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Bilateral trade relationships between countries vary across products. Such heterogeneity poses challenges when assessing the economic impacts of trade agreements. This paper estimates bilateral trade elasticities at the product level and explores these impacts using a hypothetical no‐deal Brexit as an example. Our findings indicate that the European Union's demand for the United Kingdom products is often less elastic compared to products from other trading partners. We also observed substantial heterogeneity in the elasticities across products and a negative correlation between these elasticities and tariffs. These factors mitigate extent of trade welfare losses compared to a scenario using homogeneous elasticities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study applies multilevel modelling to the analysis of trade flows. This methodology can complement the use of the standard gravity equation in addressing the influence of geographical distance on the impact of trade agreements on bilateral trade (the natural-partner hypothesis). The analysis suggests that the simplest, most obvious, and best way to nest country pairs with international trade data is by distance. To this end, a sample of 69 countries with data on domestic flows over the period 1986–2016 was used. This sample accounts for around 85% of world trade data. The estimations suggest that the pro-trade effects of preferential trade agreements decrease with distance to trade partners, while this does not occur with the multilateral trading system. What is more interesting is that the former result only holds for the preferential trade agreements involving goods, which supports the natural-trading partner hypothesis, but not for those that include services. In the latter case, the impact increases with distance. This suggests that deeper preferential trade agreements reduce the cost of distance as a barrier to trade, which probably reflects cultural (regulation) distance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This study deals with changes in European Union's (EU's) trade potential in Machinery (HS 84–85) and Transportation (HS86-89) products. Design/methodology/approach: The study uses a Structural Gravity model, Poisson Pseudo Maximum Likelihood (PPML) estimation together with panel data for the years 2002–2018 and a two-step procedure that employs predicted values of bilateral trade to compare potential to actual trade. Findings: Results for Machinery products suggest a potential to expand trade with existing Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs) in the American continent, and countries of the IGAD region in Africa. In Transportation, a high trade potential with RTAs is found in the Americas, Africa and the Middle East. Policy suggestions concentrate on opportunities for enhancing trade relations through trade liberalization and agreement proliferation. Originality/value: There are no studies to date, that examine "collective" measure of EU trade potential, that treats the EU as a single country. Changes in existing opportunities to expand trade, common for EU members, are of special interest for policy formulation, especially after the recent turmoil presented by the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) and the Greek Economic Crisis (GEC). Treating the EU as a single entity, is necessary for the formulation of an effective, common, EU trade policy. This study concentrates on the manufacturing sector to examine existing opportunities for the EU to expand trade, after the GFC and the GEC. This article deals with Machinery (HS 84 and 85) and Transportation (HS 86 through 89) products as they comprise a significant part of total EU exports, reaching 41% of total exports in 2016. Finally, this study offers a unique illustration of results through trade potential heat maps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional trade agreements (RTAs) have experienced significant growth worldwide, leading to an increase in studies assessing their impact on bilateral trade flows. With the availability of disaggregated trade data, numerous studies have examined the influence of these agreements specifically on agri‐food trade. However, the results of these studies exhibit heterogeneity, posing challenges for policymakers seeking to understand the effects of RTAs on agri‐food trade. To address this issue, we conducted a meta‐analysis of 61 studies investigating the effects of various RTAs on agri‐food trade. Using funnel asymmetric testing, our analysis reveals the presence of publication bias in the existing literature. By accounting for this bias, we found robust evidence that RTAs positively and significantly promote agri‐food trade. Notably, the extent of this effect depends on the depth of economic integration within the RTA, distinguishing between customs unions and free trade agreements, as well as the classification of agri‐food products as primary or processed. The ex‐post effects of RTAs on agri‐food trade are less pronounced when we control for both publication bias and heterogeneity, compared to controlling only for publication bias. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the literature on the economic impact of interstate conflicts by focusing on empirical analysis of the impact of interstate soft conflicts on bilateral trade. Interstate soft conflicts arising from the failure of diplomacy when a military operation seems too radical may act as a policy tool and have a negative impact on bilateral relations. The empirical approach is based on the use of balanced panel data with annual observations and a theory-consistent structural gravity framework, augmented by a new measure of interstate soft conflict. The results of standard gravity estimators show that interstate soft conflicts have a sustained negative impact on bilateral trade, regardless of the control for omitted variables (presence of regional trade agreements, various types of sanctions, state acts, and militarised interstate disputes) and different model specifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The renewable energy product trade is critically important to global economic prospects and its rapid development, making it a key issue in