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We examined the effect of political rhetoric on the targets of that rhetoric. Drawing from scholarship on anti-Mexican and anti-immigrant rhetoric found readily in various media and scholarship on emotions, we tested four hypotheses. Hypotheses 1 and 2 predicted that positive and negative political rhetoric would increase and decrease positive and negative emotions, respectively. Hypotheses 3 and 4 then predicted that emotional responses to positive or negative political rhetoric would influence perceived stress, subjective health, and subjective well-being. Data collection occurred between August 2016 and June 2017 at a university in California. A sample of 280 Mexican-origin youth, defined broadly as having at least one ancestor born in Mexico or the participant themselves born in Mexico, participated in an experiment where they were randomly assigned to one of three study conditions: viewing (1) positive or (2) negative political rhetoric about immigrants and Latinos in general, or (3) neutral rhetoric as a control condition before providing qualitative responses to open-ended questions and completing measures of positive and negative affect, perceived stress, subjective health, and subjective well-being. Qualitative responses indicated that negative and positive political rhetoric elicited a range of negative emotions and positive emotions, respectively. Quantitative analysis with independent samples t-tests, ANOVA, and linear regression models found that negative political rhetoric elicited higher negative affect than positive and neutral rhetoric, and positive rhetoric elicited higher positive affect than negative and neutral rhetoric. Negative emotional responses, in turn, were associated with participants' higher perceived stress, lower subjective health and lower subjective well-being. Conversely, positive emotional responses were associated with lower perceived stress, higher subjective health, and higher subjective well-being. Positive political rhetoric, by eliciting positive emotions, can have a salubrious effect. Altogether, these findings suggest that political rhetoric matters for the targets of that rhetoric.

We examined the effect of political rhetoric on the targets of that rhetoric. Drawing from scholarship on anti-Mexican and anti-immigrant rhetoric found readily in various media and scholarship on emotions, we tested four hypotheses. Hypotheses 1 and 2 predicted that positive and negative political rhetoric would increase and decrease positive and negative emotions, respectively. Hypotheses 3 and 4 then predicted that emotional responses to positive or negative political rhetoric would influence perceived stress, subjective health, and subjective well-being. Data collection occurred between August 2016 and June 2017 at a university in California. A sample of 280 Mexican-origin youth, defined broadly as having at least one ancestor born in Mexico or the participant themselves born in Mexico, participated in an experiment where they were randomly assigned to one of three study conditions: viewing (1) positive or (2) negative political rhetoric about immigrants and Latinos in general, or (3) neutral rhetoric as a control condition before providing qualitative responses to open-ended questions and completing measures of positive and negative affect, perceived stress, subjective health, and subjective well-being. Qualitative responses indicated that negative and positive political rhetoric elicited a range of negative emotions and positive emotions, respectively. Quantitative analysis with independent samples t-tests, ANOVA, and linear regression models found that negative political rhetoric elicited higher negative affect than positive and neutral rhetoric, and positive rhetoric elicited higher positive affect than negative and neutral rhetoric. Negative emotional responses, in turn, were associated with participants' higher perceived stress, lower subjective health and lower subjective well-being. Conversely, positive emotional responses were associated with lower perceived stress, higher subjective health, and higher subjective well-being. Positive political rhetoric, by eliciting positive emotions, can have a salubrious effect. Altogether, these findings suggest that political rhetoric matters for the targets of that rhetoric.

BackgroundThe regional impact of care at a National Cancer Institute Comprehensive Cancer Center (NCI-CCC) on adherence to National Comprehensive Cancer Network (NCCN) ovarian cancer treatment guidelines and survival is unclear.Study designWe performed a retrospective population-based study of consecutive patients diagnosed with epithelial ovarian cancer between January 1, 1996 and December 31, 2006 in southern California. Patients were stratified according to care at an NCI-CCC (n = 5), non-NCI high-volume hospital (≥ 10 cases/year, HVH, n = 29), or low-volume hospital (

BackgroundThe regional impact of care at a National Cancer Institute Comprehensive Cancer Center (NCI-CCC) on adherence to National Comprehensive Cancer Network (NCCN) ovarian cancer treatment guidelines and survival is unclear.Study designWe performed a retrospective population-based study of consecutive patients diagnosed with epithelial ovarian cancer between January 1, 1996 and December 31, 2006 in southern California. Patients were stratified according to care at an NCI-CCC (n = 5), non-NCI high-volume hospital (≥ 10 cases/year, HVH, n = 29), or low-volume hospital (

Does an undocumented immigration status predict the use of medical services? To explore this question, this paper examines medical care utilization of undocumented Latino immigrants compared to Latino legal immigrants and citizens, and non-Latino whites in Orange County, California. Data were collected through a random sample telephone survey of 805 Latinos and 396 non-Hispanic whites between January 4 and January 30, 2006. Findings show that undocumented immigrants had relatively low incomes and were less likely to have medical insurance; experience a number of stresses in their lives; and underutilize medical services when compared to legal immigrants and citizens. Predictors of use of medical services are found to include undocumented immigration status, medical insurance, education, and gender. Undocumented Latinos were found to use medical services less than legal immigrants and citizens, and to rely more on clinic-based care when they do seek medical services.

