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The increase in cannabis use coincides with the proliferation of small-scale cannabis cultivation. These crops facilitate substance availability and increased use. Some investigations have studied the characteristics of small-scale cultivators; however, it is not known whether their profiles differ by gender. The aim of the present study was to analyse differences among growers regarding sociodemographic variables, patterns of use and health problems from a gender perspective. A descriptive observational study was designed with a sample of 219 cultivators (157 men and 62 women), aged between 18 and 34. Problematic use of cannabis (CPQ), cannabis dependence (SDS), patterns of abuse (CAST), risky alcohol use (AUDIT), nicotine dependence (FTND) and sociodemographic variables (ad hoc questionnaire) were analysed. The results showed convergence between men and women in some indicators: early onset and daily cannabis use, psychosocial problems deriving from use, a similar number of problematic use and cannabis dependence cases, as well as a polydrug trend. Conversely, men reported greater physical problems and more intensive use of cannabis and alcohol. Women cannabis growers presented a similar profile to their male counterparts, whereas studies of the general population have shown cannabis use to be higher among men than women. This fact supports the relevance of researching specific risk factors related to gender, which can exert a differential influence on the intensity of use, and their relationship with small-scale cultivation. Implications of these results for planning preventive strategies and treatment are discussed from a gender perspective.

Background: The European market for cannabis derivatives is being transformed. The cultivation of cannabis within the EU and the shift of demand from hashish to domestic marihuana are key aspects of this transformation. Spain, formerly central to the trade of Moroccan hashish, is becoming a marihuana-producing country. The emergence of "import-substitution" has been researched in other EU countries, but thus far the Spanish case remains undocumented., Methods: This paper is based on analysis of data of 748 cannabis plantations seized by Spanish police in 2013. The sample comprises reports of seizures identified through a survey of online news and police reports. "Event-analysis" methods were applied to these sources., Results: The analysis offers a typology of plantations, a profile of participants and the different production systems, and a model of regional distribution. Half of the plantations were small (less than 42 plants) and half contained between 100 and 1000 plants, with an average size of 261 plants. About three-quarters of plants were cultivated indoors using stolen electricity. 86% of all plants seized were from large-scale plantations (more than 220 plants). Most plantations were located along the Mediterranean coast, where population and tourism are concentrated. Over three-quarters of those indicted by police were Spanish (85%). Among the foreign owners of big plantations, Dutch nationals predominated. The number of seized plants by province was directly associated with the number of grow shops (β=0.962, p<0.001)., Conclusion: The rise of large-scale cannabis plantations in the Spanish Mediterranean coast is increasingly replacing import of Moroccan hashish. Indoor cultivation supported by grow shops, that provide the technology and know-how, seem to be the dominant form of organization in this emerging industry. Large-scale plantations may have met most of the demand for marihuana in 2013., (Copyright © 2016 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

Background: The average amount of marijuana in a joint is unknown, yet this figure is a critical quantity for creating credible measures of marijuana consumption. It is essential for projecting tax revenues post-legalization, estimating the size of illicit marijuana markets, and learning about how much marijuana users are consuming in order to understand health and behavioral consequences., Methods: Arrestee Drug Abuse Monitoring data collected between 2000 and 2010 contain relevant information on 10,628 marijuana transactions, joints and loose marijuana purchases, including the city in which the purchase occurred and the price paid for the marijuana. Using the Brown-Silverman drug pricing model to link marijuana price and weight, we are able to infer the distribution of grams of marijuana in a joint and provide a Bayesian posterior distribution for the mean weight of marijuana in a joint., Results: We estimate that the mean weight of marijuana in a joint is 0.32g (95% Bayesian posterior interval: 0.30-0.35)., Conclusions: Our estimate of the mean weight of marijuana in a joint is lower than figures commonly used to make estimates of marijuana consumption. These estimates can be incorporated into drug policy discussions to produce better understanding about illicit marijuana markets, the size of potential legalized marijuana markets, and health and behavior outcomes., (Copyright © 2016 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Background: Quantifying an illegal phenomenon like a drug market is inherently complex due to its hidden nature and the limited availability of reliable information. This article presents findings from a recent estimate of the production, consumption and export of Dutch cannabis and discusses the opportunities provided by, and limitations of, mathematical models for estimating the illegal cannabis market., Methods: The data collection consisted of a comprehensive literature study, secondary analyses on data from available registrations (2012-2014) and previous studies, and expert opinion. The cannabis market was quantified with several mathematical models. The data analysis included a Monte Carlo simulation to come to a 95% interval estimate (IE) and a sensitivity analysis to identify the most influential indicators., Results: The annual production of Dutch cannabis was estimated to be between 171 and 965tons (95% IE of 271-613tons). The consumption was estimated to be between 28 and 119tons, depending on the inclusion or exclusion of non-residents (95% IE of 51-78tons or 32-49tons respectively). The export was estimated to be between 53 and 937tons (95% IE of 206-549tons or 231-573tons, respectively)., Conclusion: Mathematical models are valuable tools for the systematic assessment of the size of illegal markets and determining the uncertainty inherent in the estimates. The estimates required the use of many assumptions and the availability of reliable indicators was limited. This uncertainty is reflected in the wide ranges of the estimates. The estimates are sensitive to 10 of the 45 indicators. These 10 account for 86-93% of the variation found. Further research should focus on improving the variables and the independence of the mathematical models., (Copyright © 2016 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

