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Copyright of European Policy Analysis is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper presents a thorough examination of methane capture from Polish coal mines, contextualized within the framework of the European Union's (EU) climate policy objectives. Through a strategic analysis encompassing the interior of coal mines, the surrounding environment, and the macro environment, this study elucidates the complex dynamics involved in methane emissions and capture initiatives. The key findings include a declining trend in absolute methane emissions since 2008, despite fluctuations in coal extraction volumes, and a relatively stable level of methane capture exceeding 300 million m3/year since 2014. The analysis underscores the critical role of government support, both in terms of financial incentives and streamlined regulatory processes, to facilitate the integration of methane capture technologies into coal mining operations. Collaboration through partnerships and stakeholder engagement emerges as essential for overcoming resource competition and ensuring the long-term success of methane capture projects. This paper also highlights the economic and environmental opportunities presented by methane reserves, emphasizing the importance of investment in efficient extraction technologies. Despite these advancements, challenges persist, particularly regarding the low efficiency of current de-methanation technologies. Recommendations for modernization and technological innovation are proposed to enhance methane capture efficiency and utilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As part of the European Green Deal, the European Commission has launched a tool to protect the fulfilment of Europe's climate policy targets – the carbon border adjustment mechanism (CBAM). It is thought that the CBAM will spark stiff resistance from Europe's external trade partners, potentially undermining the initiative. How this plays out will depend in part on who the opponents and potential allies are – and how the European Union (EU) engages with them. But which non‐EU countries have a stake in the CBAM? The criteria for selecting third countries that are relevant for the CBAM are often implicit, which can lead to contradictory policy analyses and confused climate diplomacy. This research note compares three different perspectives that result in different lists of non‐EU countries that are important for the success of the CBAM. Awareness of these three perspectives amongst EU actors can help the CBAM succeed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research aim of the paper is to analyze the objectives of the European Union (EU) climate policy and the instruments for their implementation, as well as to present the challenges on the way to achieving climate neutrality by the EU. In 2015, during the 21st UN Climate Change Conference in Paris, an agreement was agreed, the purpose of which is to limit global warming, aiming, among other things, for limiting the increase in global average temperature to well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels, and preferably to no more than 1.5°C. All EU Member States have ratified the above agreement, while agreeing to take action to make the EU the world’s first climate-neutral economy and society by 2050. To achieve this, the “European Green Deal” strategy was adopted, followed by the European Climate Law and the “Fit for 55” package of legislative proposals. In addition, a more ambitious EU climate target for 2030 has been agreed, namely a reduction of net greenhouse gas emissions by at least 55% compared to 1990 levels. Based on this, the following research hypothesis should be put forward, assuming that if all initiated projects, climate programs and mechanisms are fully implemented, the EU will become the first climate neutral continent by 2050. The first part of the article focuses on the goals of the European Green Deal and their implementation. The second part discusses the assumptions of European Climate Law and the elements of the “Fit for 55” package, as well as presents the most important financial instruments of the EU climate policy. The third part contains an analysis of the challenges standing in the way of the EU achieving climate neutrality by 2050, including the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian aggression against Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the paper is to present Germany’s position during the government of Chancellor Angela Merkel (CDU/CSU/SPD coalition: 2018-2021) and Chancellor Olaf Scholz (SPD/Alliance 90/Greens/FDP coalition: from 2021) towards changes in climate policy (understood as reform) introduced by the European Green Deal and the Fit for 55 package of legislative proposals, with particular emphasis on the issue of CO2 emission standards for new passenger cars and new light commercial vehicles. Germany’s support for increasing the level of ambition in the field of climate protection in the EU was largely the result of the belief that the success of the German transformation of the energy sector and achieving climate neutrality by 2045 also depends on the progress of the energy transformation process and the climate neutrality policy in the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) began developing climate policy in the 1990s. Since then, it has built up a broad portfolio of mitigation policy measures and governance tools, including legally binding targets to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, and policy measures addressing emissions trading, renewable energy, energy efficiency, and more. In 2019, the European Commission—the EU's executive arm—published the European Green Deal (EGD), an overarching policy framework to achieve the goal of climate neutrality by 2050. The EGD aims to push EU climate policy and governance far beyond incremental