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This study examines the relations between Turkey and the Horn of Africa, focusing on historical legacies and their impact on relationships. The examination of Turkey’s relations to the Horn of Africa can be categorized into three stages. The initial stage might be characterized as a period of active involvement during which the Ottomans emerged as a prominent participant in the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea areas. The historical legacies of this particular period play a significant role in enhancing our understanding of the opportunities and challenges that shaped Turkey’s subsequent interactions with the Horn region. The subsequent period, spanning from 1923 to 1998 can be characterized as an era of active withdrawal and shrinking from Empire to Statist Republicanism, during which Turkey’s engagement and relations with the Horn countries were constrained. The third phase, which has its origins in the Open to Africa document from 1998 and materialized in 2002 with the rise of AKP, can be interpreted as a period characterized by Turkey’s revitalized efforts to foster comprehensive collaborations with the countries in the Horn region. The research utilizes an analytical and interpretive methodology to examine various documents and secondary sources of literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article gives an overview of the purposes and principal requirements of the Digital Services Act and how they function specifically towards non-EU companies, using Chinese companies as a prominent example. It discusses to which extent the Digital Services Act is part of the regulatory project by which the EU, whether purposefully or not, projects power beyond its borders, and argues that at least with regard to economically powerful countries such as China, this effect has likely been somewhat overstated. The article points out that nevertheless, non-EU and specifically Chinese companies face additional challenges when trying to comply with the Digital Services Act, and provides orientation in this regard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to explore the relationship between imperialism and political ecology, the identifying characteristics of the historical development of ecological imperialism, and the ecosocial implications of its cosmetic adaptation—namely, green imperialism—in a context of growing threat and biophysical concern. We first provide a succinct updated definition of imperialism based on world-systems analysis, which serves to understand imperialism as the system of economic domination of global capitalism, placing countries at the core of the system at one pole of extraction of labor, energy, and material resources, and those at the periphery at the opposite pole of supply. This hierarchization helps to understand ecological imperialism as a series of externalizations that the core tends to implement globally, transforming the periphery into a drain for these externalizations. As part of it, green imperialism appears as a new mode of accumulation aimed at preserving the imperial mode of living in the core legitimized by supposedly environmentally beneficial policies and discourses. We conclude by addressing the need for a fruitful dialogue between the critiques of ecologically unequal exchange and the radical positions of contemporary degrowth in order to reduce the most harmful productive sectors and favor a socially just transition and development in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical context significantly shapes archives management practices and archival education within a country. This article aims to examine how Thailand’s recordkeeping traditions, both pre-modern and during the era of Western imperialism, have evolved to influence the current state of archives management and archival education in the country. By comparing the Thai context to other countries, it is found that Thailand’s status as a noncolonized nation has led to relatively fragmented recordkeeping knowledge and practices. Ultimately, the study identifies essential elements learned from other countries in the region that can help address the gaps in Thailand’s archival development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Illusion of the Empire: Civilization, Nation, and the Incomplete Community, a monograph written by professor Liang Zhan, analyzes from a global outlook the ups and downs of the empires existing in the 20th century through the descriptions in the following several literary works: Kafka's Beim Bau der chinesis Mauer, Franois Bernier's Travels in the Great Mughul Empire, Anderson's Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread Nationalism, and Kang Youwei's A Book of the Great Harmony. The book attempts to make the readers realize something concerning a sense of western superiority resulted from so-called superior civilization and the illusion of the empire in the new era. The book is rich in thought-provoking materials and worth depth-reading. It concludes that the 20th century is better to be regarded as a century with the entanglement of the empires and the nations rather than a century of "Nation-State." The book provides the readers with a lively model to further enjoy some intriguingly conceived literary works such as Kafka's Beim Bau der chinesis Mauer in a more profound way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the life and work of Ralph Bunche, a prominent figure in the United Nations and the civil rights movement. Bunche's fame grew after he facilitated the armistice that ended the 1948 Arab-Israeli war and won the Nobel Peace Prize. Despite his international recognition, Bunche faced discrimination in his own country. The article highlights Bunche's commitment to self-determination, decolonization, civil rights, and race equality. It also emphasizes his role in conflict mediation and peacekeeping, shaping the UN's rules-based international order. The author argues that Bunche's career offers valuable lessons for understanding the post-1945 international order. [Extracted from the article]

