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Revolutionary changes in Eastern Europe air fundamentally intertwined with the thawing of the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union. Paradoxically, the arms race between the superpowers continues. This paper examines the paradox by flat considering the conventional explanations for improved relations and demonstrating their inadequacies, then turning to the structural factors that appear to help explain the changed relations, and finally examining some of the social forces that cause the arms race to continue despite the thawing of the Cold War. Structural factors cited here as having contributed to the improved relations include: changes in the global economy, the development of a civil society in the Eastern bloc, domestic and international peace initiatives, and cultural changes. Despite these changes, the arms race continues due to the stability of strategic policy and the way it is made, military-industrial institutional operations, political and economic interests, and government operations. In each of these areas, much sociological research is needed to help guide the policy-making process away from continuing the arms race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The anti-war movement of the 1960s against the Vietnam war has its roots in the collective experiences of the two world wars and the Great Depression. Parents of the worst period of scarcity in U.S. history gave birth to children raised during the most affluent age the country has ever known. Two world wars opened the doors of employment for blacks and women only to have those doors close shortly thereafter. Disillusionment over the results of the two wars brought a re-examination of American values. Hiroshima and the Holocaust produced bomb scares and an arms race along with serious questions of Jim Crowism. Colonialism was doomed by World War II and African-Americans were inspired, to fight for their liberation also. The Baby Boom lead to megaversities, and alienating bureaucracies became insensitive to student needs. The Cold War and red scares at the end of both world wars gave birth to new questions about democracy and civil liberties. The wars and depression spawned a "beat generation" refusing to conform to mainstream American values. This "beat generation" in turn lead to a counterculture of hipies. Folk and rock music protested the status quo. Materialism was called into question. The anti-war movement became part of a protest against traditional American values and attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For many decades the Cold War frame provided a clear and simple way for American reporters to select, structure, and prioritize complex news about international affairs. The Cold War frame cued journalists and viewers about friends and enemies throughout the world. The key question posed in this article is. What are the consequences of the breakdown of this frame for how American network television communicates international news? The article presents the results of an extensive content analysis of network news in the pre- and post-Cold War periods (1973-1995). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws upon research for my dissertation, which is a history of the general systems movement, focusing specifically on the Society for General Systems Research. In the dissertation I examine the backgrounds of the individual founders of the Society in order to understand the influences that led them to establish the Society and to clarify their intentions in doing so. In this paper I discuss Kenneth Boulding's interdisciplinary social science seminars at the University of Michigan as background for his work at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences at Stanford during its opening year (1954-55), where the idea for the Society was developed and realized. I also discuss the role of the Ford Foundation in establishing the Center and promoting interdisciplinary work in the behavioral sciences during the postwar era. An understanding of this context may enhance appreciation for the significance of Boulding's contribution to the systems movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The interplay of capability and hostile behavior as indicators of threat is under-conceptualized in arms-race research. I propose that the motivation (intentions) attributed to a state's hostile acts depends on its capability: the less capable it is, the stronger the motivation. Controlling for the amount of hostile acts, if a state's capability level rises over time its intentions would appear less malign, hence the state might seem less threatening (if threat perception is sensitive to intentions). In a static arms-competition model this implies a hypothesized negative sign for the arms-reaction coefficient. I support this interpretation primarily by testing a statistical model of the U.S.-Soviet arms competition and, secondarily by showing that past quantitative research also generated considerable, yet little-noticed, evidence of negative coefficient signs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The end of the Cold War is examined with respect to the impact of Mikhail Gorbachev, Ronald Reagan, and their respective foreign secretaries. This discussion yields an approach to the systematic examination ofcounre,factual questions about the impact ofpolitical actors on historical outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The core idea of the article is that the end of the Cold War in the last years of the eighties should not be viewed as a single fact, but as a part of a broad process of change. From this standpoint, it searches to prove, through the points of view expressed in several books and articles, that the process which led to the end of the Cold War was already in motion almost