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In the 2010s, research on modern history of medicine in Korea has yielded notably outcomes. There have been social historical inquiries investigating the organic relationship between medicine and society, and there has been a study overcoming the traditional nationalistic dichotomous approach. A social historical perspective has been used to analyze the issues of knowledge and politics; the time period of its application was clustered around the colonial period. The condition of colonialism is both important and convenient for analyzing how and to what extent medicine, which is usually deemed neutral, contains a will of authority. Building on existing research, an attempt to understand a subject based on a combination of various elements or from various angles is needed. Accumulating empirical data is important to further advance related research. It is necessary to verify the accuracy of basic facts and build up verified facts. Sometimes theories are applied to research on the history of medicine. However, they are merely a passive application of existing theories and fail to lead to modification and fortification of the theories based on the case of Korea, let alone the establishment of an independent theory. Accumulating empirical studies would help create a unique theory for the Korean case. To establish a new theory, characteristics of the Korean case need to be identified, which have been formed by the Korean tradition. An understanding of the modern situation inevitably leads to an interest in the tradition. Another necessary effort is to expand territories, and one of them would be to develop interests in patients and consumers.

As Chamoru scholars with experience working at two universities within the University of California (UC) system, the authors write from institutions deeply implicated in interconnected projects of settler colonialism and militarism. Addressing the UC's historical narrative in the authors' pedagogy is an important way to connect with ongoing calls for justice for Indigenous peoples in California and beyond. Located in the US nation-state with the most military bases and installations, these universities are networked within a vast military infrastructure made possible by federal investments from the Department of Defense (DoD). Several UC campuses and institutes have long-standing financial relationships with the DoD, meaning the US military plays a notable role in shaping contemporary institutional priorities and economy. In this essay, the authors interrogate the lack of sustained education on militarism as a communicative practice that functions to maintain ignorance. Thus, the authors utilize place-based communication pedagogy to explicitly address settler colonialism as an interrelated structural issue. Given the authors focus on the US/California and specific characteristics of military power in these places, the authors urge practitioners from other regions to scope these proposed interventions within their own local contexts. According to the authors, they have demonstrated the significance of Communication teaching to provide more robust and life-affirming educational opportunities for students that directly prepare and educate them to simultaneously confront the violent structures of militarism and settler colonialism.

This article explores the idea that teachers, even when aiming to implement culturally and personally relevant pedagogies, are subject to passing on colonial agendas and practices that stultify learning in art classrooms. I argue that even in self-governing, majority non-European societies, well-intentioned teachers can unintentionally perpetuate colonial educational agendas that narrow students' learning, as well as the ideas students deduce about art, culture, and their roles in contributing to them. I focus on Jamaican and Anglo-Caribbean art classrooms, where many teachers and students have non-European lineages and a shared national heritage rooted in slavery and colonialism. I conclude the article by raising implications for how art educators there and elsewhere might avoid unconsciously engaging in neocolonial pedagogies, especially when teaching non-White students whose heritages are rooted in colonial oppression.

Like other colonial state structures, the education system in China aims to manufacture regime loyalty and cultural conformity among its 125 million minority nationalities. The Party-state's lessons in 'being Chinese' begin by nullifying traditional languages, cultures and lifestyles, which are deemed primitive and uncouth, and then remould minority students in the image of the Han majority and its perceived superiority. In this article we examine the vast network of boarding schools on the Tibetan plateau, where three out of every four Tibetan children are placed in around-the-clock state care with little access to their home communities: here a rigid and uniform curriculum in Mandarin Chinese promises upward social mobility for those who comply while transforming and homogenising worldviews. We argue these colonial-style boarding schools are slowly and irrevocably erasing aspects of Tibetan culture in ways that fundamentally alter Tibetan identity.

By placing a strong emphasis on one's national, cultural, and ethnic identity, neonationalism, as a contemporary political and cultural movement, prioritizes 'sameness' over diversity. This phenomenological case study focused on Turkish universities which have been under increasingly oppressive neo-nationalist policies within the past 10 years. It examined the lived experiences of a multilingual scholar in regard to his identity (re)construction and socialization upon his return from the US to Türkiye (Turkey). Descriptions of Anil's lived experiences were longitudinally collected via in-depth interviews, anecdotal records, and bi-weekly journal entries. The findings indicated that one's country of origin or nation-state becomes a source of discrimination not only in study abroad contexts, but also when international students and scholars return to their home countries. In other words, neo-nationalism in higher education institutions (HEIs) not only influences 'the Other' but also those within the same 'nation' with more progressive pedagogical beliefs and practices. The findings also underline the need to consider the phenomenon of "transnational intersectionality" when accounting for multilingual scholars' identity (re)construction and socialization. Such an approach would help situate the complexities of transnationalism within the larger discussions of how HEIs are shaped by current neo-nationalist policies. This study also calls for further research to pay attention to colonial legacies such as linguicide and epistemicide within HEIs so as to encourage multilingual scholars to resist and dismantle oppressive policies and practices that govern academia both at local and global contexts.

