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The impacts of climate change are unevenly distributed across territories. Less is known about the potential effects of climate policies aimed at mitigating the negative consequences of climate change while transitioning economies towards low-carbon standards. This paper presents an analytical framework for identifying and assessing the regional impacts of the green transition. We develop a Regional Green Transition Vulnerability Index, a composite measure of the regional vulnerability of European regions to the socio-economic reconfigurations prompted by the green transition. The index brings to light strong regional variations in vulnerability, with less developed, peri-urban and rural regions in Southern and Eastern Europe more exposed to the foreseeable changes brought about by the green transition. We also draw attention to the potential rise of pockets of growing 'green' discontent, especially if the green transition contributes, as is likely to be the case, to leaving already left-behind regions further behind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analyze the economic impact of using carbon pricing revenue to fund the European Union (EU) budget. Such a reform would redistribute from countries with above‐average carbon‐intensive production to less‐carbon‐intensive countries. Once the reform is implemented, the low‐carbon countries will prefer a lower carbon price (i.e., laxer climate policy at the EU level) than before the reform, and vice versa. As a result, EU climate policy becomes less ambitious and less disputed, where quantitative impacts presumably remain small. Weaker incentives for national governments to enforce emission taxes after revenue centralization might also contribute to higher emissions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change is a very debated topic among academia, national and international institutions. Therefore, policies and tools for diminishing pollutant emissions are in place in a number of countries. Among them, taxation and renewable energy use seem to be among the most important. This paper aims at testing the impact of certain tools for climate change policy implementation, such as environmental taxes, renewable energy use, real productivity, employment rate taking into consideration the level of economic development and the GINI coefficient, on the greenhouse gas emissions in two important sectors of the economy: industry and commerce. Panel data analysis is used for a cluster of nine developing countries of the European Union that have the per capita GDP at purchasing power parity lower than 80% of the EU average, during 2008-2021. Similar to other studies, the results show a negative relationship between environmental taxation and greenhouse gas emissions in the industrial sector, and a positive one in the commercial sector. The latter is explained by the fact that transport, which is a main pollutant sector, is also one of the most difficult sectors to achieve green transition, given high associated costs. The analysis also shows that renewable energy use discourages the emissions of greenhouse gases, both in the industrial and commercial sectors, so that fostering investment in renewables is an important factor for addressing climate change and promoting a sustainable growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change impact on sovereign debt management has become an issue of great concern. The aim of this paper is to analyse the changes in the traditional approach of sovereign debt managers in the face of the pursued climate policy and different scenarios of climate liabilities for 2050. We follow a novel three-fold research approach: 1) assessment of the estimated level of current climate liabilities based on the Fiscal Risk Matrix; 2) performing forward-looking climate debt projections over the timeframe 2025-2050 for the EU countries; 3) conducting case study research on EU countries, to identify the sovereign climate debt management activities undertaken so far and to define a series of good-practice guidelines. Findings indicate a growing role of the climate financial mechanisms in sovereign debt management. In particular, our climate scenario approach reveals those scenarios in which a country's fiscal position indicators are more vulnerable from the standpoint of rising public expenditure due to the country's inability to manage CO2 gas emissions. Each country is responsible for its climate pathway by 2050 and this will be mainly determined by the timeliness, efficacy and appropriateness of the public policies and measures implemented to mitigate climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This comment piece seeks to remind readers of the urgency and importance of adaptation to climate change in the European Union, note significant recent policy developments, and highlight some of the opportunities that one particular aspect of EU policy, the new Mission on Adaptation, affords communities and policy makers to identify and develop more transformative actions. It offers initial suggestions for how social scientists might engage with these opportunities between now and 2030, but also stresses the need to consider them realistically in the context of the contemporary EU political landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I propose a return to Jacques Lacan, I develop a Lacanian discourse analysis (LDA) as one possible method in international relations and demonstrate its potential by sketching out the case of climate change policy within the European Union. Lacan's theory of the four discourses as conceptual "mind maps" informs a method of discourse analysis enabling researchers to empirically investigate how a hegemonic discourse can be challenged and potentially subverted. A Lacanian perspective emphasizes the "subject of the enunciation" and conceptualizes subjects as socially produced but lacking: Discourse provides an historicized socio-linguistic structure sustaining the subject's societal relations, but the speaking activity always produces a cut within subjectivity, which manifests as an excess-loss of meaning in the enunciation. Via the case study of the energy efficiency policy in the EU, I first illustrate how an LDA allows us to investigate climate knowledge and the authority of the discourse. Then, by looking at how energy efficiency is spoken in the enunciation, I expose the excess of meaning produced as an effect of language, which "fractures" the discourse. Finally, I show how to leverage on these produced fractures to assess the transformative and empowering potential of the observed discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides an overview of the Spanish legal system in terms of climate change legislation and the regulatory framework of the so-called energy transition. The configuration of the Spanish State as decentralised makes it necessary to allow the Autonomous Communities, as infra-state entities, to develop their own policy to fight climate change. The article thus explores the opportunity and advisability of adopting a multilevel model of relations between the State and the Autonomous Communities, in accordance with the European Union's climate neutrality requirements, and one that goes beyond the usual model of limited inter-administrative relations, based on the principle of coordination. First, the article deals with the basic State legislation on climate change and energy transition, with the aim of evidencing