international economics of much interest to scholars. Previous studies have paid attention to bilateral trade, yet we still know little about the patterns of renewable energy product trade and its evolution from the whole industry perspective. Based on bilateral trade data, complex network, as well as ERGM and TERGM, we build global renewable energy trade networks (GRETNs) during 2000–2018 and explore the patterns and determinants. The results show that (1) the GRETNs expand during 2000–2018, characterized by a small-world, reciprocity, degree disassortative, and export volume heterogeneity. (2) The GRETNs form four communities, and the community patterns greatly fluctuate over time. (3) Economies in North America, Europe, and Asia play dominant roles, while the USA, Germany, and China are the cores of the GRETNs. (4) Endogenous structure of reciprocity, structural embeddedness, and out-degree popularity are essential parts of the evolving patterns of GRETNs. Most trade relationships are developed between economies located within the same continent, participating in APEC or WTO, or having similar areas. There is heterophily in GDP and per capita income, and Matthew effects in GDP, urbanization, and industrialization rate. Countries that share a common geographic border, language, religion, or currency, being former colonies of the same colonialists, and having signed regional trade agreements are more likely to trade in renewable energy products. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Owing to globalisation‐induced fragmentation of production across regions and reorganisation of global value chains (GVCs), more attention is being paid to the impact of deep preferential trade agreements (PTAs) on GVC participation. We examine how the promotional effect of deep trade agreements on GVC participation changes with GVC production position distance between member countries. We argue that production position distance has an inverted U‐shaped effect on the relationship between deep trade agreements and bilateral GVC participation. Specifically, starting with a short production position distance, an increase in production position distance can strengthen the promotional effect of deep trade agreements on bilateral GVC participation. However, when the production position distance reaches a certain threshold, an increase in production position distance weakens the promotional effect of deep trade agreements on bilateral GVC participation. Analysis of panel data, which covers 43 countries over the 2000–2014 period, supports our predictions. Further analysis shows that the inverted U‐shaped effect of production position distance on the relationship between deep trade agreements and bilateral GVC participation is more likely to take place in the manufacturing sector rather than in the services sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over time, the trade agreements are witnessing a substantial change in their provisions by encompassing provisions beyond their conventional trade domain, such as labour market regulations, environmental regulations and competition policies. Theoretically, studies argued the role of signing an agreement with deep provisions to promote trade in value‐added, but empirical verification in favour of a few is rarely available. The present study attempts to identify this set of provisions included in deep trade agreements (DTAs) that positively impact the bilateral trade in value added. Using the traditional gravity model framework and its estimation through modern econometric and machine learning tools, the study shows that incorporating provisions relating to establishing and preserving economic rights in trade agreements promotes trade in value‐added among member countries. Notably, the study found the combination of three main policy areas: technical barriers to trade, competition policy and labour market regulations. Both econometric and machine learning methods confirm the significant impact of these three provisions. Understanding the significance of specific provisions holds relevance in the current scenario where major trading economies are calibrating trade agreements. From the policy perspective, disentangling a set of provisions might be relevant for designing and negotiating trade agreements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose is to study the specifics of Azerbaijani-Ukrainian relations in 1992--2022 based on the Azerbaijani scientific and source base and materials of the Azerbaijan State News Agency AzərTac. Methodological approaches are based on the use of interdisciplinary research tools at the intersection of history and policy. The scientific novelty. For the first time, important historical events that influenced the formation of bilateral foreign policy relations between Azerbaijan and Ukraine in 1992--2022 were studied, taking into account the contractual legal framework, reports, interviews, and official meetings of the presidents of the countries, and also the position of Azerbaijani researchers regarding the problem of the annexation of Crimea was highlighted. Conclusions. The main stages of the formation of Azerbaijani-Ukrainian relations in the specified period were determined, and it was proved that during this period, they acquired strategic importance. The main problems in regional cooperation in the context of the Russo-Ukrainian war were also revealed. The practice of bilateral trade agreements and cooperation in the energy sector, as well as the activities of the presidents of Azerbaijan and Ukraine in establishing interstate relations, were analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID‐19 pandemic resulted in large and varying declines in bilateral trade flows. This study investigates whether these diverse effects can be explained by differences in trade costs as measured by pre‐existing trade policies (e.g. tariffs, non‐tariff measures and trade agreements). Results indicate that trade flows subject to higher trade costs declined more than average during 2020. The results also show that trade costs have heterogeneous effects depending on the thickness of trade relationships, with small exporters being relatively more affected by the presence of trade costs. We interpret the results as evidence