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Abstract This paper assesses four relevant climate actions in Indian agricultural sector through the lens of United Nation’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to understand how climate actions (SDG 13) are linked with other SDGs and their targets and what measures can be taken to scale up these actions. Four board categories of climate actions are considered for this exercise: shift to less-flooded paddy water management practices; minimizing overuse of nitrogen-based fertilizer, system of rice intensification and climate smart agricultural practices. A mixed method has been followed: first, scoping review of literature between 2010 and 2022 is undertaken to capture the growing body of literature and then a normalized weighted score is used to understand the net strength of the linkages. Scoping review helped in identifying 100 studies spanned across Indo-Gangetic Plain (IGP) and the eastern part of Peninsular India. Findings from the scoring method suggest that these practices have linkages with 15 SDGs and as many as 43 SDG targets. Almost all linkages are positive (synergy) but there are a few negative linkages (trade-offs) as well. Trade-offs include exacerbating inequalities including gender, high upfront cost, requirement of skilled labor, lack of access to information and finance. This paper provides a detailed description of these trade-offs and suggests measures to tackle and minimize them.

Greenhouse gas removal (GGR) techniques appear to offer hopes of balancing limited global carbon budgets by removing substantial amounts of greenhouse gases from the atmosphere later this century. This hope rests on an assumption that GGR will largely supplement emissions reduction. The paper reviews the expectations of GGR implied by integrated assessment modelling, categorizes ways in which delivery or promises of GGR might instead deter or delay emissions reduction, and offers a preliminary estimate of the possible extent of three such forms of 'mitigation deterrence'. Type 1 is described as 'substitution and failure': an estimated 50–229 Gt-C (or 70% of expected GGR) may substitute for emissions otherwise reduced, yet may not be delivered (as a result of political, economic or technical shortcomings, or subsequent leakage or diversion of captured carbon into short-term utilization). Type 2, described as 'rebounds', encompasses rebounds, multipliers, and side-effects, such as those arising from land-use change, or use of captured CO2 in enhanced oil recovery. A partial estimate suggests that this could add 25–134 Gt-C to unabated emissions. Type 3, described as 'imagined offsets', is estimated to affect 17–27% of the emissions reductions required, reducing abatement by a further 182–297 Gt-C. The combined effect of these unanticipated net additions of CO2 to the atmosphere is equivalent to an additional temperature rise of up to 1.4 °C. The paper concludes that such a risk merits further deeper analysis and serious consideration of measures which might limit the occurrence and extent of mitigation deterrence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At present, the potential climate benefits of natural gas are largely offset by methane emissions from the natural gas supply chain. This paper estimates the cost of reducing methane emissions from the extraction segment of the industry by examining how production facilities' emissions respond to natural gas prices. Because firms mitigate emissions up to the point at which their marginal cost of abatement equals their marginal private benefit of being able to sell captured gas, an estimated relationship between emission rates and prices can be mapped to a marginal abatement cost curve. Results indicate that pricing methane emissions would generate substantial net social benefits. For instance, a relatively modest emissions tax equivalent to a $5 carbon price would decrease emissions by 60%, achieving about $1.8 billion annually in avoided climate damages at a net cost of about $50 million per year. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Climate Change Conference (COP26) in Glasgow, Scotland affirms the climate emergency findings of the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). The summit pursues the commitment to reduce carbon emissions to keep the earth’s rise in temperature to 1.5 degrees Celsius. COP 26 recognizes the impact of the climate crisis on human well-being. Environmental disasters are a result of policy failures at the national level of governance. Global warming aggravates environmental degradation. The Covid-19 pandemic has truncated the economic growth in many countries. Human impoverishment accentuates the pressure on the environment. This paper analyses the problem when it comes to deficient state-centric decisionmaking procedures that preclude participatory mechanisms. It will be argued that to correct the system, policy gaps must be addressed in terms of technological and organizational support, communal leadership, and solidarity at different levels of governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study how the implementation of emissions trading systems (ETSs) impacts emissions reductions and the usage of renewable energy using a panel sample of the largest 100 countries worldwide. Exploiting cross-country variations in ETS implementations, we show that ETS adoption materially reduced greenhouse gas (carbon dioxide) emissions by 12.1% (18.1%). Moreover, ETSs reduced overall emissions by cutting the usage of fossil fuels such as coal by 23.70% while boosting the usage of renewable energy by 61.59%, on average. In contrast, introducing carbon taxes has a less effective impact on emissions reduction. It fails to boost the usage of renewable energy, though elevating tax rates and expanding tax coverage may help enhance the efficacy of carbon taxes. This paper was accepted by Victoria Ivashina, finance. Funding: H. Ru thanks the financial support from the Nanyang Technological University, and Ministry of Education, Singapore, under its Tier 1 RG134/20. Supplemental Material: The online appendix and data files are available at https://doi.org/10.1287/mnsc.2023.03143. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Paris Agreement created an institutionalized role for non-state actors through voluntary cooperation. Many international NGOs (INGOs) are particularly active in these "Paris partnerships," often working with multinational corporations to reduce emissions and promote decarbonization. Though there is ample work on both the effectiveness of the Paris partnerships and on the role of INGOs in the global climate regime, much of this work focuses "outward" – on how INGOs contribute to climate mitigation and adaptation, or influence norms, discourse and policy. Yet, there is considerably less work that focuses "inward" – examining who INGOs work with in order to achieve their policy goals. This paper provides a descriptive analysis of key INGOs in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) process, as a first step in a larger research agenda to understand the incentives and opportunities that drive INGO behavior. Specifically, it uses network analysis to identify the "climate establishment" – which I define as the insider INGOs working within the multilateral process and with large corporations to influence rulemaking, soft law and firm behavior. Measures of network centrality demonstrate that two INGOs – WWF and the World Resources Institute – are by far, the most authoritative members of the climate establishment. They participate in the largest number of partnerships, and have "important" friends, as measured by eigenvector centrality. The data also indicate that the climate establishment sees carbon pricing as a key strategy, and it often cooperates with banks that are large funders of fossil fuel projects. The descriptive analysis of the climate establishment and its partners raises important questions for future research about why INGOs choose to partner with F100 companies, and how such cooperation might influence INGO behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses the main directions of interaction between economic and climate policy. It is stated that, despite external shocks and an increased level of uncertainty, the climate agenda remains in the focus of attention of the Government of the Russian Federation. The significant contribution of Russia to the achievement of the global goals of climate regulation is emphasized. The position of Russia regarding the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions in the medium and long term is substantiated. The important role of scientific research in substantiating the national climate policy is noted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing intensity and frequency of climate impacts exacerbate pressures on front-line local communities. This calls for location-specific adaptation strategies. Alignment of strategies with respective National Climate Change Strategy is key for the overall sustainability of initiatives and local communities. The work presented in this paper examines the adoption and prioritization of climate adaptation policies at the local level based on a case study of the Adansi North District (AND) in Ghana. An assessment of the extent to which climate adaptation policies are captured and budgeted for was done via a review of the district's medium-term development and key political actors were interviewed to assess the level of priority they place on climate adaptation. Findings from the study reveal that 41% of the locally adopted policies directly align with stipulated national level policies. We attribute the adoption of climate policies in AND to local political actors having higher education which has afforded them good understanding of the climate change phenomenon, being experienced professionals and having to work within institutional rubrics that make climate policy formulation a requirement. However, little priority is given to these policies for implementation, mainly through the non-allocation of funds. We account for this with the weak environmental advocacy in the district and exchange between actors on adaptation. Furthermore, partisan actors who already wield veto powers and can promote policies that may not necessarily support adaptation measures, often do so, since their interest is to become popular among electorates who also prefer infrastructure over environmental policies. We conclude that although climate adaptation policies are fairly adopted and budgeted for in AND, they have not received commensurate priority for implementation. Recommendations are proposed for addressing this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU climate policy affects the competitiveness of both the European Union (EU) as a whole and individual member states, leading countries to search for new knowledge to increase their national competitiveness. However, there has been little empirical research about the implementation of green competitive strategies in the common European space from different countries' perspectives. Using the Porter Hypothesis and system theory, this paper explores national competitive strategies that align with climate neutrality in the EU. We used index construction, clusterization, principal components analysis and trajectories change analysis to analyze data from the 24 EU countries from a 10-year period (2012–2021). The