two decades before 1989. The second part of the article argues in favor of Olson's Logic of Collective Action and the existence of a gap between the development of world regions as theoretical frameworks to comprehend the naturally unstable feature of the international order. It concludes by stating that the complex contemporary international agenda is not quite different from the one which was predominant in the last decade of the Cold War, but the manner through which issues are realized and forwarded has substantially changed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The CORONA satellite reconnaissance programme (1958-72), the first American enterprise for secret photography from space, was predicated on fundamental progress within the strategic earth sciences necessary to resolve the Figure of the Earth with sufficient fidelity to wage or prevent nuclear war. CORONA in turn rapidly evolved from an interim reconnaissance system to a sophisticated series of earth remote-sensing imagery and data systems, which initiated the modern era of global satellite remote sensing. These innovative scientific applications were the results of a productive convergence in the post-war strategic earth sciences, the details and mechanisms of which were diffused and concealed by elaborate security protocols. With CORONA's declassification, and prospects for further declassification of Cold War-era archives, a window is opened into the clandestine reconfiguration of the strategic earth sciences and their complex integration with military and intelligence research and applications during the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I give an overall view of anthropology and of my career within it over the past fifty years, relating them to changes in the world in general during that time. All lessons are implicit, all morals unstated, all conclusions undrawn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article studies how the concept of national security was transformed during the cold war into the Doctrine of National Security, and the way in which it was applied to the countries of Latin America under the influence of the United States. The role of the military in the application of this doctrine is underlined, as well as the fight against the internal enemy and its implications for the politics of the considered countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the role of Malthusian thinking as a rationale for the commercial development of global agriculture at the expense of peasant-livelihood security. Focusing on the impact of the cold war, in an era of peasant insurgency, it explores how the Green Revolution reflected and reinforced the West's conviction that technological innovation, rather than more equitable systems of production, should resolve the problem of world food security said to be due to "overpopulation." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women's political participation is increasing in many countries around the world, but their participation in democratic politics has not altered the neoliberal consensus that is harmful to their interests. Two reasons for this are explored here: the impact of the Cold War in shaping the post-Cold War discourse on markets and states, and the anti-state bias of much of contemporary feminist theory. The essay calls for a rethinking of the consequences of difference theories for feminist political practices, and for a renewed focus on redistributional issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrary to studies that argue there is no direct link between Cold War era politics and the shift in the United States from confessional to tax-supported Humanistic studies of religion, this paper explores whether such direct evidence does in fact exist. Focusing mainly on the National Defense Fellowships that were instituted by the US federal government soon after the launch of Sputnik, the essay concludes that there is considerable warrant for further investigations into the public and private funding that made the Humanistic study of religion a reality in the mid-1960s to late 1960s. Given current worldwide political and military developments, and the manner in which some scholars of religion are arguing for the relevance of the study of religion for those wishing to ensure the spread of liberal democracy, it may now be the time to reconsider the Cold War history of our field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article outlines tragic consequences of wrong, Euro- and Americano-centric views of the world, with the military intervention ‘to introduce democracy’ in Iraq as its most recent example. The study presents the roots of ‘false universalism’ identified with Western civilization, the intricate way of dialogue among civilizations as leading towards a true ‘universal universalism’, which considers all civilizations as valuable sources and treats them as equal. The reasons and consequences of the Western and American domination in the world, including the cultural dimension, and some fundamental characteristics of the Western civilization are also outlined. Some indications are presented how the future universal civilization could evolve, and how to deal with the differences of values. The problem of human rights and of democracy is also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of détente on the Italian political system, linking together internal and international dynamics in both the political and the economic spheres. Relying on various new archival sources, it analyzes the conflicting effects on Italy of both the relaxing of Cold War tension and bipolarism, and the `bipolar' strategy to reassert US hegemony: the failure of the reformist design of the center - left of the 1960s; the `strategy of attention' in 1969-71 and its sudden halt; the building of a 'devaluation