that the fall in demand during 2020 caused higher‐cost and less‐established suppliers to be squeezed out of international markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study investigates the effect of regional and bilateral trade agreements supported by institutional framework on bilateral trade between India and selected South and Central Asian countries. The augmented gravity model that corrects for zero trade, endogeneity and heterogeneity is used. The model is developed by applying OLS and PPML (Poisson pseudo-maximum likelihood) estimation technique using panel dataset of 22 countries from 1996 to 2020. Empirical results show that trade agreements have failed to enhance trade between selected countries. However, institutional framework positively contributes to trade integration among these countries. The key finding of this study is that regional trade agreements supported by institutional framework play an important role in promotion of trade among these countries. Thus, the government needs to pay attention to enhance institutional quality to reap the benefits of trade integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We use a 'Nash in Nash' framework within a computable general equilibrium model to determine the welfare maximizing set of bilateral trade agreements for countries in the Trans-Pacific Partnership. Comparing these agreements to an agreement involving all countries/sectors, we find that welfare is always larger in the multilateral agreement. This is because several sectors are often excluded from the bilateral agreements, and not all countries would have a bilateral agreement with others. The sectors that are often excluded from the agreements are agriculture, as these sectors are often deemed 'sensitive' in negotiations and are protected by high initial tariffs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research delves into the impact of World Trade Organization (WTO) membership on trade dynamics in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) region, focusing on the potential augmentation or diversion of trade resulting from CIS countries' WTO accession. The study context is grounded in the interplay between regionalism, represented by regional trade agreements and historical connections, and global integration facilitated by WTO membership. The study also scrutinizes the potentially complicating role of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) regional bloc, referencing the 'Spaghetti Bowl' phenomenon of overlapping trade agreements. The gravity model of trade serves as a conceptual foundation to understand the effects of WTO membership and regional trade agreements on trade costs. Empirical results suggest that WTO membership has not enhanced trade for the CIS. Instances of trade within the CIS region where there is only one WTO member have resulted in a positive trend, even though there is no robust evidence that it is due to WTO membership. The EAEU enhances trade and serves as a trading bloc within the region. This study highlights that while the WTO strives to foster trade liberalization and growth, its effects can be region-specific and complex, as demonstrated by the CIS region's experience. The research also hints at the importance of intra-regional trade and unique regional factors as critical determinants of trade patterns, which can enhance broader trade expansion and economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Brexit campaign was based on the idea that newly gained British sovereignty and flexibility in global trade governance would facilitate the quick negotiation of preferential trade agreements. We explore how long it may take for a state to negotiate bilateral preferential trade agreements to offset potential losses from International Organizations withdrawals. We address the question of 'timing', and discuss several mechanisms that delay or speed up the implementation of bilateral trade deals after exiting International Organizations. The empirical findings are based on quantitative data and models accounting for the likely simultaneous relationship between International Organizations exits and preferential trade agreements' formation. We show that leaving economic organisations significantly lowers the likelihood of subsequent preferential trade agreements ratification. This effect wears out after about 1 year. This research has crucial implications for our understanding of International Organizations, state benefits' stemming from their membership therein, bilateral trade deals, and international cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the use of recent EU instruments related to the Green Deal within the framework of bilateral trade relations, typically governed by Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). Specifically, it explores the implications of new measures introduced by the European Union (EU) in response to climate change concerns, including the proposed Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), the proposed Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive, the Critical Raw Materials Regulation, and the Deforestation Regulation. The article analyses the potential for enhanced cooperation within the framework of cooperation provisions in existing EUAmerica FTAs. It concludes by proposing to use the cooperation and corporate social responsibility commitments in EU trade agreements to foster closer cooperation with trading partners rather than simply informing partners of the context of these provisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As digital trade expands worldwide, the importance of policy factors in digital trade is garnering attention. However, the effectiveness of digital trade‐related policies on digital trade flow is empirically underinvestigated because of challenging data requirements. To overcome this, we combine recently developed, but separately used digital trade‐related datasets to empirically test how digital trade policies affect digital trade flows. In particular, we examine the effects of digital trade policies from two dimensions: unilateral domestic regulations and bilateral trade agreements. Our results reveal that a pair of countries experiences an increase in digital trade flow when they have a trade