policy development. In this article, we ask: does the EGD represent a break from past patterns of EU climate governance? We argue that it maintains several past patterns, but nevertheless breaks from other established policy and governance trends. We review insights from politicization and new institutionalist theoretical lenses to help us understand these findings. We reveal certain tensions and challenges inherent in the EU's climate governance approach—around speed and coherence, effectiveness and just transition—that highlight future research needs, and raise questions about the EU's ability to implement its climate policy goals. This article is categorized under:Policy and Governance > Multilevel and Transnational Climate Change Governance [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) Green Deal and its Farm to Fork Strategy are intended to promote sustainable food systems to achieve EU climate-neutrality by 2050. The Farm to Fork action plan also foresees the introduction of a harmonized mandatory front-of-pack nutrition labelling scheme in 2023. The EU countries have yet to reach agreement on the nutrition labelling scheme, which will also have environmental impacts. This article raises the question of whether at the European level, countries should seek agreements on both climate mitigation and nutrition policies (full agreement as in the case of the Green Deal) or should negotiate separate climate and nutrition policy agreements (as for the nutritional labelling). To address this question, this paper develops a game-theoretic model with multiple countries where each country implements a climate policy and a nutrition policy. We compare the consequences in terms of total emissions, the level of the nutrition policy and the welfare under different institutional arrangements of a non-cooperative equilibrium, full agreement, and three alternative agreements. Our results show in particular that full agreement always leads to the lowest total emissions at the expense of the level of nutrition policy in some cases. In an extension of our analysis, we show that agreements that include cooperation over nutrition policies do not necessarily imply formation of a larger coalition of signatory countries, even if a nutrition policy has positive or negative impacts on emissions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transformation of societies and economies towards climate neutrality is a highly complex multi-sectoral and multi-level challenge. This paper examines the multi-level dimension of climate policy with particular reference to the European legal framework and the example of Germany. It analyses how regional and local governments are engaged and whether, in this regard, the existing arrangements of multi-level climate governance can be considered adequate and effective. In the light of the basic principles of federalism theory and in view of the - failed - German multi-level approaches to energy transition it is concluded, in particular, that federal climate governance must build not only on European and national objectives but also on regional and local climate targets and policy planning schemes as a means of both ensuring sufficient transformation efforts and preserving as much autonomy as possible for regional and local communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The publication presents the challenges facing the European Union but also Polish regions in implementing the Green Deal. Design/methodology/approach: The method of statistical data analysis and source materials was used in the work. Findings: The paper presents the most important issues of change posed by the European Union for the implementation of climate policy. Originality/value: The paper is aimed at those interested in EU policy and climate policy in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union's relative disregard for the economic, geopolitical and climatic concerns of its peripheral Eastern countries has contributed to making the war in Ukraine possible. Its consequences are now returning in the form of energy dependence and economic instability on the Union as a whole and the risk of economic crisis and deindustrialisation. This should prompt a re-assessment of the EU's strategy towards its eastern neighbours, particularly in the energy and climate policy field. This evaluation starts from the issue of control over cheap energy as a key material foundation of state and interstate power. On this basis, we analyse the struggle between Russia and the European core states over Ukraine in terms of the ability to extract an economic surplus through the unequal exchange of energy. The current escalation should be understood as an attempt by the Russian petrostate to preserve the economic basis of its regime, which is threatened by the prospect of a low-carbon transition in Europe. We conclude that a massive acceleration of the transition away from fossil fuels is the key to economic, geopolitical and climate stabilisation, highlighting possible policy instruments the EU could use to secure its production system and protect citizens' security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union climate policy and the subsequent energy transition are expected to cause fundamental changes in individual EU countries, their economies, and industrial sectors. Furthermore, in order to achieve them, high financial outlays are essential. The main purpose of the article is to present a comparative analysis of the pace, directions, and main factors of the energy transition in Poland and Spain against the changes in the EU energy and climate policy. In particular, the subject of the study is the changes in the fuel structure of electricity generation (energy mix) and the changes in the concentration of energy generation. The analysis concentrates on Poland and Spain against the background of the group of EU27 countries. The study adopted a