The way allied Western nations protect their interests has been a major problem and factor in the demise of governance and democracy in the Nigerian state and other African nations. This has made Nigeria's democracy, like that of other African countries, unstable since independence. Therefore, this article examined Western imperialism, which used religion as a tool and barrier to a strong, viable democracy in Nigeria. The article used critico-historical analysis as a method. The results showed that although Western imperialism and globalization, along with religion, have an expansionist and civilizing nature, they have also exhibited traits of dominance over other countries and systems of governance, thus making democracy weak and less rewarding. We argued that Nigeria's democracy and religion must be independent and self-sufficient to avoid Western exploitation and imperialism and provide a context for religious inculturation. We concluded that for Nigeria and other African nations to thrive in true and strong democracies, religion should be decolonized through pulling down colonial religious presumptions, de-internationalization of religion, reorientation of religious education, restoration of indigenous languages, authentication of religious freedom, non-governmental funding of religion, and provision of theologically motivated research to a more legitimate position within religionism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this article is to analyze Chaudhry Afzal's autobiography "MeraAfsana" in the colonial context. We have seen how the colonial system and its inhabitants were able to establish and rule their colonies in India. Neocolonialism is a system in which powerful nations take control of weaker nations. By using the resources of the subjugated nation to increase their economic and statistical efficiency, they continue to strengthen themselves. This makes the economy of the settlers stronger. When a country occupies another country through its military power, it is the beginning of the formation of the colonial system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US government has been promoting a new cold war against China for some time. It began before former President Donald Trump initiated a trade war against China and has continued under President Biden. The underlying reason for this policy is the drive of the US government to maintain a position of global domination and to prevent any other country from rising to a position of equal, or near equal, economic, political, or military strength with the US. This cold war is unjustified and poses serious dangers for people around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al-Bahith Journal is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Konstantina Zanou's book could have been called After Venice. It traces the disintegration of the Venetian Adriatic world, through an interlude of alternative empires – French, Austrian, British, and Russian – to an era of nations, or, as she often puts it, nation-states, with special attention to the Ionian islands, or those born there, wherever they then spent their lives. She tells this tale by attending to the concerns of individuals who spanned this space, often by moving through it, but also through the work of the imagination. She offers us a rich, humane, and reflective account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article titled "Towards a New Helsinki - Someday" deals with the Russian aggression against Ukraine and its impact on international security. The author argues that Russia is attempting to restore its empire and destroy Ukraine as an economically successful and European-oriented state. The invasion demonstrates that the Kremlin has no scruples and disregards international law and human lives. The article also raises the question of how Germany and other countries should respond to this threat and whether a new Helsinki conference would be a reasonable alternative. [Extracted from the article]

He begins with a necessary introduction of the Kurds as an ethnic category under the Muslim Ottomans, and the changes faced by the Kurds and other Muslim ethnic categories of Turks and Arabs in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Somer discusses in detail how, in the modern era, Turkishness and Kurdishness have developed into two competing national identities. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Revista Hidalguía is the property of Revista Hidalguia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

"Breaking Empires, Making Nations: The First World War and the Reforging of Europe" is a book that emerged from a conference held at the College of Europe, Natolin in 2015. It features an introduction and ten chapters written by historians from nine different countries, offering a collective reflection on the transformation of the historiography of the First World War. The book explores the collapse of multi-ethnic empires in central and eastern Europe and the emergence of new nation states in their place. It takes a broad approach, considering experiences from both western and eastern Europe, and offers a synthesis of recent developments in the field of First World War studies. [Extracted from the article]