agreement containing digital trade‐related provisions. This tendency is even stronger when digital trade agreements contain more specific rules. On the contrary, domestic regulations recognised as digital trade barriers actually inhibit digital trade flows, and their negative effect is greater when the regulations are implemented by the importing country than the exporting one. Decomposing the barriers into several areas of regulations, we examine which area is more crucial than the others. These results may seem rather obvious, but conversely, they confirm the validity of our approach to measure digital trade flows across countries and the relevance of the digital trade policy variables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As resource shortages and environmental problems keep coming up, economies urgently need renewable energies as the new driving force for development. As one of the representatives of renewable energy, the photovoltaic (PV)'s trade has received much attention from all walks of life. Based on bilateral PV trade data, complex network methods and exponential random graph models (ERGM), this paper constructs global PV trade networks (PVTNs) during 2000–2019, describes detailed evolution features and verifies the influencing factors of the PVTNs. We find that (1) PVTNs have obvious characteristics of the small-world network, accompanied by disassortativity and low reciprocity. (2) Asia, North America, and Europe are the top 3 leading regions in the PVTNs. (3) China is the largest exporter, and the US is the leading recipient. Germany is an essential importer as well as exporter of PVTNs. (4) The formation and evolution of the PVTNs are significantly affected by transitivity, reciprocity, and stability. PV trade is more possible when economy-pairs are WTO members, located on the same continent, or with asymmetrical urbanization rates, industrialization rates, technological level or environmental supervision strength. Specifically, economies with higher industrialization rates, technological levels, stricter environmental regulations or lower urbanization rates are more likely to import PV. Economies with higher economic development, larger area, and greater trade openness are more inclined to trade PV. Besides, economic partners that share a religion or language, have common historical colonial ties or geographic borders or sign regional trade agreements are more likely to trade PV. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although deepening of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) can promote the global value chain (GVC) participation of member countries, we argue that this effect is asymmetric for countries, which are at different levels of economic development. Specifically, deepening of PTAs has a stronger positive impact on GVC participation level of developing member countries than that of developed member countries. Furthermore, compared to the commodity provisions of PTAs, deepening of the factor provisions is more likely to generate a significant asymmetric effect. Empirical analysis using panel data, which covers 43 countries (including some emerging economies) over the 2000–2014 period, supports our predictions. Our findings are also confirmed by a series of robustness tests including the consideration for potential endogeneity issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al Malweah for Archaeological & Historical Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The introduction of over half a dozen unilateral European Union (EU) trade policy instruments in the past few years seems to represent a major shift to the EU's previous focus on bilateral and multilateral avenues. This article investigates the origins of the recent unilateralization of EU trade policy and the main characteristics of the new instruments. What are the new instruments' goals and why does the EU introduce them now? We identify six key determinants of this trend: the rise of state interventions, increasing sustainability ambitions, a more adverse geopolitical context, the paralysis of the multilateral trading system, the resistance to bilateral trade agreements and changing preferences within key Member States. The instruments can be divided in three clusters focused on competitiveness, sustainability, and security. They share to a larger or lesser degree five key features: reciprocity, deterrence, built-in engagement, extension of internal policies, and the pursuit of international public goods. Our analysis points at a unilateral turn with EU characteristics, offering a framework for studying trade unilateralization in comparative perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines third-party trade and its implications for conflicts between hostile countries not engaging in trade. We present a conflict-theoretic model to analyze two adversaries' endogenous arming decisions when they separately establish a free trade agreement (FTA) with a neutral third-party state. We contrast this multiple FTAs regime with a single FTA regime between one adversary and the third-party state, which excludes the other adversary as a non-member. In our analysis, the benchmark case is a protectionist regime when the bilateral trade between the third-party state and each of the adversaries is a tariff war. Among the three trade regimes, we show that the two adversaries' aggregate arming is the lowest under multiple FTAs but is the highest under a single FTA. These results suggest that, despite no trade between two adversary countries, multiple FTAs through third-party trade have the pacifying or appeasing effect of lowering overall military buildups in interstate conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to re-examine the effects on trade of the different types of trade agreements. The extant literature highlights the existence of sizeable different effects of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) on trade along the geographical scope of the member countries, their degree of development, or the nature of the agreements (bilateral, plurilateral...). However, all previous studies investigating these heterogeneous effects suffer from important limitations because they only rely on international trade flows (which is inconsistent