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Povijest romskoga stanovništva na hrvatskim područjima većinom je bila obilježena razdobljima u kojima su ga vlasti nastojale represivnim putem asimilirati u većinsko stanovništvo. Za vrijeme Drugoga svjetskog rata nacističke su vlasti i njihovi saveznici proveli genocid nad njima. Upravo je to ratno razdoblje smatrano središnjom točkom u povijesti romskoga stanovništva. U radu se analizira na koji se način pisalo o stradanju Roma u odabranim leksikografskim djelima izdanima od 1945. do danas. Kako bi se bolje razumjeli rezultati ove analize, istraživanjem su obuhvaćene leksikografske publikacije određenih europskih zemalja. Rezultati istraživanja pokazali su kako je tema stradanja Roma u hrvatskim leksikografskim izdanjima nedovoljno zastupljena, što je bio slučaj i u drugim europskim leksikografijama. Ovakav odnos hrvatske leksikografije prema povijesti jedne od najstarijih i danas jedne od brojnijih manjinske skupine u Republici Hrvatskoj odraz je marginalizacije kulture sjećanja na romske žrtve unutar hrvatskoga društva, posebice u znanosti i kulturi., Similarly to other European countries, the history of the Roma population in Croatian areas was marked mostly by most periods of persecution and suffering, when the authorities tried to use repression in order to assimilate the Roma into the majority population. One such period was during World War II, when genocide against the Roma was carried out in many European countries by the Nazi authorities and their allies. After the War, the culture of remembering Roma victims became marginalised in Croatia. This paper examines how Croatian lexicography approached the issue of the significance of Roma suffering during World War II in selected lexicographical works from 1945 till today, and compares it to lexicographical publications from certain other European countries. Research shows that Croatian lexicography neglected the importance of Roma genocidal suffering as a central point in the history of the Roma population. Such a similar marginal attitude towards Roma suffering in World War II was present in other European lexicographies, which is only one of the arguments in favour of the thesis that post-war society in Europe, including Croatian society, neglected the importance of researching Roma suffering in war and thus marginalised the culture of remembrance of Roma victims of genocide, especially in science and culture.

Ovaj članak istražuje kako su pobunjeni Srbi u Republici Srpskoj Krajini (RSK) reinterpretirali narative Drugog svjetskog rata ne bi li opravdali svoj ustanak protiv demokratski izabrane hrvatske vlasti 1990. godine i ostvarili domaći i međunarodni legitimitet paradržavne tvorevine Republike Srpske Krajine. Dok su se znanstvenici već bavili uporabom kontroverznih simbola i rehabilitacijom kolaboratora iz Drugog svjetskog rata u Hrvatskoj kao strategijama kojima se služe nacionalističke elite, o kulturi sjećanja u Republici Srpskoj Krajini malo se pisalo. Na osnovi dokumenata zaplijenjenih nakon sloma Republike Srpske Krajine 1995. ovaj članak pokazuje kako nije samo vlada Franje Tuđmana odbacivala partizanske narative o bratstvu i jedinstvu, već se paralelan proces odigravao i u vodstvu Krajine. Konačno, odluka da šovinističku i ekstremističku interpretaciju prošlosti učini povijesnim temeljem svojih političkih ciljeva rezultirala je kriminaliziranom tvorevinom koja je završila tragično i po Srbe i po Hrvate koji su živjeli na teritoriju Republike Srpske Krajine, Although in recent years a new generation of scholars have analyzed the transformation of memory politics, the use of controversial symbols from the Second World War, and the rehabilitation of collaborationists in Croatia since 1990, these processes in the Republic of Srpska Krajina (RSK) have received little attention. The rebel Croatian Serb leaders of this parastate, carved out of Croatian territory during the breakup of Yugoslavia, justified their rejection of the democratically elected government in Zagreb by claiming that Franjo Tuđman’s administration had abandoned the antifascist legacy of the Partisans, which they alleged was the beginning of a new genocide against Serbs. However, this article, based on captured RSK documents, fieldwork, materials collected by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, and interviews with individuals who had lived in the RSK, shows that the rebel Croatian Serb leadership had also abandoned the Partisan narrative during its short-lived existence. The RSK’s new politics of memory resulted in the destruction of monuments that reflected Serb-Croat cooperation, the transformation of public space, and the introduction of symbols that likewise rejected the antifascist legacy. The decision by the Krajina Serb leaders to base their political goals on a chauvinist and extremist interpretation of the past, which excluded the possibility of co-existing with other national groups, ended tragically for both Serbs and Croats living on the territory of the RSK.

This article examines how rebel Serbs in Croatia reinterpreted narratives of World War Two to justify their uprising against the democratically elected Croatian government in 1990 and gain domestic and international legitimacy for the Republika Srpska Krajina (RSK) parastate. While scholars have written about the strategies nationalist elites used regarding controversial symbols and the rehabilitation of World War Two collaborators in Croatia and other Yugoslav successor states, the RSK's “culture of memory” has received little attention. Based on documents captured after the RSK's defeat in 1995, this article shows that it was not only the government of Franjo Tudjman that rejected the Partisan narratives of “Brotherhood and Unity, ” but a parallel process took place among the leadership in the Krajina. Ultimately the decision to base the historical foundations of the Croatian Serbs' political goals on a chauvinist and extremist interpretation of the past resulted in a criminalized entity that ended tragically for both Serbs and Croats living on the territory of the RSK.