model' after the end of Bretton Woods, and the consequent shift from Kissinger's neo-centrism to 'national solidarity'. Détente favoured a crisis of the centrist pattern of Italian politics but at the same time the 'bipolar' features of both the US and the Soviet `strategies of détente' led to a decline in US hegemony, relaunching the DC's centrality and its ability to manage external constraints. Reaganism was to recast US hegemony on a new basis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the use of the allusions to Moby-Dick in The Bedford Incident (novel 1963;film 1965)in reinforcing its application of the frontier trope,which underpins the description of how a US destroyer hunts a Soviet nuclear submarine in the Denmark Strait. In particular it focuses on the construction of the Cold War enemy as an unseen alien who,ironically,comes to resemble its American pursuers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alaska was strategically key to the U.S. defense plan during the cold war (1946-1989). As such, it was the scene of an enormous and sustained military investment, the effect of which was amplified by Alaska's undiversified economy, sparse development, small resident population, and marginalized political status at the beginning of the era. The strong military presence affected Alaskan demographics, economic development, and infrastructure and figured prominently in the admission of Alaska to the union in 1959. The high profile and long-term presence of the U.S. military had such a dramatic affect on the course of Alaska that the result was tantamount to a "militarized landscape." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary German anti-Americanism is not a continuation of earlier anticapitalist, antimodern, and often anti-Semitic anti-Americanism. Rather, since the late 1960s a political anti-Americanism, which accepts capitalism and the extensive Americanization of German society, has emerged. It is a response to specific American foreign policies, but its roots lie in the uneven Americanization of twentieth-century Germany. Anti-Americanism has been fostered by Germany's nonliberal variety of capitalism, by its more egalitarian social policies, by its greater secularism, by its more influential environmental movements, and by memories of World War II. Political anti-Americanism is likely to last beyond the current Iraq War crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article makes the case for situating understandings of Abraham Maslow and his ideas within Cold War America. After discussing the general significance of Maslow, we set out the historical conditions of Cold War culture and social institutions in the United States. We then make links between these conditions and Maslow' s life, his work, and his reflexive awareness of them. This analysis maps, inter alia, Maslow's place and agency in the Cold War academy and his positions on (un)Americanism, liberalism, religion and secularism, and modernization and Marx. The links identified reveal new explanations of Maslow' s life, work, and significance in the management canon and indicate that the Cold War should be considered as a hitherto missing grand narrative, within which the history of management ideas more generally should be situated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a portrait of Admiral Sergei Gorshkov, commander of the Soviet Navy for almost three decades, from 1956–85. The author, a retired US Navy admiral with a Harvard PhD in Russian studies who served as both defense and naval attaché in Moscow, draws on numerous face-to-face interactions with Gorshkov. He also explores Gorshkov's memoirs that were published recently in Russia but have not appeared in an English translation. The paper is not only a first-hand account of an important historical figure, but also a window into the world of military-to-military diplomacy and intelligence during the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European navies made a fundamental contribution to the Cold War at sea, ensuring the effectiveness of deterrence even as Soviet naval forces grew to ominous proportions. European fleets were tasked with containing a Soviet attack until US forces could arrive on the scene. Many European navies pursued essential niche capabilities tailored for their own unique maritime environments. Others made important contributions to broader NATO efforts in the high-stakes arenas of sea control, power projection and even nuclear deterrence. Contentious issues did arise, for example concerning burden-sharing, but true to its name, the alliance succeeded collectively in wielding formidable sea power. This paper is based on the premise that the maritime players in the Cold War at sea were by no means restricted to the US and Soviet navies. The navies of Western Europe and Canada had major roles to play as well within the NATO area. They contributed a great deal to the political cohesion crucial to an essentially maritime alliance, and in many cases had a real operational contribution to make as well. What follows, then, is the Cold War at sea from a European point of view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few issues were as contentious in the development of the Soviet Navy as the role of aircraft carriers and sea-based aviation. Despite the continued insistence by the highest naval authorities and scientific experts that surface combatants simply could not be protected in the open ocean without the support of ship-borne aviation, Soviet leaders – for a variety of reasons – resisted aircraft carrier development until the final decades of the Cold War. In examining one of the most defining and telling asymmetries of the Cold War at sea, the author argues that while the USSR was economically and technologically capable of building aircraft carriers of any