with the theory of gravity in international trade), do not control for general globalization trends, and do not properly account for the dynamic adjustment of trade flows. We address all these shortcomings and find that: (i) both PTAs and GATT/WTO have had a positive effect on bilateral trade; (ii) regional PTAs have a significantly larger effect on bilateral trade than interregional PTAs; (iii) South–South PTAs show the biggest trade-enhancing impact; (iv) bilateral agreements do not boost trade; and (v) enlargements of existing PTAs have a larger effect than plurilateral agreements and the agreements between two PTAs or between a PTA and a country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the determinants of trade agreements. Apart from the standard economic variables like market size, factor endowment difference, and distance, we incorporate socio-cultural and political factors like common language, colonial heritage, political regime, and bilateral relationships. We perform a qualitative comparative analysis, which gives joint causation. The panel probit regression for 163 countries during 2000 to 2014 reveals that countries joined trade agreements not merely for economic reasons but for political and socio-cultural reasons. Only colonial heritage acts as an opposing force. Detailed knowledge of the determinants of trade agreements can help to form successful bilateral trade relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Greater Arab Free Trade Agreement (GAFTA) is a regional trade agreement among the Arab countries. We incorporate recent advances in the literature to investigate the partial and general equilibrium effects of GAFTA. The partial equilibrium estimates suggest that GAFTA had a positive and significant effect on bilateral trade of around 40% in 1998 and 61% after the phasing out of tariffs. The general equilibrium analysis suggests that the welfare effects of the agreement are mostly negligible. The results highlight that deeper integration among the Arab countries is imperative to bring about further welfare benefits to the member states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study the effects of the Dominican Republic–Central America–United States Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR), signed in 2004, on the trade flows of its member states. Relying on the structural gravity model of trade framework, we find evidence of both increases and decreases in members' bilateral trade, but also of significant differences in these effects depending on the direction of trade and the trading members. Using a counterfactual analysis, we are also able to measure the general equilibrium effects of CAFTA-DR, finding that it has, in general, increased both total exports and income levels for El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua. However, we also find evidence of sizable trade diversion and welfare losses for Costa Rica and the Dominican Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper assesses the ex‐post trade effect of sub‐regional trade agreements (RTAs), financial integration and other non‐tariff barriers on intra‐regional trade involving 43 Sub‐Saharan Africa (SSA) countries. The objective is to find out if RTAs within SSA had increased trade flows to inform current efforts of establishing a successful continental free trade area in SSA. Estimating a gravity model augmented with measures of trade agreements and financial integration, the paper made use of bilateral trade flows and key gravity covariates from CEPII database over the period 1960–2015. After controlling for the endogeneity of the trade agreement dummy, multilateral price resistance and zero‐valued trade flows, we find RTAs within SSA and especially among Economic Community of West African States and Southern Africa Development Community members to have had a positive and significant impact on bilateral trade. Financially integrated trading partners also traded more, while we also found distance, landlockedness, common currency and colonial link to have an impact on trade costs and bilateral trade flows within SSA. The results indicate the need to focus on policies to expand and integrate regional markets in SSA by removing impediments to trade and improving on trade facilitation measures to significantly improve trade performance under the newly established African Continental Free Trade Area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focus of this research is on analysing the effects of institutional quality and trade agreements on Indonesia bilateral trade in four commodity groups in the era of global value chain (GVC). Employing a panel data gravity model of Indonesian export of four commodities to Indonesia's trading partners from 2000 to 2018 and estimating the Feasible Generalized Least Squares (FGLS) and the Poisson Pseudo Maximum Likelihood Method (PPML), the results of this study find that institutional quality plays a different role in explaining Indonesia's export performance of those four commodities, despite the fact that institutions contribute positively. On two commodities that are prospective to increase Indonesia participation in the global value chain, exported intermediates and consumer goods, we find that although both domestic institutions and trading partner institutions are significant to Indonesian export, but we argue that domestic institutions contribute more. This study also reveals that through tariff reductions, Indonesian trade agreements are significant regarding export of all the four commodities group. However, even though tariffs are significant, we find that the quality of institutions, especially domestic institutions, has a greater effect on Indonesia's exports. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Free trade agreements (FTAs) have become the main vehicle of trade liberalisation. Both North-South and South-South FTAs increasingly go beyond the removal of trade barriers and link free trade with social standards, including labour and environmental provisions. Australia has been at the forefront of bilateral trade liberalisation, signing multiple FTAs, but conspicuously avoided incorporating social standards in the agreements it initiated. In doing so it has become a real outlier in the OECD world. What accounts for Australia's resistance to the inclusion of social standards in FTAs? Scholars have advanced various explanations for the issue-linkage between social standards and FTAs, including cross-national diffusion, societal interests, domestic institutions and bargaining. We evaluate their explanatory power and argue that Australian policy-makers view social standards primarily as protectionist tools that could hurt trade. This perception is reinforced by the broad acceptance of free trade among the Australian public. We explore the framing of social standards by Australian trade policy officials and the public to uncover why Australia has failed to link social standards with its trade agreements. Our analysis adds to the growing literature on FTA design and non-trade issues using Australia as a deviant case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The third decade of post-Soviet transition has seen a significant resurrection of economic integration centered around Russia. This paper analyzes bilateral trade of the Eurasian Economic Union (EUEA) members using gravity models with incomplete specialization in production and reviews the impact of newly signed preferential/free trade agreements across 2008–2019. The presented study relies on the explicit use of per worker physical capital endowments in determining cross-country trade and theory-consistent discrimination method between a variety of neoclassical and monopolistic models of trade. Our analysis highlights the importance of intra-industry trade in low processing sectors such as agri-food, mineral products, and metals between the block members. We find that the impact of new treaties has been primarily beneficial for imports, where the EUEA-Vietnam treaty had the most significant and persistent economic effect, while the EUEA membership has generated short-lived gains across different modes of trade for all members, except Kyrgyzstan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Remanufacturing policies have been gradually introduced in Asian countries, such as China, Japan, Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand. This paper reviews the process of diffusion of remanufacturing policy in Asia. The mechanism of this diffusion is also discussed. The United States began to promote the idea of remanufacturing around the year 2000 through bilateral free trade agreements with Asian countries and international forums such as G8 and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC). This paper reviews the various efforts on remanufacturing in Asian countries and discusses policy options for promoting remanufacturing. It is crucial to identify the ways to promote remanufacturing in each country in the region to improve resource efficacy and strengthen the circular economy in Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the trade and welfare implications of a bilateral trade agreement between the U.S. and Japan. In 2019, the two countries signed a "stage one" trade agreement, with the U.S.-Japan Trade Agreement (USJTA) and the U.S.-Japan Digital Trade Agreement as two small trade agreements. A comprehensive bilateral free trade agreement (FTA) is currently under discussion between Washington and Tokyo, with the U.S. government alternatively joining the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for the Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). Based on the theoretical model of Caliendo and Parro (Rev Econ Stud, 82(1):1–44, 2015) , I analyze the welfare gains of such a bilateral FTA in the style of Aichele et al. (Where is the value added? China's WTO entry, trade and value chains, ZBW-Deutsche Zentralbibliothek für Wirtschaftswissenschaften, Leibniz, 2014). I simulate trade and welfare impacts for the USJTA and the U.S.-Japan Digital Trade Agreement, as well as for a deep bilateral FTA. In addition, I examine and compare the welfare implications of the established CPTPP with the scenario of the U.S. or China joining CPTPP. My findings show that Japan's welfare increases by 0.3% and U.S. welfare increases by 0.14% as a result of the FTA. Welfare of both countries would increase if the U.S. entered CPTPP, with Japanese welfare being even higher if China acceded to CPTPP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We estimate the impact of MERCOSUR on trade flows and on gains from trade for its member countries using a standard modern general equilibrium quantitative structural gravity model. We find a highly heterogeneous impact on bilateral trade flows and gains from trade. We estimate that gains from trade attributable to MERCOSUR are equivalent to a 4.0% increase in per-capita consumption for Argentina. For the other countries, gains from trade are smaller: 0.8% for Uruguay, 0.5% for Paraguay, and 0.3% for Brazil. We study whether Brazil would benefit from withdrawing from MERCOSUR and signing a trade agreement with a different trade bloc but conclude that net gains from such a switch would be small, if any. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change has been a global challenge and BRICS countries are not excluded from these challenges which affect weather conditions and subsequently lead to disasters. Climate change is regarded as a change in climate patterns that are caused by the increase in the levels of atmospheric carbon dioxide produced by the use of fossil fuels. Because of the awareness of this challenge, the purpose of the study was to look at possible ways to reduce pressure on the climate, particularly in BRICS countries. The objective of this study was to convince BRICS countries to use trade agreements to look at business models that would not put much pressure on the climate. Secondly, to ensure that companies do not produce carbon dioxide that is toxic to the climate. This study aimed to find ways to protect BRICS countries from various disasters that are caused by climate change. Business agreements between BRICS countries should, therefore, have terms and conditions that seek to protect the climate and natural resources. Because of the availability of data concerning the causes of climate change, this study applied a secondary research design. Reports, findings of the previous study, and conference findings data assisted in reaching