Recent calls for the decolonization of the academy demand recognition for diverse canons of knowledge. Asia's economic ascent also imparts rising confidence among Asian scholars and institutions to promote indigenous knowledge. While these global calls for emancipation are invigorating, decolonial scholarship is prone to sterile theorization, historical fixity, and an overt romanticization of the Global South. Drawing on my lived experiences as an Asian academic, I reflect on decolonization and Asian epistemology from five different spaces in my life: (1) Northern Europe, (2) Toronto, (3) Southeast Asia, (4) Kazakhstan and (5) the United Kingdom. I analyze these spaces by using the concepts of intellectual captivity and decolonization from Syed Hussein Alatas and Kuan-Hsing Chen. Specifically, the tendency for decolonization movements to descend into nationalism, nativism, and civilizationalism provides provocative insights on epistemic justice (Chen, 2010). I demonstrate how epistemology as practice can reveal a colonial mindset even among academics who engage in social justice discourse and international work. I also highlight examples of indigenous knowledge that reinforce inequality based on race, gender, sexual orientation and religion. As more individuals with hybrid identities (race, culture, and nationality) enter academe and pursue careers that require international mobility, it is imperative that decolonization moves beyond reductive categories of identity that reproduce stereotypes. I conclude with reflections on the role of comparative and international education research in decolonization movements.

Conviviality has travelled and been taken up in various national socio-political and historical narratives. We aim to add to this by examining conviviality in Finland where discourses of 'Nordic innocence' regarding colonial histories and racism has created an illusion of 'Nordic exceptionalism' regarding race and racism. Here we position media as a form of societal curriculum and a site of learning that reinforce innocence and exceptionalism. We build on their work by using comfort to attend to the affective underpinnings through which these national discourses are maintained. Finally, we use a media example to show how Finnish media use a comfortable conviviality to create and ideal of unthreatening difference.

This paper explores the governmentality in Macao's higher education (HE) by exemplifying how neoliberalism and Chinese nationalism simultaneously inform the governmental rationalities and technologies in the city. Like many other systems, neoliberalism has substantially shaped Macao's HE. However, owing to post-colonial identity, Chinese nationalism has become a significant driving force in the development of Macao's HE after the handover. On the basis of governmentality and a qualitative single case approach, this paper demonstrates how the neoliberal logic and nationalist discourses frame the governmentality in post-colonial Macao's HE. The paper further argues that the recent development of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area signifies an intensification of national integration that is deliberately associated with a wave of marketisation in HE. These developments represent the economic and political imperatives of Macao's HE policy and provide insights into Chineseness in HE within the contemporary political context.

By examining the widespread enthusiasm for education during the Japanese occupation of Korea (1910-1945), this article sets out to contribute to historiography on so-called 'education fever' (kyoyungyol), which so far has largely concentrated on researching the period after 1945. In the 1920s and 1930s the term was used to describe a multifaceted phenomenon that was driven by a striving for upward social mobility and the idea of national self-strengthening. Based on a wide range of sources including newspapers and journals, official documents as well as missionary reports, the article argues that 'education fever' was, on the one hand, closely linked to Korean nationalism, whose proponents made frequent recourse to the ubiquitous phenomenon in order to strengthen Korean political power through education. On the other hand, despite efforts to restrict school access, colonial authorities to a certain degree were forced to respond to these demands for education, highlighting Korean agency in the process.

English language learners should become successful intercultural speakers and global citizens promoting qualities that go beyond national boundaries. Supposed to be globally appropriate, global course books from Global North publishing houses reproduce coloniality and are neither neutral nor free of nationalism. Local(ised) teaching materials allow contextualised content but fall short, with negligible adaptions. Interviews with lecturers at Savannakhet University show: the global course books barely leave room for Lao students to express their experiences. In a return to the nation and to decolonise education, I argue for local(ised) material including pluralistic and multicultural forms of nationalism, building on the learners' diverse backgrounds.