Background: In the 1960s and the 1970s, Morocco and Lebanon became major producers of hashish for export to markets in West and Central Europe, Africa and the Middle East. By using a comparative approach, this paper aims to evaluate changes in production in the traditional areas of cannabis cultivation in the Rif (Morocco) and the Beqaa (Lebanon) and to better understand the role that these countries play in current trends in the global cultivation and consumption of cannabis., Methods: The comparative approach takes in account the historical and institutionnal context, and the perception of cannabis in those two country. We rely on primary field research done in the Rif (from 2002) and in the Beqaa (from 1995) in the form of interviews and observations with farmers and intermediaries. Acreage and production estimates of hashish for both countries have been triangulated from different sources., Results: Maghreb and Middle East have a long history of consumption, production and marketing of cannabis. Over the past 12 centuries, migration, trade and different spiritual practices and trends have led to the expansion of cannabis markets. This long period is marked by stages and rifts caused by foreign interference, a worldwide prohibition of cannabis at the beginning of the 20th century and increased global demand in the 1960s and the 1970s. Morocco and Lebanon are among the most important producers of hashish to be exported for trade for the last fifty years. The global prohibition of cannabis and the global sustained demand have created opportunities for poor farmers in the Rif and the Beqaa regions to survive and get wealthy. It is difficult to understand the reasons why areas producing cannabis are steadily increasing. If the Rif and the Beqaa share some features (such are marginalized areas of production, repressive legislation, huge international demand, range of comparable tasks and Mediterranean climate suitable for growing cannabis, etc.) then a comparison between the two countries makes it more easy to notice differences in contexts, in local and international markets (Stability in Morocco, instability in Lebanon; traditional market in Morocco, absence of local market in Lebanon, etc.) In Morocco, the stability and specialized skills among Moroccan growers of hashish have enhanced a competitive economy with various production areas, products and qualities, but also prices and strategies due to competition between Moroccan and European producers. Moreover, Morocco produces cannabis for its significant local market., Conclusion: As shown by comparing Morocco and Lebanon, allows us to examine their perverse effects caused by a global prohibition. The criminalization of growers has only increased their marginalized situation. The enforced eradication of cannabis has limited the cultivation for a short time but not in any sustainable way (resumption of cannabis cultivation in a time of conflict in Lebanon; replacement of local variety by hybrids in Morocco). The cultural heritage of cannabis and its social functions should not be ignored. In the light of the new global changes in the cannabis cultivation (Import substitution, technical progress in developed countries, etc.), hashish producers in the south countries are likely to face uncertain future., (Copyright © 2016. Published by Elsevier B.V.)

Background: A valid measure of the relative economic value of marijuana is needed to characterize individual variation in the drug's reinforcing value and inform evolving national marijuana policy. Relative drug value (demand) can be measured via purchase tasks, and demand for alcohol and cigarettes has been associated with craving, dependence, and treatment response. This study examined marijuana demand with a marijuana purchase task (MPT)., Methods: The 22-item self-report MPT was administered to 99 frequent marijuana users (37.4% female, 71.5% marijuana use days, 15.2% cannabis dependent)., Results: Pearson correlations indicated a negative relationship between intensity (free consumption) and age of initiation of regular use (r=-0.34, p<0.001), and positive associations with use days (r=0.26, p<0.05) and subjective craving (r=0.43, p<0.001). Omax (maximum expenditure) was positively associated with use days (r=0.29, p<0.01) and subjective craving (r=0.27, p<0.01). Income was not associated with demand. An exponential demand model provided an excellent fit to the data across users (R(2)=0.99). Group comparisons based on presence or absence of DSM-IV cannabis dependence symptoms revealed that users with any dependence symptoms showed significantly higher intensity of demand and more inelastic demand, reflecting greater insensitivity to price increases., Conclusions: These results provide support for construct validity of the MPT, indicating its sensitivity to marijuana demand as a function of increasing cost, and its ability to differentiate between users with and without dependence symptoms. The MPT may denote abuse liability and is a valuable addition to the behavioral economic literature. Potential applications to marijuana pricing and tax policy are discussed., (Published by Elsevier Ireland Ltd.)