main findings reveal three green competitiveness profiles and five green competitiveness progress strategies in the EU. We found that EU countries have different strategies and conditions in terms of their transition towards climate neutrality and competitiveness, which ultimately lead to different rates of progress. Our results provide an initial basis for the development of nation-specific policies to achieve green competitiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Prawne Problemy Górnictwa i Ochrony Środowiska is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Slaskiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A method to objectively compare and link climate policies, expressed in CO2eq, to IPCC's carbon budgets, expressed in CO2-only, is exhibited, as countries often omit to so in their Nationally Determined Contributions. Furthermore, they are usually pledging only towards territorial targets despite the fact that imported emissions are now greater in occidental countries, thus relying on the countries they are importing from to achieve their own territorial emissions reductions. This paper demonstrates that the +1.5 °C carbon budgets of France and Wallonia will be exceeded even with territorial emissions only. For the +2 °C carbon budget to be secured, France should reduce its imported emissions at least to the same extent as their projected territorial emissions. For Wallonia, this is even emphasized since it has no margin in the +2 °C carbon budget with only the territorial emissions. It should therefore legally adopt more ambitious territorial and imported emissions reduction pathways with short-term commitments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transformation of societies and economies towards climate neutrality is a highly complex multi-sectoral and multi-level challenge. This paper examines the multi-level dimension of climate policy with particular reference to the European legal framework and the example of Germany. It analyses how regional and local governments are engaged and whether, in this regard, the existing arrangements of multi-level climate governance can be considered adequate and effective. In the light of the basic principles of federalism theory and in view of the - failed - German multi-level approaches to energy transition it is concluded, in particular, that federal climate governance must build not only on European and national objectives but also on regional and local climate targets and policy planning schemes as a means of both ensuring sufficient transformation efforts and preserving as much autonomy as possible for regional and local communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Currently, hydrogen and electric drives used in various means of transport is a leading topic in many respects. This article discusses the most important aspects of the operation of vehicles with electric drives (passenger cars) and hydrogen drives. In both cases, the official reason for using both drives is the possibility of independence from fossil fuel supplies, especially oil. The desire for independence is mainly dictated by political considerations. This article discusses the acquisition of basic raw materials for the construction of lithium-ion batteries in electric cars, as well as methods for obtaining hydrogen as a fuel. The widespread use of electric passenger cars requires the construction of a network of charging stations. This article shows that, taking into account the entire production process of electric cars, including lithium-ion batteries, the argument that they are ecological cannot be used. Additionally, it was indicated that there is no concept for the use of used accumulator batteries. If hydrogen drives are used in trains, there is no need to build the traction network infrastructure and then continuously monitor its technical condition and perform the necessary repairs. Of course, the necessary hydrogen tanks must be built, but there must be similar tanks to store oil for diesel locomotives. This paper also deals with other possibilities of hydrogen application for transformational usage, e.g., the use of combustion engines driven with liquid hydrogen. Unfortunately, an optimistic approach to this issue does not allow for a critical view of the whole matter. In public discussion, there is no room for scientific arguments and emotions to dominate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Monetary policy has an impact on CO2 emissions which is not entirely understood in the literature. Whereas there is a consensus that the impact is indirect through investments, the literature does not investigate the impact of monetary policy on (green) investments. Additionally, we argue in this paper that monetary policy can have a different impact on ‘green’ investments and ‘brown’ investments. This paper focuses, therefore, on the impact of monetary policy on investments. In particular, this paper empirically investigates whether the real interest rate has a different effect on green investment, compared to general investment, using quarterly data from the United States between 2004 and 2020. The results from the autoregressive distributed lag model show that the real interest rate is negatively related to the ratio of green investment relative to total investment. This result emphasizes the importance of the green investment effect channel and suggests that monetary policy has an unintentional role in climate policy which should be considered by policy makers.