BackgroundRecurrent operational problems in teaching clinics may be caused by the different medical preferences of patients, residents, faculty, and administrators. These preference differences can be identified by cultural consensus analysis (CCA), a standard anthropologic tool.ObjectiveThis study tests the exportability of a unique CCA tool to identify site-specific operational problems at 5 different VA teaching clinics.DesignWe used the CCA tool at 5 teaching clinics to identify group preference differences between the above groups. We averaged the CCA results for all 5 sites. We compared each site with the averages in order to isolate each site's most anomalous responses. Major operational problems were independently identified by workgroups at each site. Cultural consensus analysis performance was then evaluated by comparison with workgroup results.ParticipantsTwenty patients, 10 residents, 10 faculty, members, and 10 administrators at each site completed the CCA. Workgroups included at minimum: a patient, resident, faculty member, nurse, and receptionist or clinic administrator.ApproachCultural consensus analysis was performed at each site. Problems were identified by multidisciplinary workgroups, prioritized by anonymous multivoting, and confirmed by limited field observations and interviews. Cultural consensus analysis results were compared with workgroup results.ResultsThe CCA detected systematic, group-specific preference differences at each site. These were moderately to strongly associated with the problems independently identified by the workgroups. The CCA proved to be a useful tool for exploring the problems in depth and for detecting previously unrecognized problems.ConclusionsThis CCA worked in multiple VA sites. It may be adapted to work in other settings or to better detect other clinic problems.

Some problems in clinic function recur because of unexpected value differences between patients, faculty, and residents. Cultural consensus analysis (CCA) is a method used by anthropologists to identify groups with shared values. After conducting an ethnographic study and using focus groups, we developed and validated a CCA tool for use in clinics. Using this instrument, we identified distinct groups with 6 important value differences between those groups. An analysis of these value differences suggested specific and pragmatic interventions to improve clinic functioning. The instrument has also performed well in preliminary tests at another clinic.

Some problems in clinic function recur because of unexpected value differences between patients, faculty, and residents. Cultural consensus analysis (CCA) is a method used by anthropologists to identify groups with shared values. After conducting an ethnographic study and using focus groups, we developed and validated a CCA tool for use in clinics. Using this instrument, we identified distinct groups with 6 important value differences between those groups. An analysis of these value differences suggested specific and pragmatic interventions to improve clinic functioning. The instrument has also performed well in preliminary tests at another clinic.

In this article we examine the influence of cultural beliefs on behavior or, more specifically, beliefs about cervical cancer risk factors and the use of Pap exams. Individual Latinas' (Hispanic women) holding of beliefs similar to Latinas' generally (cultural consonance) did not significantly influence their use of Pap exams. Rather, structural factors such as medical insurance, age, marital status, education, and language acculturation explained Latinas' use of this medical service. However, when Latinas held beliefs similar to those of Anglo women, then they were significantly more likely to have had a Pap exam within the past two years. Latinas whose beliefs were closer to those of physicians were significantly less likely to have had the exam recently. Arriving at these findings involved both ethnographic interviews and survey research. That these beliefs proved to be significant influences on behavior suggests not only the important ways that beliefs matter but that ethnographic methods for examining those beliefs also matter.

Using data from a 1996/1997 survey of undocumented Latino immigrants in four sites, we examine reasons for coming to the United States, use of health care services, and participation in government programs. We find that undocumented Latinos come to this country primarily for jobs. Their ambulatory health care use is low compared with that of all Latinos and all persons nationally, and their rates of hospitalization are comparable except for hospitalization for childbirth. Almost half of married undocumented Latinos have a child who is a U.S. citizen. Excluding undocumented immigrants from receiving government-funded health care services is unlikely to reduce the level of immigration and likely to affect the well-being of children who are U.S. citizens living in immigrant households.

The study evaluated a theory-based breast cancer control program specially developed for less acculturated Latinas. The authors used a quasi-experimental design with random assignment of Latinas into experimental (n = 51) or control (n = 37) groups that completed one pretest and two posttest surveys. The experimental group received the educational program, which was based on Bandura's self-efficacy theory and Freire's empowerment pedagogy. Outcome measures included knowledge, perceived self-efficacy, attitudes, breast self-examination (BSE) skills, and mammogram use. At posttest 1, controlling for pretest scores, the experimental group was significantly more likely than the control group to have more medically recognized knowledge (sum of square [SS] = 17.0, F = 6.58, p < .01), have less medically recognized knowledge (SS = 128.8, F = 39.24, p < .001), greater sense of perceived self-efficacy (SS = 316.5, F = 9.63, p < .01), and greater adeptness in the conduct of BSE (SS = 234.8, F = 153.33, p < .001). Cancer control programs designed for less acculturated women should use informal and interactive educational methods that incorporate skill-enhancing and empowering techniques.

