Search

Klaus Mann (1906–1949) belonged to generation influenced by the two World Wars, burgeoning communism, and rising nationalism. Political component in his work is very strongly articulated not only in novels and essays, but also in autobiographical work. This emphasises his fascination in times he lived, but most of all it expresses his own involvement in fighting the evil which in his eyes were represented by Hitler and Nazism. In Mann’s eyes communism was not solely represented as a political system, but rather an ally in his personal crusade. In the literature there is often a question asked whether Klaus Mann was a communist or an ideologist whose majority of opinions were in line with ideological assumptions and values of the communist system. Despite clear declarations of the author himself, it is worth to look into his inner development: from fascination through growing distance and eventually disappointment which resulted in detaching himself from the communist ideas.

Um Genaueres über die friedliche Revolution in der DDR zu erfahren, muss man nicht lange in Büchern suchen; für viele Fragen reicht der schnelle Klick ins Internet. Sofort stößt man auf eine Reihe deutschsprachiger Themenportale, die auf hohem Niveau Auskunft geben - sowohl über die Chronologie der Ereignisse vom Herbst 1989 in der DDR als auch über die Faktoren, die zum Umbruch führten. Einige dieser Portale bieten sogar eine große Fülle an Bildern und Dokumenten. Hier zusätzlich fremdsprachige Internetportale zu bemühen ist nicht unbedingt erforderlich.

Hat das Diktum von den beiden deutschen Diktaturen einen kognitiven Wert? Offensichtlich beruht es auf der - wenn auch nicht expliziten - Gleichsetzung der faschistischen und der kommunistischen Diktatur als Spielarten desselben Typus. Damit wird implizit die Fragen nach dem Wesen geschichtswissenschaftlicher Vergleiche gestellt. Die Antwort liegt in der These, der bekannte Kondratieff-Zyklus sei ein grundlegender historischer Prozess. Faschismus und Bolschewismus werden in den Kontext des dritten Kondratieff-Zyklus gestellt und als antagonistische Lösungen der sozialen Frage gesehen. Die wahre Identität beider, so der Verfasser, liegt in ihrem selbstzerstörerischen Potenzial, das aber auf gegensätzliche Ursachen zurückgeht. (ICEÜbers), 'Does speaking of the two German dictatorships express any cognitive value? To answer this question, in the form of theses there is the assumption that this is based on a non-explicit equation expressing the Fascist and the Communist dictatorships as species of the same genus. This way, implicitly the question about the nature of historiographic comparison is raised. It is answered by the hypothesis of assuming the well-known Kondratieff Cycle as a basic historic process. By way of this assumption, Fascism and Bolshevist Communism are identified in the context of the Third Kondratieff and are judged on as being opposite ways of solving the social issue. The true identity of both is seen in its potential of self-destruction which, however, is due to opposite reasons.' (author's abstract)

Die kommunistische Sportpolitik, die während des Kalten Krieges den Sport Osteuropas dominierte, ist aus Europa verschwunden. Diese Zäsur ist ein geeigneter Anlass, sich rückblickend einige Charakteristika dieser Politik zu vergegenwärtigen. Vor allem die Verdienste, die dieser Politik zukamen, sollten nicht unterschätzt werden. Hierzu gehörte die Erleichterung sozialer Mobilität sowie Gleichstellung der Frauen, die Integration nationaler Minderheiten sowie die Modernisierung von Gesellschaften., Communist sport policy in Europe, that dominated large parts of it during the Cold War, is dead. The collapse of Soviet-style communism gives an opportunity to look back on the characteristics of communist sports. Especially its achievements should not be underestimated, as it promoted social mobility, equal rights for women and helped integrating national minorities as well as modernising societies., Historical Social Research Vol. 32, No. 1 (2007): Special Issue: Sports and Dictatorship: On the Political and Social Role of Sports in the German Dictatorships of the 20th Century Starting Point and Frequency: Year: 1979, Issues per volume: 4, Volumes per year: 1