the findings of the study. In conclusion, BRICS countries have to quickly do something about climate change. The floods that South Africa and India have experienced in 2022 should be the main reason why BRICS countries must prioritize the agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto is the property of Universidad de Deusto and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Globalisation is also having a profound impact on international agricultural trade. This study examines the impact of regional trade agreements (RTAs) and globalization on international maize trade using a gravity model for the period 1996-2020. The results show that, despite globalization, distance has a larger negative impact on bilateral maize trade than on the manufacturing sector. It appears that distance remains an important factor in explaining trade flows in commodity markets, including maize. Our findings on the role of RTAs are in line with the results of previous studies: RTAs are generally preceded by a strengthening of bilateral trade relations. There is mutually positive feedback between the level of bilateral trade and RTA membership. However, the establishment of a common RTA membership and its trade-stimulating effects are not immediately visible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Boletín Económico de ICE is the property of S.G.E.E.I.P.C., Secretaria de Estado de Comercio, Ministerio de Industria, Comercio y Turismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the timing behind the decision of countries to enter into regional trade agreements or interstate military conflicts, considering these two potential actions as substitute strategies. Using bilateral data from 1950 to 2014, I employ survival analysis to examine the factors that determine the likelihood of two countries entering into a regional trade agreement or a military conflict at any point in time. Historical or recent wars are posited to raise the gains from trade and therefore increase the likelihood that two countries choose to join the same trade agreement. On the other side, the existence of a strong trade relationship may raise the opportunity cost of entering into a conflict; bilateral trade flows and common membership in a regional trade agreement are posited to impact the likelihood of conflict. Other explanatory variables that affect the likelihood of either a common trade agreement or a military conflict include economic size, measured as the product of and the difference in the two countries' GDPs; level of development, measured as the product of and the difference in the two countries' per-capita GDPs; geography, measured by distance, contiguity, landlocked status, and island status; institutional linkages, represented by a common language, a colonial relationship, or a common legal origin; and political variables, including WTO membership, democracy, military alliances, and being a major oil producer. Results show that economic, geographic, institutional, and political variables all influence the probability that two countries enter into a conflict or join the same regional trade agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU has been using its trade power to exert influence in other areas by including non-trade issues (NTIs) in its trade agreements with third countries. One such NTI is the weapons of mass destruction (WMD) non-proliferation clause. We study how the WMD non-proliferation clause affected countries' WMD non-proliferation behaviour. Our results demonstrate that the nonproliferation clause is effective in case of bilateral trade agreements, but not in case of regional trade agreements. The results demonstrate that the EU can use its trade power to exert influence in other areas, but that the extent of such power is limited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this work, the effects of 103 bilateral regional trade agreements (RTAs: partial scope agreements — PSAs — and free trade agreements — FTAs) are studied in a dynamic way. The analysis of quarterly trade flows from Q4-1982 to Q4-2018 shows dynamic differences between RTAs and among trade partners. Results show that countries benefit unevenly from bilateral RTAs and that their economic size is not determinant. The positive global trade trend since the 1990s and the negative effect of the 2008 economic crisis are captured by the factor analysis in order to study specifically how trade agreements affect bilateral trade asymmetrically. On average, RTAs promote a 10% increase in bilateral trade flows above the mean trend, but PSAs tend to enhance bilateral trade more than FTAs (21% compared to 9%). Additionally, PSAs gather most of the effects during the first four quarters after the agreements are enforced whereas FTAs have longer effects over time. The current study allows a classification of bilateral trade series in homogeneous groups according to the dynamic impact of the bilateral RTAs by the means of a cluster analysis. Heterogeneity between clusters is therefore explored. Moreover, a difference concerning the economic crisis starting in 2008 is noticed: overall, for agreements in force before 2008, their impact on bilateral trade is positive (30%) while it is negative for agreements signed after 2008 (− 9%). This indicates that RTAs play a heterogeneous role as a smoothing cycle mechanism. Finally, evidence of the anticipation effect is found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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How do trade costs affect international trade? This paper offers a new approach. We rely on a flexible gravity equation that predicts variable trade cost elasticities, both across and within country pairs. We apply this framework to popular trade cost variables such as currency unions, trade agreements and World Trade Organization membership. While we estimate that these variables are associated with increased bilateral trade on average, we find substantial heterogeneity. Consistent with the predictions of our framework, trade cost effects are strong for 'thin' bilateral relationships characterised by small import shares, and weak or even zero for 'thick' relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Boletín Económico de ICE is the property of