long-term perspective (1990–2020). The methodology used taxonomic measures of variability of structures and measures of concentration, as well as measures of descriptive and mathematical statistics. The result of the research proves that the EU common climate and energy policy has explicitly accelerated changes in the energy mix, both in the EU27 and in the studied countries, including those traditionally based on coal. The concentration analysis demonstrated an increase in diversification resulting in a significant increase in the share of renewable and low-carbon sources. The taxonomic analysis additionally proved that there was a parallel process towards making the energy mix of the studied countries more similar to the EU27. The limitation of the research is the adopted triangulation arrangement of the studied structures (EU27, EU15, countries that accessed the EU after 2004), enforced in this pilot research, but possible to expand the field of perception in subsequent research. What serves as a proof of the originality of the study is the fulfilment of research gaps in the long-term study of the degree of changes in the concentration of the energy mix structure of EU countries, and especially the study of the degree of intensity of its similarity. The application value of the study is its use in the energy policies of countries traditionally based on coal for the indication of the taken position, the goals, and ways to achieve them based on the experience of other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union and Germany have recently committed themselves to greenhouse-gas neutrality by 2050 and 2045, respectively. This substantially reduces their gaps in ambition to the Paris climate goals. However, the current climate policy mix is not sufficient to reach these targets: There is a major implementation gap. Based on economic, legal, and political science perspectives, this article identifies key obstacles in legislating stringent climate policy instruments and making them effective. Using a simple framework, we map the stage of the process in which the obstacles are at work. Moreover, we discuss the potential effectiveness of a select list of prominent drivers of climate-related regulation in overcoming said obstacles and conclude by pointing towards conditions for closing the implementation gap. In doing so, we focus on the current legislative processes of the "Fit-for-55" package by the European Commission and the 2021 Federal Climate Change Act in Germany. Our analysis builds on the extant literature, and we suggest avenues for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Paris Agreement, adopted in 2015, paved the way for a new hybrid global climate governance architecture with both bottom-up and top-down elements. While governments can choose individual climate goals and actions, a global stocktake and a ratcheting-up mechanism have been put in place with the overall aim to ensure that collective efforts will prevent increasing adverse impacts of climate change. Integrated assessment models show that current combined climate commitments and policies of national governments fall short of keeping global warming to 1.5 °C or 2 °C above preindustrial levels. Although major greenhouse gas emitters, such as China, the European Union, India, the United States under the Biden administration, and several other countries, have made new pledges to take more ambitious climate action, it is highly uncertain where global climate policy is heading. Scenarios in line with long-term temperature targets typically assume a simplistic and hardly realistic level of harmonization of climate policies across countries. Against this backdrop, this article develops four archetypes for the further evolution of the global climate governance architecture and matches them with existing sets of scenarios developed by integrated assessment models. By these means, the article identifies knowledge gaps in the current scenario literature and discusses possible research avenues to explore the pre-conditions for successful coordination of national policies towards achieving the long-term target stipulated in the Paris Agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change, as well as the challenges that come with it, is one of the main issues in international and national politics today. Addressing the threats posed by climate change requires close cooperation at the international level and within each country, creating a dialogue between the political elite and society, thus promoting a common understanding and action across the European Union (EU). The aim of this research is to (1) identify what climate policy narratives are projected to the Latvian electorate (public) and (2) assess how these narratives are aligned with the EU-defined strategic climate policy narrative. The theoretical basis and methodological approach of the study is based on the concept of strategic narrative. It is assumed that the viability and impact of a strategic narrative is enhanced when there is coherence between all stages of the narrative life cycle (i.e., the EU level and the national policy level). The empirical basis of the study is based on the identification of the EU climate policy narrative in the sector's regulatory documents, as well as an analysis of the election programmes of Latvian political parties (the last European Parliament (2019) and parliamentary (2018) election programmes). The results show that the narrative that the Latvian public receives from its political elite through the European Parliament and the national pre-election programmes is significantly different from the EU strategic narrative on climate policy. Based on the theoretical concept of strategic narrative, it can be concluded that the observed dissimilarity of narratives does not stimulate the inclusion of the Latvian public in the common EU space of climate policy understanding and