class, bureaucratic infighting, misperceptions of cost and practicality, and the inherent flaws of a totalitarian system ultimately created an impossible gap in capabilities between the two sides. The priorities and direction of Soviet weapons and defense technology development during the Cold War was largely a factor of the military-political situation taking shape at home, and in the world. As a rule, the navy was assigned missions that corresponded to its capabilities at a given point in time, rather than the other way around. Often, the navy lacked the material resources needed to implement its core mission. The availability of these resources, in turn, depended on the country's economic situation, its scientific potential, the technological state of its industry, as well as the subjective influence of political and military leaders on the priorities of technological development. The impact of the country's socioeconomic imperatives was undoubtedly also felt in the sluggish pace of development of ship-borne aviation and aircraft carriers in the USSR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the Balkans formed one of the major sources of alterity for the West in the decade following the end of the Cold War. Taking the place of the erstwhile communist Other, the region was constructed in journalism, political statement and travel writing as a zone of backwardness, barbarism and violence which threatened to engulf the civilized and democratic West. Using travel writing as a source material, this article argues more specifically that the ideological scepticism and aesthetic conventions of postmodernism have been an important influence on contemporary balkanism, as they have been on the representation of other non western locations. Although the role of the Balkans has now been superseded by Al-Qaida and the ‘international terror network’, the post-1989 representational styles continue to have devastating political and economic effects in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following World War II, food technologists in the US participated in an Army-led program to develop food irradiation technology. The program involved over 120 military, government, industrial, and academic institutions. Focusing on the MIT Department of Food Technology, I trace the networks that formed between these groups and their motivations for developing the technology. I argue that food irradiation was Cold War science directed towards the development of a consumer product, and that it highlighted the links between large-scale military-funded research and consumers' everyday lives. I suggest that researchers advocated for irradiation not because the technology produced better processed food, but because the development of the technology produced a number of valuable benefits for the researchers. These included increases in funding, materials, and prestige. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the end of the Cold War brought the transformation of the communist bloc, some states have resisted the ensuing wave of democratization. This study assumes that important mechanisms of continuity and change in communist states are situated in the belief systems of their leaders and that the years between 1985 and 1991 were a catalytic period. What did Fidel Castro of Cuba and Kim Il Sung of North Korea learn from the end of the Cold War? Their belief systems are examined prior to 1985 and after 1991, i.e., before and after the collapse of other communist regimes. If learning has occurred, it should be reflected in a comparison of their beliefs for these time periods. Our results from ANOVA analyses indicate that Fidel Castro engaged in some learning but Kim Il Sung did not. This finding is complemented by the results of a MANOVA analysis, which indicate that the end of the Cold War had only a modest impact on Fidel Castro and Kim Il Sung, independent of their specific personalities. We conclude by drawing attention to the ensuing debate between structural- and agent-level theorizing and by giving some suggestions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A narrative inheritance refers to stories given to children by and about family members. Using the case of his own ‘nuclear family,’ the author explores the power of these stories in our lives, particularly when they are later shown to have been constructed out of serious omissions, distortions, secrets, and lies. The implications of this personal ethnographic account speak to issues of family communication, narrative inquiry, and the relationship of work and home life in families whose everyday lives are defined by codes of secrecy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Themes developed in US Cold War propaganda campaigns during the 1950s to promote the development of the South East Asia Treaty Organization also appeared within the work of Southeast Asianist geographers—particularly in their construction of Southeast Asia as an entity with a distinctive and unified character that distinguished it from China. This Cold War construction of a Southeast Asian “we-self” by both geo-politicians and scholars tended to efface “internal” Southeast Asian differences in the name of unity of interest, especially differences of interest based on class and related social group identities. I show this by looking at two different types of Cold War approaches to Southeast Asian geography: an essentialist and environmental determinist Cold War approach exemplified by Fisher''s work, and a social constructivist or pragmatist Cold War geography exemplified by Donald Fryer''s work. Further, I argue that similarly functioning “imaginative geographies” are now being forged to legitimize the US “war on terror” in Southeast Asia. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Taking into account recently published evidence on Taiwan''s relations with the Soviet Union during the Cold War, this article examines the official and secret contacts between Moscow and Taipei from 1949 to 1988. It argues that despite some consideration given to a possible cooperation, Cold War hostility suited Taiwan and the Soviet Union more than collaboration. Taipei resorted to the ‘Soviet card’ in the 1970s to hinder Sino–American rapprochement, but never abandoned anti-Sovietism as the foundation of its diplomacy. The Soviet Union, for its part, prioritized normalization of relations with China and avoided rapprochement with the ROC, which could have only further strained ties with the PRC and accelerated the formation of the Sino–US united front against Moscow. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