S.G.E.E.I.P.C., Secretaria de Estado de Comercio, Ministerio de Industria, Comercio y Turismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The varieties of preferential trade agreements have increased in recent decades. Regional blocs concluding deals with third‐party actors have contributed immensely to these changes in trade agreements. These varieties have motivated our reexamination of the breadth–depth trade‐off in trade agreements. We argue that a breadth–depth trade‐off is present in initial plurilateral agreements. Large groups of states at this initial stage exhibit greater preference heterogeneity that discourages deeper cooperation. Conversely, we expect the breadth–depth trade‐off to be absent in follow‐up plurilateral agreements and region‐to‐third‐party agreements. For the former, the initial pacts serve a learning function that enables deeper cooperation. For the latter, institutional mechanisms lessen preference heterogeneity and transforms negotiations to approximate bilateral trade talks that alleviate the breadth–depth trade‐off. Our test on 234 trade agreements finds support for our argument. Our paper highlights the importance of distinguishing trade negotiation configurations to better understand how membership affects the depth of agreements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political representation of problems includes an aim to control an audience's impressions and create a societally‐acceptable social reality. This paper analyses the narrative construction of ethical trade between the European Union (EU) and Vietnam. As an undemocratic Other, Vietnam has been sharply criticized for its human rights record by civil society and Members of European Parliament. Yet, the EU recently concluded two trade agreements with Vietnam. We argue that, unchallenged by the European Parliament, the European Commission created a performative 'story of change' for its European audience by simultaneously appealing to underlying 'neoliberal' and 'development' paradigms. In this narrative, the EU and Vietnam star as the main characters, who, in their joint attempts to make bilateral trade 'a force for good', live moments of heroism, encounter fleeting instances of victimhood, and defeat villains on the path to ethical trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes aggregate data on trade flows to examine the performance of bilateral free trade agreements (BFTAs) between the United States and 11 BFTA nations in a two-dimensional approach. In line with the literature, this study applies the gravity model and analyzes the effect of the treatment using Poisson pseudo-maximum likelihood (PPML) panel data from 1992 to 2017. We use the PPML as an alternative methodology to an ordinary least squares model, as it can treat zero trade values and lead to unbiased estimates and different consistencies. We consider the trade in goods but excluded services because of the different nature of trade for services. Moreover, this study highlights the quantitative performance of BFTAs without considering the industry level to compare the overall benefits for the trade flows from the U.S. as an exporter to BFTA countries and vice versa. It thus adds to the debate on the effect of FTAs on trade flows and conducts pre-FTA and post-FTA analyses to compare the volumes of exports and imports during both periods. Findings vary according to the direction of trade; notably, some trading partners increased their trading volume to 388%. In sum, this paper provides a collective current state assessment to demonstrate the most plausible reasons for the effects of the 11 BFTAs, in addition to informing policymakers on the lessons learned from each BFTA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the European Union (EU) relaunched negotiations on ASEAN-EU FTA in 2017, few signs have indicated significant progress in trade talks and EU has been prompted to pursue, in parallel, bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) with individual ASEAN Members States as building blocks for the region-to-region megaproject. The underlying divergence in economic, political, historical, and social dimensions between ASEAN and EU has continued to condition bi-regional negotiations, and issues of sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) are of particular importance given the large inter-regional agri-food trade and inherent tensions embedded in SPS measures that are adopted to strike a balance between trade liberalization and public health. Whether and how the two blocs can reconcile different interests and policy agendas in shaping SPS cooperation under the prospective FTA merits in-depth examination. This article analyses the trajectory and dynamics in ASEAN-EU SPS cooperation. It assesses the SPS Chapters of the EUSingapore and EU-Vietnam FTAs, drawing on their relevance to and implications for region-to-region development. Lastly, this article highlights various bottom-up SPS cooperation initiatives between the two--due to EU's technical assistance, and more critically, ambition to export its normative paradigms globally--emphasizing their role as catalyst for deeper region-to-region SPS cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the new panel data structural gravity equations to examine the impact of China's Belt and Road Initiative in two dimensions, namely trade and migration on participating countries. By leveraging the Poisson pseudo‐maximum likelihood estimator with fixed‐effects to address both endogeneity and omitted variables, our results highlighted the importance of accounting for the regional economic integration in Africa, Europe, and Asia. The model assesses 65 countries, including 30 sub‐Saharan economies from the period 2000–2018. The findings of our study indicate that migration has a significant impact on the flow of bilateral trade. We also observed that the East African Community regional trade agreements have a significant negative effect on intra‐blocs trade under the Belt and Road Initiative. Therefore, a comprehensive policy agenda needs to be developed to enhance migration and trade‐promoting policies among the participating economies of Africa to engender African growth from a win‐win perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]