Klaus Gestwa, Die Stalinschen Grossbauten des Kommunismus: Sowjetische Technik- und Umweltgeschichte, 1948-1967 (Stalinist Large-Scale Construction Sites of Communism: A Soviet Environmental History and History of Technology, 1948-67). 660 pp. Munich: Oldenbourg, 2010. ISBN-13 978-3486589634. 84.80 [euro]. In painting the communist era, it would be tempting to change the dominant color from red to gray. Large technological projects are a defining feature of Soviet rule, and huge slabs of concrete are among the most persistent post-Soviet relics. They reflect socialist ideals as well a dire reality; and Klaus Gestwa, professor of Russian history at Universitat Tubingen, explores these projects in a number of dimensions. He centers his narrative on the two postwar decades, spanning late Stalinism and the early Brezhnev years. The result is a major contribution to the history of the Soviet Union in general, its environmental history, and its history of technology. Gestwa's book draws on five case studies, all of them hydrological: the Volga-Don Canal (completed in 1952), the Kuibyshev reservoir and its hydroelectric station (1957), the Volgograd reservoir (1961), the Novosibirsk reservoir (part of a larger Ob River reclamation project that never materialized), and the Bratsk hydroelectric power station, the largest project of its kind worldwide until it was surpassed in size by another Soviet project in 1970. After thumbnail sketches of these five projects and a chapter on the general history of hydrological grand projects, Gestwa proceeds with thematic chapters on politics, the economy, culture, society, and the environment. In so doing, be moves from one place to another, highlighting common problems and thereby avoiding repetition and exhausting chronologies. Reading the fine print in Gestwa's book is worthwhile, and this review can only hint at some of these gems. For instance, he suggests that electric dams had a noteworthy tendency to push other goals to the margins. In the Soviet Union, rural electrification remained incomplete until Brezhnev put forward an action program in 1964 (229). Meanwhile, the dust storms of the late 1940s did not discourage Soviet leaders from expanding irrigation. To be sure, afforestation efforts were part of the response, but they also reflected an unwillingness to tackle the problem at its roots. One of the book's most interesting findings--and, I suspect, one that is applicable only to the Soviet Union--is that the "scientific and technical revolution," proclaimed in the mid-1950s, ended up having unintended, environmentally beneficial results. It created opportunities to discuss environmental problems and nudged the economy toward a bit more moderation in the exploitation of nature (552). Gestwa also asserts that when it came to large technological systems in the Soviet empire, any economic rationale was ultimately secondary to ideological and symbolic considerations. Fittingly, the cultural chapter is the book's longest. Indeed, in this chapter there is plenty of fodder for historians of all stripes; the topic goes to the heart of Soviet rule and opens a window onto the sclerosis that befell the Soviet Union in its final years. What is more, the book clearly calls for a sequel to study the role of these megaprojects in the regime's demise. Could one argue that the Soviet Union collapsed, among other things, under the weight of concrete, since the many problems attendant to the grand hydroprojects kept accumulating, taking on ever greater proportions? Gestwa's approach has some drawbacks, however, which are highlighted here merely to draw attention to the opportunities that the book opens for future scholars. In particular, it is regrettable that the different groups, in particular the scientists and engineers who were both designers and builders of technological megaprojects as well as a recruiting base for political leaders, never quite come into focus. …

'Der Bericht befaßt sich exemplarisch mit Techniken der Machteroberung und Machtbehauptung der russischen/ sowjetischen Kommunisten seit der Oktoberrevolution von 1917 sowie mit Bestrebungen, aus der kommunistischen Bewegung heraus reformorientierte Gegenbewegungen zu bilden. Dabei wird an einigen Punkten versucht, Querverbindungen zu der aus Ruinen auferstandenen KP Rußlands unter Sjuganow zu ziehen. Die Analyse stützt sich auf Originalquellen der betroffenen Parteien und zieht darüber hinaus Beiträge vornehmlich russischer und deutscher Spezialisten heran.' (Autorenreferat), 'The report looks at the techniques used by the Russian/ Soviet Communists for seizing and maintaining power since the October Revolution of 1917. In addition, it examines several examples of attempts to break away from the Communist mainstream to form reform-oriented counter-movements. In some instances the author tries to draw parallels with the resurrected Communist Party of Russia under Zyuganov. The analysis uses original sources from the parties concerned as well as the writings of mainly Russian and German specialists.' (author's abstract)

During the last decades, a new mode of production has emerged, for which names such as "commons-based peer production," "cornmonism," and "peer economi' have been proposed, This article explores the main characteristics of this mode of prodnction and discusses the relationship between commonism and communism: if communism is "the real movement which abolishes the present state of things", can commonism become the mode of production which allows this movement to realize this purpose?