All through the Cold War US foreign policy approached Latin America and the Caribbean through the lens of the East-West confrontation. With the implosion of the Soviet bloc -- and the Soviet Union -- this approach became outdated. Since then, US foreign policy towards the region has moved through several regional goals, from promoting economic hemispheric integration under the aegis of neoliberal economic policies to fostering so-called market democracies together with fighting drug trafficking. In the aftermath of 9/11, fighting terrorism in the region became the central objective of the US government approach to the rest of the world, with most of policy resources addressed toward regions and actors quite far away from the western hemisphere. While shifting concerns from US foreign policy-makers can be interpreted as downgrading Latin America from a previous higher position in the US government agenda, they can also be understood as enlarging the room for Latin American countries to advance alternative development strategies more in tune with the demands of their populations as well as building or strengthening intra-Latin America agreements at both government and civil society levels -- as long as they are not seen by the US government as obstacles to its war against terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we investigate a few examples of potential interest to those concerned with problems regarding the technoscientific scientific exchange between North and South from the social studies of science and technology perspective. We present a review of the state of the art of those subjects we discuss, namely: science, technology and development theories; the Green Revolutions; and technoscience and Cold War in the South. We argue that, in order to understand the role of technoscience, both in the South and the North, it is essential to study the dynamics of the technoscientific exchanges between the Third World and the industrialized countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although in its origins, the US was a strong supporter of the European integration process, it has in the post Cold War years shifted its focus to an attitude of ambivalence. This is due to the enlargement of the European Union, the adoption of the Euro and most importantly because of the birth of a foreign policy that goes beyond the mandate of the Union's first pillar. The idea of a shared sovereignty and supranationality are some of the concepts that are difficult to understand from the American perspective. Furthermore, the unilateral anti terrorist crusade that the US put forth after 9/11, the European Union moved from simple economic competitor to an adversary in the global domination strategy. This explains why, in the American power circles, there was satisfaction in view of the European process problems of the last years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to show that the Cold War is behind the invention of the Internet. This is one of a very few positive results of this war, which had tremendous influence on the further development of civilization. The research on the universality of info-communication processes was conducted on both sides of the Iron Curtain, which indicates the similarities in engineering thinking, regardless of the geographic locations. The political moaning of the Internet does not only result from its history but also stands for the support of democratic development and the obstruction of dictatorships. The history of the Internet is also an example of the development of great engineering talents and research and development centers, which rise to the occasion on such ambitious projects. All of these aspects of the Internet will be investigated in this paper, as well as its impact upon the emergence of the Global Civilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the height of the cold war, from the 1950s to the early 1960s, the United States government embarked on a series of civil defence initiatives centred on the home fallout shelter. Calling on 'American' traits of enterprise and independence, shelter advocates sought an accessible and pleasurable way to help citizens prepare for nuclear war by transforming the home fallout shelter into an ideologically charged national do-it-yourself project. The government requested citizens to furnish their own security, and fallout shelters presented homeowners with a do-it-yourself activity that costumed home improvement with family safety. Do-it- yourself provided both men and women with traditionally gender-appropriate tasks that strengthened domestic identity and offered a sense of contained purpose and control in increasingly uncertain times. Such expectations were carried into the construction of the home fallout shelter and perpetuated gender stereotypes in the post-nuclear world--literally building them into a concrete form. Despite public and private initiatives, however, fallout shelters permeated America's post-war consciousness more than its physical landscape; few Americans actually built shelters. Nevertheless, do-it-yourself helped promote the idea of security, while revealing larger cold war insecurities of daily life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides an understanding and representation of the historical burdens of Korean society through citations and cinematic memories from the film "Peppermint Candy." The film touches the gendered traumas of the Gwangju Uprising which was displayed under the pretense of progressive political historiography.