Urban regeneration offers extensive opportunities for tackling climate change. However, in the Republic of Korea, successful examples of such policy integration are rare. Whereas many studies have analysed inhibiting factors of policy integration, the perspective of this paper is different. It investigates enabling factors that promote policy integration in the cases of climate change and urban regeneration policies under non-supportive politicoadministrative framework conditions. Two good practice examples from Seoul (i.e. the neighbourhoods of Jangwi-dong and Sangdo 4-dong) provide a basis for analysing: (1) which topics facilitated integration; (2) which stakeholders promoted the integration of climate change and urban regeneration policies and how; and (3) whether and how long-term community effects could be generated. A mixed-methods approach is used: document analysis, content analysis, interviews (n=50) and process-tracing methods. The results show the significance of local promoters and their politico-administrative skills to frame distinct subjects comprehensively which facilitates support from different programmes. Second, open and flexible regulatory frameworks as well as the readiness of higher level authorities to learn from local experiments are conducive to innovation. Third, the institutionalisation and mainstreaming of new topics, e.g. climate change, is a precondition for creating lasting effects in urban regeneration areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do cross-country differences in climate policy influence bank lending? This paper focusses on the period 2007–2017 and uses syndicated loan-level data to examine if the stringency of home-country climate policies increases cross-border bank lending. Loan fixed effects allow us to disentangle loan demand from supply and to control for unobserved and observed loan and firm characteristics. I find evidence that a strict home-country climate policy is associated with an increase in banks' cross-border loan shares. This suggests that the transition to a low-carbon economy might be threatened if global coordination between governments is not enforced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The private sector is one of the sources of finance included in developed countries' pledge in the UN climate negotiations to mobilise $100 billion annually by 2020 to support developing countries' efforts to address climate change. For adaptation in particular, it remains unclear what mobilised private finance is. Research so far has focused on its potential and experiences in developing countries, but not on the arguments of those who introduced and continue to advocate private adaptation finance: developed countries. This paper investigates the positions of developed countries and development banks and agencies. In particular, it aims to identify whether those actors can reach a common understanding of private adaptation finance that minimises norm conflicts in a fragmented climate finance system. Empirically, the paper examines the Biennial Reports and submissions on Strategies and Approaches for Mobilising Scaled-up Finance of six developed country parties, as well as data from interviews with experts from development banks and agencies. The analysis finds a number of discrepancies between these sets of actors, for example on motivations for and modes of private sector involvement. This discrepancy is the result of ambiguity around the concept of private adaptation finance in a highly fragmented climate finance architecture. This ambiguity is problematic when the aim of mobilising private adaptation finance is to contribute to the $100 billion commitment. However, if the aim is adaptation in practice, both ambiguity and fragmentation might actually make the climate finance system more inclusive and innovative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy relevance is the raison d’être for the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), yet few studies have analysed what the concept entails, not least from the perspective of key target groups for the IPCC. We present a framework which enables analysis of how different actor strategies (heating up and cooling down) contribute to shape relevance-making in specific political situations when IPCC knowledge is interpreted and used. Drawing on empirical evidence from the reception and use of the Special Report on Global Warming of 1.5°C (SR15) across three policy making levels, the paper demonstrates different examples of creating policy relevance. First, the paper analyses the origin of SR15 and the failed attempts to formally acknowledge SR15 in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) process. Second, it investigates how SR15 has been used to develop and legitimize the EU net-zero target and the European Green Deal. Third, the paper demonstrates how SR15 has been used both for legitimizing and challenging climate policy at the national level, using the example of Norway. In sum, the reception of SR15 demonstrates that while IPCC outputs have resulted in controversy at the international level, they have been highly relevant at regional and national levels. The analysis shows that policy relevance is context-dependent and indirect—created through processes involving many actors, institutions, and types of knowledge. Situating these findings within the larger shift in the international climate regime implied by the Paris Agreement, the paper concludes with a set of empirically grounded recommendations for how the IPCC may approach the goal of policy relevance post-Paris. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tackling climate change has provided a key focus for the creation of what the editors of this special issue have termed 'environmental intangibles.' This paper focuses on the European Union Emissions Trading System (EUETS), a climate policy that revolves around the issuance and trading of environmental intangibles called emissions allowances. Set up in the mid-2000s, the cap and trade system has experienced many complications. We propose here to explore a particularly contentious issue: the allocation of free allowances. We will see that deciding on allocation rules leads to vivid debates about whether energy-intensive industries in Europe, such as the manufacturing of cement, can remain competitive in the global economy if climate policy is unilaterally enforced. These debates are focused on a phenomenon referred to as the risk of carbon leakage due to loss of competitiveness. Drawing on an empirical enquiry into the workings of policy-making, the paper examines the ways, in which this risk is framed and questioned through lobbying and evidential work. We suggest that the threat to competitiveness posed by the EUETS can neither be established, nor dismissed; a form of under-determination is maintained and carbon leakage as a never-quite-tangible possibility becomes a battleground for protecting European industry over the environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emissions from aviation are expected to grow. With evidence that the International Civil Aviation Organization's Carbon Offsetting and Reduction Scheme for International Aviation is an inadequate mitigation mechanism, there is interest in upscaling the sector's climate-related policies. This paper reviews potential aviation emissions mitigation policies against the background of emerging complexities, such as the large share of radiative forcing not covered under any policy agreement, as well as highly skewed demand distributions. In total, 30 voluntary, market-based and regulatory "transition policies" are identified and evaluated with regard to their potential to reduce emissions from air passenger transport and to initiate the transition to new fuels and propulsion technologies. The paper also discusses the potential public acceptance of differing policies. It concludes that the removal of fossil fuel and related subsidies represents a priority, supported by policy mixes comprising levies (CO2, frequent fliers, premium classes) and a feed-in quota for definitively established sustainable aviation fuels. To reduce flight emissions is feasible in principle, but will require policy initiatives at the national level or at the level of regional jurisdictions such as the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The IPCC's Sixth Assessment Report Working Group II report of (2022) has brought greater attention to the issue of limits to the capacity to adapt to climate change. But the report also showed that research in the field continues to be fragmented and under‐developed, and that the problem of limits is not widely considered in policy. In this paper, we argue for a more coherent, interdisciplinary approach to research on adaptation limits, linked to the concept of transformative adaptation. A risk‐based approach to adaptation limits offers a framework to deepen, broaden and connect research which responds to the needs of policymakers. We set out four promising directions for future research on: the dimensions of limits; the dynamics of limits; formalization of research on limits; and ethics and justice challenges underpinning adaptation limits. This article is categorized under:Climate Economics > Economics and Climate ChangeVulnerability and Adaptation to Climate Change > Learning from Cases and AnalogiesClimate, Nature, and Ethics > Climate Change and Global Justice [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines public support for global- and national-level climate policy instruments in Finland, and the ways urban/rural-domicile and climate change risk perception predict people's attitudes toward climate policies. Moreover, this study analyzes the degree to which perception of closeness to the district modifies people's climate policy attitudes. The research method employed was ordinal logistic regression and data were from the demographically representative Finland 2019-survey (n = 1742 and response activity = 44%). According to the results, subsidizing renewable energy is an especially popular climate policy instrument, whereas approving new nuclear plants is rather unpopular. Policy instruments were typically more popular at the global level than they were at the national level. Perception of climate change risk was especially strongly linked with support for a national carbon tax. The effect of urban/rural-domicile and subjective closeness to the district on the attitudes was highly dependent on the policy instrument in question. The study contributes to the understanding of how climate policy attitudes vary depending on the climate change risk perception, urban/rural-domicile, and the instrument-type. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Arctic region is one of the most exposed to the global climate change. Russia accounts for more than a half of the whole Arctic territory and population and allocates most of the economic activity of the region. From the Soviet time till now, the Arctic region also accounts for a substantial share of Russia’s wealth. The article analyzes often ambiguous knowledge on climate change implications for the long-term economic development of the Russian Arctic. Based on the review of the key policy documents issued in Russia and ongoing and planned development programs, the study aspires to contribute more clarity on Russia’s standing in the Arctic region. We aim to analyze the convergence of Russian climate and Arctic policies boosting the synergies between each other. The paper discovers, among other issues, the climate change adaptation priorities in policy areas aimed at minimizing net costs of climate change. While policies rhetorically aim at contributing to