We construct the first consistent series on the long-term distribution of income in Poland by combining tax, household survey and national accounts data. We document a U-shaped evolution of inequalities from the end of the nineteenth century until today: (1) inequality was high before WWII; (2) abruptly fell after the introduction of communism in 1947 and stagnated at low levels during the whole communist period; (3) experienced a sharp rise with the return to capitalism in 1989. We find that official survey-based measures strongly under-estimate the rise in inequality since 1989. Our results highlight the prominent role of capital income in driving the U-shaped evolution of top income shares. The unique inequality history of Poland speaks to the central role of institutions and policies in shaping inequality in the long run. Supplementary Information The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s10887-021-09190-1.

The article surveys the ideological drives to the Right and to the Left in the Romanian space, as they applied to the field of labor and social policies, over the period stretching from the first local reactions taken to the corporatist restructuring of syndical organization in fascist Italy up to the installation of communism. The developments involved are placed against their early XXth century historical background and the identity of the liberal approach to the issues concerned, enjoying a dominant position over the years coming in the aftermath of the First World War, is delineated in order to be invoked as a reference against which the tenets of the rival perspectives are evaluated. The full-blown fascist and communist relevant views are related to the other varieties of right-wing and respectively left-wing demands. The issue of syndicalism is taken as the central thread of the process of change under scrutiny, and the shaping of the legislative and institutional devices meant to address the problem of the representation of professional interests in an authoritarian guise is treated as the cornerstone of the same process.

Ohne Rosi Wolfstein und Paul Frölich wäre unser Bild von Rosa Luxemburg heute ein völlig anderes. Gemeinsam arbeitete das Paar in den 1920er Jahren am Nachlass der ermordeten Politikerin, wodurch die erste Werkausgabe entstehen konnte. Später, als Frölich und Wolfstein vor den Nationalsozialisten ins französische Exil geflüchtet waren, entstand 1939 durch beide eine der frühesten und zugleich authentischsten Biografien Luxemburgs (Rosa Luxemburg. Gedanke und Tat) unter Frölichs Namen, die aus diesem reichen Wissensschatz gespeist wurde. Doch wer waren Rosi Wolfstein und Paul Frölich, die heute nahezu vergessen scheinen? Ihre eigene Politikkarriere startete jeweils in der SPD vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg, führte sie durch das Lager der Kriegsgegnerschaft zum Gründungsparteitag der KPD (Kommunistische Partei). Während Frölich in den Reichstag gewählt wurde, saß Wolfstein im Preußischen Landtag. Aus antistalinistischer Überzeugung verließen sie die KPD und wurden letztlich Mitbegründer der SAP (Sozialistische Arbeiterpartei), an deren Spitze sie standen, bevor sie fliehen mussten. Doch sie kehrten nach Deutschland zurück. Der Autor veranschaulicht in sehr lesenswerter Weise das Resultat seiner mehrjährigen Forschung zu einer Doppelbiografie unter netzwerkhistorischen Gesichtspunkten. Nur durch die Hinzuziehung von internationalen Quellen aus dem Netzwerk Wolfsteins und Frölichs konnte die Studie überhaupt entstehen, hatten die Protagonisten doch aufgrund der Verfolgung in der NS-Zeit keinen geschlossenen Nachlass hinterlassen.

In April and May 1968, two leading employees of the VEB Zementanlagenbau (ZAB) in Dessau travelled from the GDR to Nuevitas, Cuba. ZAB Dessau was in the middle of building a cement plant near the small Cuban town in the province of Camagüey in the East of the country. The reason for the trip was the commissioning of the first kiln line of the plant, but the main purpose was to check “contradictory reports and messages” about a “complicated political-ideological and technical situation” at the...