Background: Cannabis cultivation has become increasingly localized, whether soil-based or hydroponic growing methods are used. Characteristics of a given location, such as its climate and the equipment it requires may influence general accessibility or attract different types of offenders based on potential profits. The location of crops, especially hydroponic crops, suggests a certain proximity to the consumer market via semi-urban and urban environments, while making it possible to avoid detection. This article examines the cannabis market through its cultivation., Methods: The stability of temporal and spatial clusters of cannabis cultivation, hotspots, and coldspots between 2001 and 2009 in the province of Quebec, Canada, are addressed. Studying the geography of crime is not a new endeavor, but coldspots are rarely documented in drug market research. Using arrests and general population data, as well as Kulldorff's scan statistics, results show that the temporal distribution of cannabis cultivation is highly seasonal for soil-based methods., Results: Hydroponic production shows adaptation to its soil-based counterpart. Stable patterns are found for both spatial distributions. Hotspots for soil-based cultivation are found near several urban centers and the Ontario border. For hydroponic cannabis cultivation, a new hotspot suggests the emergence of an American demand for Quebec-grown cannabis between 2007 and 2009. Curiously, the region surrounding Montreal, the largest urban center in Quebec, is a recurrent and stable coldspot for both methods of cultivation., Conclusion: For all periods, spatial clusters are stronger for soil-based methods than in the hydroponic context. Temporal differences and spatial similarities between soil-based cultivation and hydroponic cultivation are discussed. The role of the metropolis is also addressed., (Copyright © 2015 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

Background: Internet-mediated research methods are increasingly used to access hidden populations. The International Cannabis Cultivation Questionnaire (ICCQ) is an online survey designed to facilitate international comparisons into the relatively under-researched but increasingly significant phenomenon of domestic cannabis cultivation. The Global Cannabis Cultivation Research Consortium has used the ICCQ to survey over 6000 cannabis cultivators across 11 countries. In this paper, we describe and reflect upon our methodological approach, focusing on the digital and traditional recruitment methods used to access this hidden population and the challenges of working across multiple countries, cultures and languages., Methods: Descriptive statistics showing eligibility and completion rates and recruitment source by country of residence., Results: Over three quarters of eligible respondents who were presented with the survey were included in the final sample of n=6528. English-speaking countries expended more effort to recruit participants than non-English-speaking countries. The most effective recruitment modes were cannabis websites/groups (33%), Facebook (14%) and news articles (11%). While respondents recruited through news articles were older, growing practice variables were strikingly similar between these main recruitment modes., Conclusion: Through this process, we learnt that there are trade-offs between hosting multiple surveys in each country vs. using one integrated database. We also found that although perceived anonymity is routinely assumed to be a benefit of using digital research methodologies, there are significant limits to research participant anonymity in the current era of mass digital surveillance, especially when the target group is particularly concerned about evading law enforcement. Finally, we list a number of specific recommendations for future researchers utilising Internet-mediated approaches to researching hidden populations., (Copyright © 2014 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

Background: This article aims to provide an overview of: demographic characteristics; experiences with growing cannabis; methods and scale of growing operations; reasons for growing; personal use of cannabis and other drugs; participation in cannabis and other drug markets; contacts with the criminal justice system for respondents to an online survey about cannabis cultivation drawn from eleven countries (N=6530). Important similarities and differences between the national samples recruited will be discussed., Methods: This paper utilizes data from the online web survey of predominantly 'small-scale' cannabis cultivators in eleven countries conducted by the Global Cannabis Cultivation Research Consortium (GCCRC). Here we focus primarily on descriptive statistics to highlight key similarities and differences across the different national samples., Results: Overall there was a great deal of similarity across countries in terms of: demographic characteristics; experiences with growing cannabis; methods and scale of growing operations; reasons for growing; use of cannabis and other drugs; participation in cannabis and other drug markets, and; contacts with the criminal justice system. In particular, we can recognise that a clear majority of those small-scale cannabis cultivators who responded to our survey are primarily motivated for reasons other than making money from cannabis supply and have minimal involvement in drug dealing or other criminal activities., Conclusions: These growers generally come from 'normal' rather than 'deviant' backgrounds. Some differences do exist between the samples drawn from different countries suggesting that local factors (political, geographical, cultural, etc.) may have some influence on how small-scale cultivators operate, although differences in recruitment strategies in different countries may also account for some differences observed., (Copyright © 2014 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