resilient and sustainable growth in the Russian North, they remain under-developed in accounting for multiple climate-related risks. Our analysis suggests that a comprehensive framework of Arctic policy measures should be centered around climate change as a core factor underlying the future of the region and should encompass two main policy dimensions: (a) strengthening the knowledge base on climate change, the adjunct risks, and emerging opportunities in the region and (b) developing the system for climate change risk management and resilience building ensuring that regional diversity and climatic and socioeconomic features of various locations are taken into serious account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a conceptual framework for climate policy engagement that is focused on building the social conditions conducive to support for climate policy. Despite the ongoing scientific and social cases being made for climate action, social divisions remain in some contexts such as Australia and the United States. The success of climate policies depend in part on the general social support base for that solution, with public polarisation acting as a barrier. Dominant communication models have tended to rely on one-way strategically focused communication to exert influence with the aim of shifting one's attitudes. However, there is a need to extend such approaches to go beyond strategic messaging and instead establish the social conditions necessary for policy support. Drawing on diverse literature and framing theory, a new engagement model for climate policy is proposed which centres around a goal of relationship-building between actors to facilitate productive discussion on climate policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most governments aim for net-zero greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by 2050, but none know fully how to get there. The papers in this special issue examine the role of climate governance for climate action, addressing three research questions: a) what characterizes enduring climate governance, b) which factors drive climate governance developments, and c) how can these be sustained within the polity? In this introductory article, we present three ideal-typical models of climate governance that provide answers to these questions. The models are, respectively, the market failure, the socio-technological transition, and the public support models. Political science, as a discipline, is ideally suited to contribute to the further development of the public support model, which bears much promise for sustaining the climate and energy transition. The models and the special issue's contributions highlight two concepts as crucial regarding climate governance: complexity and consensus. These concepts can be mutually constitutive: policy packages addressing the complexity of the climate question, including its (heterogenous) societal dimensions, will have a greater chance of being more efficacious and less contested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current crises have highlighted the importance of integrating research, politics and practice to work on solutions for complex social problems. In recent years, policy deliberation fora, policy pilots and policy labs have increasingly been deployed to mobilise science to produce solutions, help create popular support and guide implementation of policies addressing major public policy problems. Yet, we know little about how these approaches manage to transcend the boundaries between research, politics and practice. By systematically comparing policy deliberation fora, policy pilots and policy labs, this paper explores their mechanisms of boundary spanning including relationship and trust building, knowledge translation and developing solutions. We situate our analysis in healthcare policy and climate change policy in Germany, two contrasting policy fields that share a perpetual and escalating sense of crisis. Our findings suggest that deliberation fora, policy pilots and policy labs address different dilemmas of policymaking, namely the idea dilemma, the implementation dilemma and the legitimacy dilemma. All three approaches reduce wicked problems to a manageable scale, by grounding them in local decision-making, reducing their scope or reducing the problem analytically. We argue that despite their ambition to modernise democratic practices, unless they are institutionally well embedded, their effects are likely to be small scale, local and temporary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transition to climate neutrality requires cost reductions in existing clean technologies to enable rapid deployment on a large scale, as well as the development of emerging technologies such as green hydrogen. This policy paper argues that science, technology, innovation, and industrial (STI&I) policies focusing on developing and deploying low-carbon technologies are crucial to achieving carbon neutrality. It notes however that the current level of innovation is insufficient to meet the net-zero challenge due to a policy emphasis on deployment rather than research and development (R&D) support. The paper explores the rationale for more ambitious STI&I policies targeted at R&D for climate neutrality and provides policy recommendations for an effective innovation policy for net-zero, including its interaction with the broader climate policy package. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops a climate-economy model with uncertainty, irreversibility, and active learning. Whereas previous papers assume learning from one observation per period, or experiment with control variables to gain additional information, this paper considers active learning from investment in monitoring, specifically in improved observations of the global mean temperature. We find that the decision maker invests a significant amount of money in climate research, far more than the current level, in order to increase the rate of learning about climate change. This helps the decision maker make improved decisions. The level of uncertainty decreases more rapidly in the active learning model than in the passive learning model with only temperature observations. As the uncertainty about climate change is smaller, active learning reduces the optimal carbon tax. The greater the risk, the larger is the effect of learning. The method proposed here is applicable to any dynamic control problem where the quality of monitoring is a choice variable, for instance, the precision at which we observe GDP, unemployment, or the quality of education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To reach the Paris Agreement target - keeping global warming well below two degrees Celsius - there is a need for emission reductions on top of those already pledged. Norway has an ambitious climate policy targeting demand, while on the supply side exports of oil and gas contribute significantly to global emissions. This paper reviews the literature to assess whether a reduction in Norwegian oil extraction constitutes a cost-efficient policy to reduce global emissions. Key factors are the costs of reducing domestic supply and demand, the effect of domestic reductions on global emissions and the effect on the technological development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU has long pursued relatively ambitious climate and energy policies, often against the backdrop of what has been termed the EU 'polycrisis'. This paper introduces a special issue which seeks to develop a better understanding of why, how and with which consequences the polycrisis and EU climate and energy governance have influenced each other. It draws on a novel framework of five broad crisis trends underlying the polycrisis. Most of the contributions suggest that EU climate and energy governance have advanced significantly despite, and sometimes even because of, the crisis trends. The countervailing effects of the trends and the effectiveness of actors' strategies to advance EU policy against opponents go a long way to explaining this puzzling finding. As the EU seeks to fully decarbonise itself by 2050, interactions with the crisis trends are likely to intensify in ways which future research could fruitfully investigate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anthropogenic Climate Change (ACC) is a contentious subject with two camps: the warmists and the skeptics. The warmists claim a 97% consensus among the world's scientists. Climatologist, Dr. Roy Spencer postulated that the so-called 97% consensus was not comprised of scientists who did an independent examination of the data but were merely not disputing the hypothesis. This paper examined the extent to which there was acceptance of the ACC hypothesis in the academic community and whether the skeptic position was acknowledged. The study found that the ACC hypothesis was overwhelmingly accepted with very little acknowledgement of the skeptic position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Moderne Staat is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of China Quarterly is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims to briefly present the climate policy in Poland, in selected critical areas from the author's perspective and that may accelerate or delay the just transformation. Climate policy should be a significant part of Poland's activities because Poland is one of the EU countries most dependent on fossil fuels, and the increase in carbon dioxide emissions is also disturbing. However, as the analyses show, the conclusions of various reports seem fully justified, and Poland is not correctly implementing its climate policy. This paper, the first in the series, first explains the basic concepts. Then it briefly presents the basics of the EU's climate policy. The last part concerns Poland's implementation of climate policy in selected areas. Renewable energy sources and air protection will be discussed first in the series. The final fragment contains unoptimistic conclusions with a simultaneous suggestion to undertake urgent work on the Climate Protection Act in Poland. The research was carried out using dogmatic, legal, and statistical methods to a narrow extent.

This paper addresses a critical gap in telecom regulators' awareness of the climate impact of their policy decisions and highlights the substantial potential of broadband technology to reduce greenhouse gas emissions (GHGe). Empirical evidence shows that broadband can achieve a GHGe reduction of approximately 15–20%, a notable efficiency given its relatively low direct emissions of around 0.4–1.0% of global emissions. This analysis substantiates the premise that effective telecom policy serves as robust climate policy. The paper argues for a global alignment of telecom and climate policies, advocating for an integrated approach that acknowledges the deep interdependencies between these sectors. Key policy recommendations include targeted subsidies for broadband in rural areas, strategic spectrum allocation, and comprehensive incentives for green technology adoption across consumers, industries, and governments. The goal is to prompt a reevaluation of policy frameworks, urging advanced economies to harness the full potential of digital infrastructure to combat climate change. • Broadband technologies contribute only about 0.4–1.0% of direct GHGe within the ICT sector, underscoring their efficiency as sustainable technologies. • Broadband adoption can