We conducted a telephone survey of randomly selected Latinas (n = 208) and Anglo women (n = 222) to determine predictors of mammography use. The cooperation rate was 78.5%. Relatively high proportions of Latinas (61%) and Anglo women (79%) reported mammography use within the past 2 years. A logistic regression analysis revealed that knowledge and attitudes did not independently predict use. On the other hand, having health insurance, being married, and being Latino were consistent independent predictors. We conclude that mammography use among Latinas and Anglo women is increasing. However, further gains in use must address difficult barriers such as lack of health insurance.

"This article examines a unique data set randomly collected from Latinas (including 160 undocumented immigrants) and non-Hispanic white women in Orange County, California, including undocumented and documented Latina immigrants, Latina citizens, and non-Hispanic white women. Our survey suggests that undocumented Latinas are younger than documented Latinas, and immigrant Latinas are generally younger than U.S.-citizen Latinas and Anglo women. Undocumented and documented Latinas work in menial service sector jobs, often in domestic services. Most do not have job-related benefits such as medical insurance.... Despite their immigration status, undocumented Latina immigrants often viewed themselves as part of a community in the United States, which significantly influenced their intentions to stay in the United States. Contrary to much of the recent public policy debate over immigration, we did not find that social services influenced Latina immigrants' intentions to stay in the United States."

This article argues that, because they accumulate economic and social linkages to U.S. society, many undocumented Mexican and Central American immigrants intend to stay in the United States and imagine themselves to be part of the community. However, because the larger society views them as outsiders, undocumented settlers cannot be fully incorporated into the larger society. They remain marginal members of the community, continually seeking an end to their liminal status. 1991 American Anthropological Association

This paper examines survey data gathered from 2103 Mexican immigrants living or working in San Diego County, California, in order to explore four fundamental questions concerning the utilization of health services: (a) What type of health services do Mexican immigrants use? (b) When hospitals are used, do they tend to be emergency room services? (c) Do Mexican immigrants use preventive services? (d) To what extent do the utilization patterns of undocumented immigrants differ from their legally-immigrated counterparts? The socioeconomic profile of the sample is characterized through analysis of variables such as sex, age, length of residence in the U.S., occupation and income. Mexican immigrants, particularly the undocumented, are relatively young compared to the non-immigrant population, of short duration in the U.S. and earn low income. In addition, undocumented and legally-immigrated respondents are covered by medical insurance at rates far below the general population. Mexican immigrants, including the undocumented, use a variety of health services. Hospital services are not the primary source of care. However, when undocumented respondents did use hospital services, they were more likely to use emergency room care than their legally-immigrated counterparts, who were more likely to use out-patient services. Finally, undocumented respondents tended to neglect preventive services as evidenced by examination of the use of pre-natal care, general check-ups and dental services.

This paper examines the case of Mexican immigrants in the United States and their access to medical services within a political economy of health framework. Such an approach stresses that the provision of health care is independent of health factors per se and that access to health care is not equally distributed throughout a population. The first section reviews the three major concepts influencing medical anthropologists working within a political economy framework: the social origins of illness; the allocation of health resources; and fieldwork in Third World countries. The analysis then focuses upon the reasons for limiting immigrants' access to health care, followed by an examination of the socioeconomic characteristics of Mexican immigrants, including an undocumented immigration status, which limit their access to health care. Finally, the consequences of limited access to health services are suggested, including a low utilization of preventive health services resulting from the high cost of care combined with the immigrants' generally low income, lack of medical insurance and fear of using U.S. health services.

The limited empirical data available on maternal health problems among Mexican immigrant women in the United States suggest that they underutilize health services, especially general preventive care. Research conducted among legal and undocumented women in the Mexican immigrant population in San Diego, California, support these findings. Among undocumented mothers, 11.5% of their births in the U.S. occurred with no prenatal care or care sought in the third trimester, which is much higher than Mexican women legally in the country (3.6%) and the general San Diego maternal population (3.8%). When we examine births which occurred within the last five years by immigration status, we find that women legally in the country have a much higher rate of cesarean delivery of both undocumented women and women in the general San Diego maternal population. Undocumented women in our sample were much less likely than their legal counterparts to return for postpartum examinations for themselves, to seek neonatal care for their infants, and to have had Pap examinations or carry out breast self-examinations.