Critical geopolitics, despite its radical ambitions, has been reluctant to shift its emphasis from the figure of the geopolitical tactician, ‘decisive’ events and the agency of the military-state. This paper, in common with recent work on ‘popular geopolitics’, offers a different agenda. It takes up the story of Britain and America's first nuclear missile – the US-made ‘Corporal’– through the testimony of a self-described ‘space-daft’ schoolboy who, in 1959, travelled alone across Scotland to witness the first British testing of the missile. However, unlike much of the literature on popular geopolitics, this paper is concerned with the more-than-representational question of observant practice. Addressing recent calls for a more empirical enquiry into the relationship between geography and visual culture, the paper examines how geopolitical power operates through sights and spectacles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the one hundredth anniversary of the birth of Jean-Paul Sartre, reactions to his writings, to his personality, to his relationship towards communism and to socialist thought warrant particular scrutiny and are the object of this article. A striking feature of these reactions is that they all view Sartre as an intellectual who lost his way. Even those critics who, like Bernard-Henri Lévy, attempt to salvage something from his æuvre end up making a sharp distinction between Sartre the 'rebel' and Sartre the 'totalitarian'. But rereading the full range of Sartre's work from the Cold War period, as well as his philosophical writings, suggests another view, one which goes beyond the rather simplistic notion of égarement [aberration] and suggests instead a number of constant themes in his thinking. First is his hatred of the bourgeois milieu in which he grew up. Another is his deeply felt sympathy for the exploited peoples of the Third World as well as for the working class in the developed world. He chose to side with the victims of capitalism even though these included people with whom he would not normally have felt much affinity. Faced with the historic failures of the socialist world, Sartre desperately sought another kind of socialism. It is this quest that people continue to hold against him. This article focuses on his quest and on the arguments put forward by those who oppose him. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior to the mid-1970s, gender was virtually absent from theories of management and organization (OMT), particularly within the North American context. In recent years, four strands of research have brought gender into management theory--gender and organizations, women in management, work-family conflict, and diversity management--but largely in ways that reinforce the masculinist project. With the exception of the more critical gender and organizations approach, gender continues to be discussed in OMT in ways that privilege masculinity and problematize femininity. This is particularly true of the work-family conflict literature and to a lesser extent, the women in management literature. In this article, we are interested in the root of the gendered discourse within OMT. Through a feminist hermeneutic excavation of the development of modern OMT in post-war USA, we conclude that the continued masculinist project owes much to Cold War discourses of family and work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes a pedagogical technique employed for an interdisciplinary course on Cold War America. Students had to ‘become’ a fictional person and discuss how political and social changes during the Cold War era would have impacted that person. By doing a semester-long project that required primary source research, this ‘quasi-experiential’ technique helped students gain a greater appreciation for Cold War culture and a more thorough understanding of the major political events of the era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2003 Iraq prewar intelligence failure was not simply a case of the U.S. intelligence community providing flawed data to policy-makers. It also involved subversion of the competitive intelligence analysis process, where unofficial intelligence boutiques “stovepiped” misleading intelligence assessments directly to policy-makers and undercut intelligence community input that ran counter to the White House's preconceived preventive war of choice against Iraq. This essay locates historical precursors to such “Team B intelligence coups” in the original 1976 Team B exercise and the 1998 Rumsfeld Commission report on ballistic missile threats. Since competitive intelligence analysis exercises are designed to improve decision-making by institutionalizing the learning function of debate, their dynamics stand to be elucidated through critique informed by argumentation theory. Such inquiry has salience in the current political milieu, where intelligence reform efforts and the investigations that drive them tend to sidestep the Team B intelligence coup phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the career of postcolonial cosmopolitanism and its gendered embodiments using the novels of Santha Rama Rau's Cold War, including "Remember the House" and "The Adventuress." It examines Rama Rau's inclination about the virtues of the U.S. as a Cold War superpower, stating some claims about the fate of the female postcolonial novelist in the process.