution's socialist and post-Soviet stages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the relationship between Cuba and African Americans during the period from the Cuban Revolution of the 1950s to the 1961 invasion of the Bay of Pigs by the United States. Topics discussed include political support from Cuba for African American activism for racial equality, the relationship between anti-colonialism and equality for African Americans, and African American interest in Cuban politics.