This review outlines the historiography of education in the Middle East, focusing on events from the nineteenth century through the 1980s, and on Bilad al-Sham, mainly Jordan, Palestine and Israel, Iraq, and Northern Africa, including Egypt and Türkiye. Modernisation and nationalism were the main lenses through which educators, researchers, and students viewed the significance of their schooling in the late nineteenth- and twentieth-century Middle East. Scholars likewise take these frameworks as key to understanding the importance of education in the region's history. This review suggests that historians ought to recognise the saliency of previous frameworks for the actors who lived them while analysing the region beyond those limits. It advocates incorporating education more consistently into other fields, such as histories of the environment and race. It recommends that historians of education include those fields in their own work, while following historical actors, texts and ideologies across regimes and borders.

As education-migration ("edugration") blurs the line between international student and immigrant recruitment in some jurisdictions, higher education admission is becoming linked to settler nation-building projects. Using critical discourse analysis, this article examines the Canadian higher education sector's response to COVID-19 through pre-budget submissions to the House of Commons of Canada Standing Committee on Finance for the 2021 federal budget. Findings demonstrate how institutions instrumentalized international students to position themselves as valuable actors in Canada's immigration regime and justify their requests for public financial support. In this way, nation-building through immigration -- both globally, as an imperial power, and domestically, as a colonial power -- is now a new societal role of higher education which is becoming hegemonic within institutions. This is significant because, as higher education's purposes align with those of economic immigration, the sector not only fails to interrupt, but itself reproduces, systemic patterns of border imperialism and settler-colonialism. The article urges higher education institutions to: (1) more deeply consider how a reliance on international student enrolment is impacting its societal roles; while also (2) avoid exceptionalizing the present by recognizing that higher education has long functioned in the service of the state as a colonial and imperialist power.

While Chile currently commemorates 50 years since the 1973 coup, it is also immersed in the process of writing a new Constitution to replace that of 1980, which is responsible for the all over present neoliberalism, including the education system. The constituent process is a direct consequence of the social outburst of 2019. In this context, this article informs Other Sociologies of Education by describing the experience of a course inspired by decolonial studies and offered at a community higher education initiative that emerged from a local government, aiming to democratize education. To reconstruct the course experience, we used documents, our own memories and some participants written thoughts, and we wrote this article following the methodology of narrative productions. The article suggests that there is great potential in transmitting decolonial studies -- for their capacity to explain and transform ethnic-racial relations in Latin American societies -- in community education.

As it emerged in the late twentieth century, Empire promised a new era of global cooperation and stability through a seamless integration of late capitalism and neoliberal technocracy. Premised as an end to history itself, all that was left to accomplish was to tinker at the margins, stimulate corporate enterprise, embrace financialization and technological innovation, and encourage liberal rights and inclusion. As we enter the third decade of the twenty-first century, the narrative fictions sustaining Empire have broadly collapsed at the level of symbolic identification and belief. Empire has entered into a period of global emergency and mutation. Engaging with Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri's work, this paper considers what might emerge when we read education into the circuitry of Empire's decay. First, we locate Empire within foundational tensions in modernity, using Kantian philosophy and colonialism as examples, to foreground the idea of education as immanent to historical processes of creativity, resistance, and innovation. Second, we highlight dead-end responses, from space colonization to neo-fascism, as representations of how modes of education circulate to stabilize and contain Empire's crises, specifically in relation to capitalism, nationalism, and identity. Lastly, the paper develops a political ontology of education "after" Empire.

Purpose: By the mid-19th century the British colonial state introduced liberal education to India. Amongst various disciplines, political economy illustrates the concerns of the colonial state with the education of Indians, and its anxiety with quelling political discontentment. The emerging Indian nationalist intelligentsia also utilized ideas from classical political economy, first taught in educational institutions, to critique colonial policy and proposed the development of "Indian Economics", suited to national economic interests. This paper explores the development of political economy as a specific knowledge form in Calcutta University and Bombay University, and its connection with colonial educational policy. Design/methodology/approach: This study relies primarily on university records and the proceedings of the Education Department to bring out the politically sensitive nature of the teaching of economics in colonial India. Findings: The study finds that political economy grew from being a minor part of the overall university syllabi to becoming part of the first university departments created in early-20th-century India. The government and nationalist forces both found the discipline to be relevant to their respective agendas. The circulation of knowledge theoretical framework is found to be relevant here. Originality/value: The history of political economy in Indian universities, especially during the 19th century, has not been dealt with in any detail. This study tries to fill this gap. The close connection between politics and the teaching of economics has also not been studied closely, which this paper does.