This paper compares different strategies of legitimation deployed by the nationalist movements in the Balkans and Ireland in the 19th and early twentieth century. In contrast to the traditional accounts that posit nations and empires as mutually exclusive projects, I show how imperial and nationalist discourses can reinforce one another. The paper zooms in on the changing dynamics of imperial and national legacies by exploring how specific social movements strategically deploy concepts such as the 'small' or 'greater' nation to facilitate different nationalist projects. By contrasting the historical experiences of the Balkan states and Ireland I show how geopolitical and historical contexts shape the complex and contradictory relationships between imperial and the national projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Collected Papers of Zagreb Law Faculty / Zbornik Pravnog Fakulteta u Zagrebu is the property of Sveuciliste u Zagrebu, Pravni Fakultet and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dilemas Contemporáneos: Educación, Política y Valores is the property of Dilemas Contemporaneos: Educacion, Politica y Valores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the article were examined the complex processes that took place in the Prut-Dniester area between the end of the 15th and the end of the 16th centuries. As a result of the expansion of the Ottoman empire north of the Danube, the country of Moldova loses several territories, which were successively transformed into Ottoman administrative-territorial units that were under the direct jurisdiction of the Ottoman Porte. components of Dar al-Islam, in these “rayas” the administrative and military organization of the Ottoman empire of that period is established. The annexations by taking territories from Moldova and their transformation into Ottoman administrative-territorial units have had created a problem not only regionally, but also internationally. Both the interests of the country of Moldova and those of the kingdoms of Poland, Hungary and the Habsburg empire were prejudiced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first Moravian General Synod to be held outside of Europe met in Bethlehem, PA, in 1957, and it was historic in many ways. It was the first synod in nearly two centuries to have a woman delegate and the first synod held in English instead of German. The synod made some of the most profound changes in the structure and doctrine of the Moravian Church since the days of Zinzendorf. Former mission fields, like South Africa West and Jamaica, were made self-dependent provinces of the new Unity. Synod adopted a new structure of self-governing provinces loosely joined in the Unity, which was similar to the British Commonwealth of Nations. And the church adopted a new doctrinal statement called the Ground of the Unity. This article places the 1957 in its historical context and examines how the Moravians adapted to the end of European colonialism by adopting a new understanding of its mission to the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of the 'Carol I' National Defence University / Buletinul Universitatii Nationale de Aparare 'Carol I' is the property of Carol I National Defence University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Strongly rooted in the existential matrix of each people, identity has defining factors that are consecrated, in a political-legal form within their constitutions. The present study reveals the forms and modalities by which the Romanian constitutional acts included not only the political-legal principles of modern Europe, but also the social and cultural experience of the Romanian nation. Thus, the Constitution of 1866 represented the preamble to independence, in the process of asserting our identity. national and, under the Empire of the Constitution of 1923, the identity and unitary statehood of Romanians are consolidated. Then we analyze some particularities of the deformation of the national identity during the totalitarian regime and of the socialist Constitutions, as well as the revival of the constitutional life and of the national and European identity in the Romanians, under the 1991 Constitution and its changes in 2003. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Alustath is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Japanese imperialism was an important factor of the policy in the Far East in the first half of the 20th century. Due to its victories in the First Sino-Japanese War and the Russo-Japanese war, Japan obtained a considerable empire on the Asian mainland. In this step it followed as the only Asian nation the European imperial countries. Japanese imperialism is therefore sometimes considered as an extension of the European one. On the other hand, Japanese overseas expansion was motivated by quite different reasons -- especially by an effort to ensure national security. It also used completely different rhetoric of Pan-Asianism and anti-colonialism. The building of empire was perceived differently than the same process in European countries. The shape of Japanese imperialism was therefore quite distinct and had a completely different legacy as in the case of Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is generally accepted that historically Africa experienced colonialism. Thus, in the neocolonial age articulated by the likes of Sugirtharajah, Segovia and Nkrumah, most African countries are faced with the challenge of power struggle in which imperialism and dictatorship inhibits the development of the Two-Thirds world countries. This challenge, it is argued, reveals an imperialistic tendency of the European Union, China and African government(s) to alter democracy and freedom. As such, the Zimbabwe context, amongst others, will be used as a main point of reference. This article examines the elements of imperialism in African states in the light of Persian hegemonic power in the books of Deuteronomy and Ezra-Nehemiah. It investigates whether or not the Jews were free under the Persian hegemonic influence in the post-exilic period. The comparison of the influence of Persian hegemony in the books of Deuteronomy and Ezra-Nehemiah with the evidence of imperialism in African government(s), leads to the argument that certain African states do not appear to be completely democratic and free. Intradisciplinary and interdisciplinary implications: Based on aspects of Old Testament and political science studies, this article explores traces of imperialism in African governments in the light of Persian hegemonic power in the Hebrew Bible. In the end, the article argues that certain African states, for instance Zimbabwe, should not be considered as completely democratic and free nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the relationship between nation and migration from the perspective of a postcolonial historical methodology. The author reflects on scholarship on imperialism and the postcolonial focus given to transnationalism as the principle category of analysis. Emphasis is given to the history of New Zealand and the rhetoric of biculturalism in historical discourse. Other topics include the role of nationalism in historiography, narratives of progress and exploitation, and deconstruction of the nation.

The phrase “American empire” has reentered the popular lexicon but remains contested. What does it mean to say that the United States is an empire? Why has this term resurfaced after so many decades to describe the United States in the new millennium? What does this mean for American foreign policy? I attempt to answer these questions by making three interrelated points. First, empire is a particular authority relationship between two polities constituted by extreme forms of both security and economic hierarchy. Second, the United States today is not an empire but it does exert substantial authority over other states in a range of hierarchical relationships. Third, although not an empire, the United States is acting in an imperialist fashion and, paradoxically, is undermining the international authority that it has cultivated and nurtured over the last century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The militant unilateralism of the George W. Bush administration has revived interest in such closely related and contested terms as “superpower,”“hegemon,”“empire,” and “imperialism.” This article identifies four different but somewhat overlapping approaches to defining “empire”: ideal type, self-consciously empirical, constructivist, and overtly normative. The author’s personal view is that any notion of American Empire or indeed U.S. hegemony or even superpower is profoundly misleading. Although the United States still ranks high on the scale of most traditional realist power factors, United States capabilities appear to be gravely waning today and its exercise of both hard and soft power has recently been so inept as to limit its current influence and possibly future role in global politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The topic of empire has experienced a strong revival in recent years. Some of this has to do with debates about whether and to what extent America is an empire. But there are other, perhaps deeper, causes. Empires were and are certain kinds of experiments in the management of ethnic and national diversity. They are also generally global in their reach and outlook. I should like to argue that one of the reasons why empires are making a come-back, at least in the intellectual sphere, is that they seem to have much to offer by way of experience and ideas to a world that is increasingly concerned with managing ethnic and cultural differences, and where the nation-state may be increasingly a hindrance to this goal. At the same time empires past and present have sometimes acted simply as "super" nation-states, pursuing the interests of the dominant ethnic groups in the empire. Empires and nations are variable forms of the political imagination and point in different directions, but the overlaps and similarities in their actual practices sometimes prevent them from displaying their different principles. It might be important to insist on those differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the differences and similarities between an empire and a nation. The author focuses on the fact that both an empire and a nation are concepts and not objects, however often become social fact which makes them hard to distinguish because of their similar practices. Further discussed is whether political systems can be intrinsically wrong or right.