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This article discusses the role Central Europe has played in the self-identification and positioning of New York intellectuals during and since the end of the Cold War. Through the lens of the New York Review of Books, it analyzes the rise of the human rights movement and of East European dissidents, the emerging consensus of the Holocaust as the ultimate evil, and the identification of Central Europe as a coherent but historically endangered cultural region. This contribution to the intellectual history of the Cold War focuses on the motivations and changing preferences of intellectuals and activists in New York. It relies on the published articles in the Review and interviews with participants in the East-West network discussed here. Although originally founded as a left-leaning journal that fiercely criticized the US political and intellectual establishment, the Review came to embrace classical liberalism in the 1970s. New groups of dissidents in Eastern Europe, such as the Moscow Helsinki Group, KOR, and the Charta 77, encouraged this ideological shift. They inspired the New Yorkers to rally behind the cause of human rights and opened their eyes to the tragic fate of twentieth-century Central Europe. Many in this informal network on either side of the Iron Curtain shared a family history that rooted in Jewish Eastern Europe. This alliance did not only offer the dissidents‟ elusive protection through the Review‟s influence on public opinion but also lent credibility to the American intellectuals involved and bolstered the perception of their political and intellectual integrity. After 1989, however, the network fell apart when much of Central Europe succumbed to ethno-nationalism. The New Yorkers focused instead on the wars in the former Yugoslavia. Eventually, friendships deteriorated over the opposing attitudes toward the US invasion of Iraq and the war on terror, in which both sides deployed the same arguments as during the Cold War but to different ends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that media events can be fruitfully understood as an exercise in collective memory. It considers how coverage of the so-called war on terror draws from a deep memory of the Cold War. In drawing from that mnemonic scheme, terror’s current representation as an ideological war prosecuted patiently across time assures its seeming success even when its main media events underscore the war’s failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the interrelation between the European Political Co-operation (EPC) and the Cold War, the Belgian role within the EPC, and its impact on Belgian foreign policy-making. The EPC was a response of the European Communities member states to global and Cold War challenges occurring at the end of the 1960s, such as decolonization and détente. It aimed for mutual consultation, coordination and harmonization of member state foreign policies. Belgian foreign policy actors were central in developing the political co-operation. For subsequent Belgian governments, political co-operation was seen as an important step towards political union. A relevant factor for the development of the EPC along the lines of Belgian foreign policy preferences were processes of international socialization and/or Europeanization which gradually changed foreign policy-making in the member states. The significantly intensified and accelerated information flow between the foreign ministries, as well as frequent personal encounters on various levels within EPC, were catalysts for this. Apart from clear indications of Europeanization processes, the EPC partners were not always willing or able to find common responses to political challenges in the context of the Cold War. Belgian foreign policy-making was no exception to this rule. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article seeks to analyze the ideas emerging from the medical knowledge regarding the design and implementation of public health policies in the 50's and 60's in Argentina. During the period under study, we have noticed there was a higher level of government intervention in the introduction of such policies during Peron's administration. This wider role led to the widening nature of social citizenship. After Peron's ouster (1955), the liberal-conservative ideas gave way to the interruption of the public works which had been undertaken before, and to a deep attempt to curb that stifling government interference which was thought to limit private initiative. The government played a supplementary role, and communities developed to create the necessary conditions to spur economic growth, to achieve self-financing, and to put an end to social strife which was considered an entry to Communism in the region. As the Cold war imposed strong military power and an environment of mistrust, there was an increasing belief that poverty in slums was linked to the lack of opportunities to achieve acceptable levels of development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores fashion modeling as an area of interest to the national media. While much research has been done on modeling within fashion theory, my focus is on the role of models in national self-definition, and on the national fantasies and ideals of "making it" internationally that were attached to young women working abroad as models in the 1960s. I address these ideals in the historical context of the postwar modernization process and the geopolitical position of Finland as a neutral territory between the East and the West during the Cold War period. This article extends the existing theorizations on modeling by investigating the notion of cosmopolitanism as a structure of feeling. The research material consists of a collection of interviews published in the Finnish women's magazine Anna between 1963 and 1973. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to reconstruct the early action of the Argentine Council for Peace, local headquarters of the World Peace Council, the most important front organization supported by communism during the Cold War period. Through the itineraries of writers María Rosa Oliver and Alfredo Varela and the essayist Ernesto Giudici, key figures in the Movement for Peace in Argentina, the article analyzes the relationship between intellectuals and communist efforts after World War II, in the context of Juan Domingo Peron's government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Latin American Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of UNISCI Discussion Papers is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract: This paper considers Frobisher Bay and Inuvik, two Canadian Arctic towns, as examples of the high-modernist planning that swept the globe during the middle decades of the twentieth century, but also Cold War projects reflecting a sudden interest in the Arctic as a region of military significance. Building on the framework provided by James Scott in Seeing like a State (1998), the paper details the connections between modernization theory and Cold War militarism before turning to the strikingly parallel case studies. In each instance, federal officials proposed ambitious urban models designed to simultaneously overcome the hostility of a northern environment and catapult native northerners into conditions of modern living. While the limits and failings of such schemes varied by location, both sites were also laboratories for social scientists employed by the federal government to document and analyze the modernization of the Arctic. The work of these scholars represents a particularly rich and complex record of governmental interventions, tied variously to Cold War imperatives, in northern lives and landscapes at a time of great faith in the transformative power of modern engineering. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This article examines the 1955 Asian-African Conference held in Bandung, Indonesia with a particular focus on contextualizing its final commuique, a key document of the early postcolonial period. Although the Bandung meeting became and important symbol of Third World solidarity by serving as a precursor or the Non-Aligned Movement, the escalating politics of the Cold War equally compromised its aims. Acknowledging this complexity provides insight the challenges faced by postcolonial countries in the aftermath of mid-twentieth-century decolonization, armid stated ideals of anti-imperialism, economic and cultural exchange, and world peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special themed section examines the multilayered engagements between Africa and the Soviet Union as a central, if overlooked, global encounter of the mid-twentieth century. We call this worldview and the entanglements it generated the "African-Soviet Modern," an asymmetrical combination of aspiration, materiality, and practice that was rooted in diverse African states and in the Soviet Union. As an analytical category, the African-Soviet Modern speaks to the gap between the grand rhetorical and ideological scope of the Cold War moment and the relatively discrete channels in which it materialized, which gave this mode of thinking a particular vitality and instability. African-Soviet entanglements unfolded in an expansive and uneven geography that incorporated diverse regions of Africa, the USSR, and beyond. Avoiding the temporal and spatial silos of either Soviet or African history, the four essays in this section focus on the spaces where African and Soviet students, politicians, and scientists interacted with one another, creating "connected chronologies" and complementary archives of evidence. Weaving together documentary and oral sources, these articles recover a global entanglement that was energized by unbounded political, economic, and technological aspiration, but that produced an uneven material footprint in newly independent African states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1955, the Ljubljana Biennial of Graphic Arts was founded. It was the first curatorial initiative that aimed to link graphic artists working around the world and with those divided by the Cold War. The Ljubljana Biennial became a major success and its model quickly spread worldwide, augmenting the international circulation of prints and exchanges of artistic concepts. Over the next twenty years similar exhibitions were established in Krakow, Tallinn, San Juan, Santiago de Chile, Cali, Tokyo, Cairo, Fredrikstad, Frechen, Sofia and Bradford. The Ljubljana Biennial of Graphic Arts offered an opportunity for artists from Yugoslavia, Eastern Europe and Latin America, such as Andrzej Lachowicz, Mauricio Leib Lasansky, Adolfo Quinteros and Aleš Veselý, to exhibit their works alongside the protagonists of the western contemporary graphic art circuit such as Robert Rauschenberg, Antonio Segui, Yozo Hamaguchi, Max Bill and Victor Vasarely. The network of exhibitions that followed the example set by Ljubljana Biennial of Graphic Arts became a window into the world not only for printmakers, but also for a number of artists who were affected by Cold War cultural exclusion. The network of dedicated international print exhibitions created favourable conditions for an emerging third space, which became a platform for communication between the cultures divided by the Iron Curtain. This article focuses on the curatorial assumptions that brought the Biennial of Graphic Arts in Ljubljana to life and questions its position as a cultural cornerstone for the Non-Aligned geopolitical order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]