The British government's current educational policy for England draws on E.D. Hirsch's writings on 'cultural literacy'. This paper aims to uncover the roots of Hirsch's influential views through a genealogical critique. Hirsch admired the Scottish Enlightenment educator Hugh Blair as a model architect of a hegemonic culture to unite disparate members of a nation. Following Hirsch, the government Department for Education in England called for 'shared appreciation of cultural reference points' and 'a common stock of knowledge on which all can draw and trade'. Consequently, the literature curriculum in England increasingly disenfranchises a significant component of the population in terms of both gender and cultural heritage. Recent 'culture wars' have highlighted the legacy of colonialism and have led educators to decolonise the curriculum and prioritise social justice. Continuing racism within civil society demonstrates the need for a general recognition that cultures are desirably diverse and internally plural.

A geophysical perception of the ecumene had always existed in the consciousness of Indians even in precolonial days. But with the advent of the British, and with the establishment of territorial mapping and institutionalised education, there was a growing awareness of differences and similarities related to ethnicity, race and space. Colonial schools and education played a critical role in developing a sense of belongingness to a shared space. As Bengal was the hub for colonial administration as well as for dissemination of education, a look at history and geography textbooks, in both English and Bengali, highlights how the Bengali educated class negotiated this construction of knowledge. The article analyses the production of knowledge as a complex imagining of a 'national' space that refashioned and forged intricate geopolitical consciousness, which then went on to have vital implications for the future conception of nation-state in India.

Schooling has long been identified as a tool for nation-building and cultural reproduction. In early post-Federation Australia, English and literacy education played a significant role in producing colonial subjects. Although Australia today is heralded as a successful multicultural nation with momentum growing for constitutional recognition of First Nations peoples, English education remains haunted by the legacies of colonisation. This paper, based on a workshop given at the 2022 AATE conference in Darwin, proposes placestory as an orientation in subject English aimed at encouraging more historically and culturally nuanced imaginings of being and belonging in Australia. The paper provides an account of the development of English education in Australia as a contextual rationale for reimagining English education as situated within postcolonial possibilities. The paper then discusses three possible orientations for placestory: restore(y)ing place; becoming-with place; and place as being.

Report on a study of nationalistic education in secondary schools in Hong Kong. Findings show that civic educators were strongly eclectic in education for cosmopolitan, civic, and cultural nationalism and moderately eclectic in education for anticolonial nationalism but rejected education for totalitarian nationalism. (Contains 5 tables and 57 references.) (WFA)

Examines language planning and development in Suriname in reference to a Caribbean-wide phenomenon arising from movements of cultural nationalism in the region after the Second World War. During this period, people throughout the Caribbean began to question local supremacy of European languages and cultures and denigration of creole language and cultures. (Author/VWL)

Presents an incisive overview of the historical writing concerning the Spanish-American War by U.S. historians. Summarizes and comments on some of the seminal works by Walter LaFeber, Paul Kennedy, and Louis A. Perez. Their works consider the conflict from the perspectives of international relations, domestic politics, and various ideologies. (MJP)

Examines the role played by Puerto Rico in the Spanish-American War. Although fighting on the island lasted only 19 days, it resulted in the the United States assuming possession of Puerto Rico as a commonwealth. Discusses the ongoing effects of this on the economy, and the movement toward statehood. (MJP)

Discusses the role and effect of the Spanish-American War on the Philippines and its relationship with the United States. The annexation of the Philippines marked the beginning of the U.S. efforts at expanding power and trade throughout the Pacific. Details that effort and the resistance it met. (MJP)

Reviews the historical writing of Spanish historians on the Spanish American War. While this conflict marked the emergence of the United States as a world power, it is considered by many Spanish scholars as a turning point in the decline of the colonial empire. Includes extensive end notes. (MJP)

Provides an annotated bibliography of trade books that can be used in studying the Spanish-American war. Although aimed at adolescents, the selections include books for students with limited reading skills. Covers fiction and nonfiction including writings on the war from Stephen Crane and Mark Twain. (MJP)

Discusses problems in the classification of ethnic groups by language, focusing on the case of a marginal Chinese group from northeast Vietnam and the shifting of ethnic identity according to geographic location. Influences of colonialism and nationalist feeling in this dilemma are examined. (MSE)

Explores how Americanization and Russification differed in terms of their imperialist language policies and how these policies led two colonialized societies, Puerto Rico and Estonia, to respond in dramatically different ways to the pressures to learn English and Russian respectively. (Author/VWL)