action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we explain why the current climate policy mix of the European Union (EU), consisting of the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) and overlapping policies, is incoherent with respect to emission abatement and cost‐effectiveness. The concept of policy coherence guides our analysis in identifying the EU ETS’ current dynamic supply adjustment mechanism, the Market Stability Reserve (MSR), to be at the heart of the shortcomings of current market design. Incoherence emerges due to the MSR’s quantity‐based indicator for scarcity. It only works well for current and past demand fluctuations, but not for anticipated changes in demand, e.g., caused by a member state’s fossil‐fuel phase‐out. As a result, instead of fostering synergies as intended, the MSR undermines coherence by creating backfiring interactions and making precise predictions of overlapping policies’ impacts close to impossible. Considering the European Commission’s reform proposal of July 2021, we argue that a change in the MSR’s parametrisation leaves the fundamental cause of incoherence unaddressed. Based on recent findings in the economics literature, we propose introducing a price‐based indicator for scarcity as a solution to substantially reduce the current incoherence of the policy mix. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tackling climate change has provided a key focus for the creation of what the editors of this special issue have termed 'environmental intangibles.' This paper focuses on the European Union Emissions Trading System (EUETS), a climate policy that revolves around the issuance and trading of environmental intangibles called emissions allowances. Set up in the mid-2000s, the cap and trade system has experienced many complications. We propose here to explore a particularly contentious issue: the allocation of free allowances. We will see that deciding on allocation rules leads to vivid debates about whether energy-intensive industries in Europe, such as the manufacturing of cement, can remain competitive in the global economy if climate policy is unilaterally enforced. These debates are focused on a phenomenon referred to as the risk of carbon leakage due to loss of competitiveness. Drawing on an empirical enquiry into the workings of policy-making, the paper examines the ways, in which this risk is framed and questioned through lobbying and evidential work. We suggest that the threat to competitiveness posed by the EUETS can neither be established, nor dismissed; a form of under-determination is maintained and carbon leakage as a never-quite-tangible possibility becomes a battleground for protecting European industry over the environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European Union (EU) climate politics have polarised over the past decade. Poland especially stands out as the EU member state that has most vehemently opposed numerous decisions to increase the EU's level of ambition, stirring some turbulence in EU climate politics. Yet, with the publication of the European Green Deal (EGD) in 2019, the European Commission has likewise created turbulence in the Polish parliament's climate debate. This article analyses those debates and identifies three distinct policy narratives: Poland is in a unique situation, Poland pursues an alternative pathway, and climate policy endangers competitiveness. The alternative pathway narrative, which advocates for the continued use of coal while capturing emissions, faded at roughly the same time when the EGD was proposed at the EU level. Simultaneously, the unique situation narrative, which calls for recognition of Poland's uniqueness in combination with increased (financial) support, became stronger. The analysis confirms the dominance of the governing party's narratives, but contrary to previous studies, detects nascent polarisation on climate policy between the right-wing political parties, on the one hand, and the centre-right and centre-left parties, on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The intensive development of sewerage networks and municipal wastewater treatment plants observed in Poland in recent years has led to the generation of large quantities of municipal sewage sludge. At present, only nearly 140 out of about 2,500 wastewater treatment plants have full sludge digestion facilities. This means that only 6% of wastewater treatment plants operating in Poland produce biogas that can be used for energy purposes. The total volume of digesters at all wastewater treatment plants is estimated at 800,000-900,000 m3 . The aim of this paper is to analyse the energy potential of biogas generated in the processes of methane fermentation of sewage sludge in the context of the EU energy and climate policy while strengthening national energy security. Thus the following research questions have been formulated: To what extent can biogas support the implementation of the EU energy and climate policy in Poland? What are the barriers to biogas development from sewage sludge digestion in Poland? The research hypothesis was defined that the production of biogas from sewage fermentation will contribute to increasing the energy security of the country by diversifying the natural gas production structure and increasing the stability of the energy system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeszyty Naukowe SGGW: Ekonomika i Organizacja Logistyki is the property of Warsaw University of Life Sciences (SGGW), Faculty of Economic Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyzes the possibility to reduce the carbon footprint of exported products by implementing forest climate offset projects amid the introduction of the carbon tax on imports of high-carbon products, including those exported from Russia, by the European Union. The role of forests as absorbers of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions differs significantly in Russia and in the EU. It is suggested that the EU's climate neutrality policy aimed primarily at the reduction of direct CO2 emissions by sectors such as power, industry, and agriculture is a consequence of the insignificant role of European forests in greenhouse gas absorption. By contrast, Russia can achieve climate neutrality not only by reducing greenhouse gas emissions, but also by increasing their absorption by forests and implementing forest climate projects (FCPs). Taking into consideration the UNFCCC baseline and additionality requirements, three FCP types can be proposed for implementation in the Russian Federation. The possibility to monetize the carbon sequestration function of Russian forests in the framework of carbon offset projects is assessed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Green Deal aims to put the EU on track towards climate neutrality by 2050. One of the key elements is a more stringent greenhouse gas emission reduction target of 55% below 1990 levels by 2030. We analyse the socio-economic consequences of alternative policy pathways to reach that target, either relying more on regulatory standards, on carbon pricing, or a mix of both. We develop a modelling framework that captures macro-economic and sectoral impacts and closely aligns economic and energy system modelling. We further decompose aggregate labour market outcomes into skill and occupation types, and downscale representative household results to micro-level household data to evaluate the distributional effects across income groups with heterogeneous expenditure patterns. By combining models and datasets, our framework enables incorporating a high degree of technological detail while revealing socio-economic aspects of the transition that may go unnoticed in coarse, aggregate assessments. In particular, our results highlight the heterogeneous impacts of climate policy across sectors, worker skill types and income groups, which may require particular attention in climate policy design and corresponding complementary measures to ensure a fair transition to a low-carbon economy. • We assess different policy packages to achieve stricter EU 2030 climate targets. • A framework for climate policy assessment needs to be both broad and detailed. • We develop such a framework by linking energy models with economic models and data. • We downscale aggregate results for labour markets and household consumption. • Results illustrate model uncertainty and policy design potential to alter outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I estimate the cost of meeting the EU 2030 targets for greenhouse gas emission reduction, using statistical emulators of ten alternative models. Assuming a first-best policy implementation, I find that total and marginal costs are modest. The statistical emulators allow me to compute the risk premiums, which are small, because the EU is rich and the policy impact is small. The ensemble of ten models allows me to compute the ambiguity premium, which is small for the same reason. I construct a counterfactual estimate of recent emissions without the climate policy and use that to test the predictive skill of the ten models. The models that show the lowest cost of emission reduction also have the lowest skill for Europe in recent times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A key dimension of the debate about policy innovation is the extent to which new policies achieve significant and lasting effects on the problems they purport to address. However, little is known about such effects. We break new ground by investigating how far current evaluation practices in a policy system with relatively ambitious climate policies – the European Union – identify the most effective (carbon-reducing) policies. We find that a small number of policy instruments are projected to deliver the lion’s share of emission reductions. Setting aside the special case of emissions trading, these instruments are not particularly innovative. If significant practical and political obstacles can be addressed, more (detailed) evaluations could enhance the evidence base and also the political prospects for delivering deeper emissions cuts through to 2050. An evaluation perspective could also offer a very different way to consider policy innovation dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses Poland's climate policy from 1988 to 2010. The author presents background, as well as the main factors affecting climate policy in Poland - the foremost factor being European Union policy. In the author's opinion, the main problem of Polish climate policy is the lack of political will to effectively address energy issues and their effects on climate change. The article also describes the predicted directions of climate policy and the necessary changes that should be implemented in Poland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate policy is a relatively young and dynamic area of public policy making. However, its development has attracted far more attention than the results it delivers in practice, which of course are the concern of policy evaluators. This article attempts to provide the first systematic cataloging of the emerging patterns of policy evaluation undertaken in different parts of the European Union. Theories of policy evaluation suggest that these evaluation practices should acknowledge the inherent complexity of climate policy making, be reflexive by questioning official policy goals, and be participatory. A meta-analysis of 259 climate policy evaluations suggests that current practice engages with some but not all of these issues. This article concludes by analyzing the implications of this finding for those in the academic and practitioner community who are keen to understand the extent to which climate policy evaluation is delivering on its promises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Swiss