enable a significant reduction in GHGe, estimated at 15–20%, by facilitating low-carbon consumer behaviors, optimizing industrial practices, and enhancing government services. • There is a significant gap in awareness among telecom regulators about the climatic consequences of their decisions. • Targeted education and collaboration initiatives are essential to increase awareness and integrate climate considerations into telecom policy. • The pressing nature of the climate crisis necessitates translating academic findings into concrete policies. • This includes removing regulatory barriers to network investments, optimizing spectrum allocation for energy-efficient technologies, and developing comprehensive incentive programs for consumers, industries, and governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analyse the long-term efficiency of the emissions target and of the provisions to reduce carbon leakage in the Australian Government’s Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme, as proposed in March 2009, and the nature and likely cause of changes to these features in the previous year. The target range of 5–15 per cent cuts in national emission entitlements during 2000–2020 was weak, in that on balance it is too low to minimise Australia’s long-term mitigation costs. The free allocation of output-linked, tradable emissions permits to emissions-intensive, trade-exposed (EITE) sectors was much higher than proposed earlier, or shown to be needed to deal with carbon leakage. It plausibly means that EITE emissions can rise by 13 per cent during 2010–2020, while non-EITE sectors must cut emissions by 34–51 per cent (or make equivalent permit imports) to meet the national targets proposed, far from a cost-effective outcome. The weak targets and excessive EITE assistance illustrate the efficiency-damaging power of collective action by the ‘carbon lobby’. Resisting this requires new national or international institutions to assess lobby claims impartially, and more government publicity about the true economic importance of carbon-intensive sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Low carbon transition pathways entail diverse uncertainties and risks in the underlying environmental, social, political, economic and technological factors. Inadequate information about such risks could affect the achievement of climate change mitigation targets negatively. This paper provides a novel experiment in which quantitative tools and stakeholder engagement are combined in order to identify the barriers between stakeholders and scientists concerning climate change mitigation aspects. Technological risks are captured by simulating different low carbon scenarios with limited technology options. Stakeholders are asked about their preferences on technology options regarding a low carbon future. After providing them with the simulation results, they are asked again in order to see whether those initial preferences had changed. Results prove the necessity for better communication between modelers and stakeholders. Closing the gaps between both communities is essential to remove barriers for more ambitious action against climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the emerging debate on 'harder soft governance,' the relationship between hard and soft elements has not been fully explored. This paper addresses this gap by looking at the changing nature of policy monitoring, a quintessentially soft governance mechanism. It focuses on climate change, a dynamic site of policy expansion and experimentation in which the EU has historically been an international frontrunner. This paper finds that a range of 'harder' elements have been added to the EU's climate policy monitoring over time, including more explicit legal provisions, greater external publicity, and more concrete links to other policy processes. These changes have emerged from politically sensitive negotiations between many actors, principally the European Commission, the European Parliament and the European Environment Agency (who together have generally favoured greater hardening), and Member States (some of whom preferred softer governance) in the context of changing international opportunities and constraints. Moving forward, this paper highlights the need for more research on the efficacy of policy monitoring, especially with respect to the EU's significantly more ambitious long-term decarbonisation targets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between tourism and climate change is reciprocal. The effects of climate change on tourism are undeniable. However, tourism and climate change are complex and cross-cutting phenomena that enter policy agendas at different moments and with different discourses. This paper analyses the coherence between the policy domains of climate and tourism at the formulation stage of the policy process, focusing on national and regional government levels and the key touristic offer in Spain - that of sun, sea and sand. The proposed method analyses three dimensions within policy documents: frame significance, policy scope and connotation. Results reveal the imbalance between the two policy domains; the lack of concrete actions and stable mechanisms for achieving greater coherence; and the different conceptions of the issue. The paper considers the causal relationships between tourism and climate change, the consequences of mutual impacts, and the temporal dimension of problem framing. This research brings together three fields of knowledge - tourism, climate change and public policies - and suggests enhancing coherence between tourism and climate policies in order to address the sustainability of tourism destinations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]