Background: Illegal drug use and trafficking are closely connected to crime. This article estimates the socioeconomic impact of this connection in Chile., Methods: Goldstein's tripartite model was applied quantifying drug-crime connections and then using those estimates to measure the socioeconomic impact of drug-related crimes. This was estimated in terms of both the monetary cost of law enforcement, and lost productivity due to incarceration. This socioeconomic impact can be divided into: (a) the direct costs arising from infractions to Chile's Drug Law, and the indirect costs originated by crimes linked only partially to drug consumption and trafficking; (b) is measured in productivity losses, as well as in costs to the three branches of Chile's criminal justice system (police, judiciary, and prisons); and (c) is attributed to the three illicit drugs most prevalent in Chile: cannabis, cocaine hydrochloride (CH) and cocaine base paste (CBP)., Results: The socioeconomic impact of Chile's drug-crime relationship in 2006 is estimated to be USD 268 million. Out of this amount, 36% is spent on national Drug Law enforcement, and the remaining 64% comes from the connection of drug use and trafficking with non-Drug-Law-related crimes. The police bear the largest share of drug enforcement costs (32%), followed by penitentiaries (25%). Productivity losses due to incarceration for drug-related crimes represent 29% of the total impact. 53% of the costs are attributable to CBP, 29% to CH, and the remaining 18% to cannabis. The impact of CBP is greater when indirect costs are taken into account, although direct costs are primarily associated with CH., Conclusion: The majority of costs is attributed to the trafficking and consumption of CBP, a drug with a relatively low prevalence. Based on the results, this study suggests reviewing drug enforcement policies to differentiate them according to the social and individual harm caused by each drug., (Copyright © 2012 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

Previous research has indicated that non-dependent polydrug users are willing to pay more money to buy good quality drugs as their income increased. This study sought to examine whether altering the perceived quality of controlled drugs would affect drug purchases if the monetary price remained fixed. A random sample of 80 polydrug users were recruited. All participants were administered an anonymous questionnaire consisting of the Drug Abuse Screening Test for Adolescents (DAST-A), the Severity of Dependence Scale for cannabis (SDS), the Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test (AUDIT), the Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale (HADS), and questions about their drug use. Participants then completed a simulation of controlled drug purchases where the price of alcohol, amphetamine, cannabis, cocaine, and ecstasy remained the same but their perceived quality changed (i.e. unit price increased as the perceived quality decreased). The demand for alcohol was quality inelastic and alcohol quality had no effects on the purchase of any other controlled drug. Demand for cannabis was quality elastic and alcohol substituted for cannabis as its unit price increased. Demand for cocaine was quality elastic and alcohol, cannabis, and ecstasy substituted for cocaine as its unit price increased. Demand for ecstasy was quality elastic and alcohol and cocaine both substituted for ecstasy as its unit price increased. These results suggest that perceived quality influences the demand for controlled drugs and that monitoring the perceived quality of controlled drugs may provide a warning of potential public health problems in the near future.

Introduction: : High spending on illegal drug use can potentially provide insight into a range of drug related harm such as poor health, financial hardship, loss of opportunity, family neglect and income generating crime. Assessing the impact of high spending on drug use is complicated by the fact that many heavy drug users support their high expenditure on drug use through selling drugs. The aim of this paper is to estimate individual dollar expenditure and dollar earnings from cannabis in New Zealand., Methods: : As part of the 2003 New Zealand national household drug survey, detailed data were collected on cannabis use and purchasing in the previous 12 months. Those who had purchased cannabis in the previous year were divided into two groups for further analysis: 'cannabis buyers' (i.e. those who only purchased sufficient cannabis for their own personal consumption needs); and 'cannabis dealers' (i.e. those who purchased large surpluses of cannabis for re-sale on to others)., Results: : Seventy-two percent of those who had purchased cannabis in the previous year were 'cannabis buyers' only. Cannabis buyers spent a mean of $817 (NZD) each on cannabis in the previous year (median $120). Cannabis dealers spent a mean of $5988 each on cannabis in the preceding year (median $1250). Once we accounted for projected earnings from selling surplus cannabis, half of the cannabis dealers achieved a mean net annual financial gain of $2739, and the remaining half were left with a mean net annual financial loss of only $350 over a year. Overall, 81% of all those who had purchased cannabis in the previous year had spent less than 5% of their gross annual personal income on cannabis, with 14% of these making a net financial gain. The proportion of income spent on cannabis was highest among those in the two lowest income earning groups, where approximately 8% spent 20% or more of their income on cannabis. Both cannabis buyers and cannabis dealers spending 10% or more of their income on cannabis were four times more likely to be unemployed than the wider population., Conclusions: : For the vast majority of those who had purchased cannabis in the previous year, spending on cannabis had only a small impact on their total annual income levels. High spending on cannabis can potentially be substantially offset by earnings from selling surplus cannabis. High spending on cannabis had its greatest impact among low income earning groups where approximately one in 13 low income cannabis spenders were spending high proportions of their income on cannabis. There appeared to be some relationship between high cannabis spending and unemployment and this warrants further investigation.