Political Science Review is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We investigate the role of domestic allowance allocation and global emissions constraints for the carbon-market impacts of linking the EU Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS) internationally. Employing a quantitative simulation model of the global carbon market, we find that the economic benefits from connecting the European ETS to emerging non-EU schemes strongly depend on the regional allowance allocation of the linking participants: In a world of moderate carbon constraints, an economically efficient regional allowance allocation induces a much stronger fall in total compliance costs than a suboptimal (i.e. too high) domestic allocation of emissions permits. However, a more efficient (i.e. stricter) allocation shifts abatement efforts and compliance costs to energy-intensive industries which are covered by the domestic ETS. We further find that committing to ambitious global emissions reduction targets (compatible with stabilizing CO2 concentrations at 450 ppm) induces much stronger regional abatement efforts and substantially higher compliance costs for the abating regions. In such an ambitious climate policy regime, an efficient domestic allocation of allowances is even more important from an economic perspective: Here, linking emissions trading schemes diminishes the associated compliance costs on the largest scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ongoing climate changes necessitate an effective climate policy. The energy transition is now an important topic and problem, especially in Poland. (1) The undertaken analysis of the problem of energy transition is important for political, social and technological reasons. Political, because it shows the weakness of the implementation of Polish energy policy in regards to climate change. Social, because energy transition will bring about significant social changes in the largest industrial region of Poland. Technological, as the departure from fossil fuels requires the introduction of other sources of energy on a massive scale, for which Poland is not prepared. The aim of the study was to critically analyse the activities to date in the field of energy transition in Poland. The second goal of the analysis was an attempt to answer the question of whether the process of energy transition and achieving the goals set in the EU's European Green Deal are possible at all until 2050. (2) To achieve the goals, the system method and the decision-making method were primarily used. These methods allowed for an examination of the main determinants of the Polish energy transformation. (3) The main results include the confirmation, contrary to the announcements of the Polish government, that despite the adoption in Poland of the strategy "Poland's energy policy until 2040", the effective implementation of the energy transition before 2050 is not only very difficult, but may even be impossible to implement in the assumed time. This is due to political, economic, social and technological conditions. Coal energy is outdated, expensive and ineffective. Due to natural conditions, wind energy is not able to meet the energy demand of the industry. The development of nuclear energy is only in the planning phase. (4) To sum up, in the next thirty years, Poland will not be able to achieve the assumed effects of the energy transition, which is in contradiction with the official declaration of the government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Mitigation of climate change requires action at all the different levels, from the international to the national and the local levels. This contribution presents a case study of the city of Helsinki in Finland. An ex-post approach is used to follow the implementation of the EU directives to the national and further to the city level and to identify the relevant voluntary action taken in the city. We find that the coherence of national and city level policies is the highest in regulated areas, such as waste management and building regulation. Voluntary action is easily taken at local level in areas where co-benefits can be expected: e.g. energy conservation and biofuels for transportation. These voluntary actions can show the feasibility of certain measures which can later on be implemented at national or supranational level. We observe a clear contradiction between the EU and national renewable electricity targets and the nonaction at the city level: local conditions and private interests pose barriers to the implementation of a climate policy. We conclude that the coherence between policies at different levels develops over time and international requirements as well as local conditions can be drivers for it. Cities in particular play a role in mitigating climate change through removing barriers for the implementation of national and EU policies, and through moving forward with and promoting innovative voluntary measures, e.g. through international city networks. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The neoliberalisation of international climate policy through devices such as emissions trading has led to a significant restructuring of governance competencies between supranational, national and non-state actors. This article explores the implications of this restructuring for the scalar politics of climate governance by examining the European Union emissions trading scheme, the world's largest multi-state carbon-trading scheme. Analysis shows that although the member states were prepared to accede to a common legal framework for emissions trading, its implementation has been characterised by intense sovereignty disputes over emissions allowances. The article concludes by reflecting on the scalar politics of international climate governance in an unevenly regulated and competitive world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]