that the Autonomous Communities are necessary actors for the development and implementation of this framework. Second, it aims to provide an overview of what has been done so far by the Autonomous Communities. The article concludes with various reflections on the effectiveness of this decentralised model, insisting that its application is undeniable given that mitigation and adaptation actions have a territorial component that legitimises the intervention of infra-state entities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an in-depth analysis of the Marginal Abatement Cost Curve (MACC) for CO2 of China's industrial sector. Leveraging comprehensive firm-level panel data spanning the period 2011–2015, we employ a parameterized directional output distance function to estimate the shadow price of CO2. By doing so, we derive the marginal abatement cost for individual firms across different years, which provides crucial insights into two fundamental aspects: first, the variation in shadow prices as indicators of the economic efficiency of existing climate policies; and second, the carbon price levels necessary to achieve CO2 mitigation targets in the future. Furthermore, we conduct scenario simulations to assess the potential industrial output loss resulting from forthcoming carbon policies, such as the European Union's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). Our findings underscore the necessity for a considerably higher tax rate to stimulate pollution reduction in order to meet the desired emission targets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study assesses the extent to which public health is integrated into European national and urban climate change adaptation policy and planning. We analyse national adaptation documents from the 27 European Union member states and interview city-level experts (n = 17) on the integration of three categories of adaptation efforts: general efforts to minimize health impacts related to climate change, targeted efforts to enhance resilience in health systems, and supportive efforts to foster the potential of the first two categories. At a national level, general efforts to address vector-borne diseases and heat-related illness are covered comprehensively, whereas efforts addressing several climate-related health risks are neglected (e.g. water-borne diseases, injuries from extreme weather and cardiopulmonary health) or overlooked (e.g. malnutrition and mental health). Targeted efforts to inform policy decisions, such as carrying out research, risk monitoring and assessments, are often described in detail, but efforts to manage day-to-day health care delivery and emergency situations receive little attention. At the urban level, health issues receive less attention in climate adaptation policy and planning. If health topics are included, they are often described as indirect benefits of adaptation efforts in other sectors and not perceived as the priority of the involved authorities. This effectively means that general and targeted efforts are the responsibility of other sectoral departments, while supportive efforts are the responsibility of the national government or external organizations. As a result, at an urban level, climate-related health system adaptation is not a policy aim in its own right, and many potentially high health risks are being ignored. In order for health risks to be better integrated into adaptation policy and planning, it is critical to interconnect national and urban levels, reduce sectoral thinking and welcome external expertize and facilitate large-scale data collection and sharing of health and climate indicators. We recommend focussing on cooperatively drafting strategies for integrating health issues into climate policy and planning with stakeholders at the national and urban levels, in different policy sectors and in society. Policy planners can build on the strengths of adaptation documents from other countries or cities and take note of any weaknesses. We advocate to foster co-benefits for health and climate action of various adaptation measures (e.g. by promoting active mobility and urban greenery, health impacts related to heat, (mental and physical) stress and air pollution are reduced). Large-scale data collection and sharing of health and climate indicators should be facilitated to support learning and pro-active decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: In the light of the threats defined, the article emphasises the importance of new tools that can be helpful for a responsible energy policy. This is why it is so important to internalise some concepts such as taxonomy, the European Green Deal or the Bauhaus as an antidote to irreversible climate change, leading to the self-destruction of humanity, for which man has only themselves to blame. Methodology/approach: The method of the paper was based on an in-depth analysis of the European Union source documents, published on websites and in documents of the European Commission and the European Parliament. In addition, materials and information published on the websites or in the source documents of individual parliamentarians (Jerzy Buzek, MEP) and EC commissioners (Franz Timmermans) were used. The information gathered was extended through a library search and based on the library resources of several prominent Polish universities, as well as the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies. Moreover, the analysis included academic publications, websites of institutions, companies and organisations monitoring the course and energy and climate policy changes. Constraints: Adapting to climate change through the prism of activating and using innovative financial mechanisms is another challenge to which the Brussels structures must give new responsible directions based on intergenerational solidarity. The spending of money should also be based on a sustainability mechanism so that financial resources are not spent today that will have to be repaid by future generations. In the same sense, solidarity between states and between regions is necessary. Implications: Europe and Poland have a challenge, the keyword of which is reorganisation, and almost all the deadly coal- and gas-fired heating plants will be subject to it. The hope is the European Union, as it is an organisation with unlimited possibilities, and it has proven many times that it will not hesitate to use these possibilities for the benefit of future generations. Value: The current assumptions of the energy and climate policy of the European Union in terms of opportunities and threats were cited and analysed. Innovative solutions and tools for financing the development of the European Union were taken into account, including the European Green Deal, Just Transition Fund and EU ETS. Moreover, the necessity to change the way the EU thinks about itself and restructure all resources in the face of the consequences of the war in Ukraine was indicated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aimed to highlight the issue of climate-oriented public policy forms, scales, and means of their implementation as well as their limitations. Based on an empirical case study of the French West Indies (Guadeloupe), we analyzed climate policy integration in programmatic local policies and sectoral practices. This study sheds light on the banana sector and how climate change is mainstreamed at a local level. In Guadeloupe, the climate change paradigm is grabbed and 'invisibilized' into sectoral policies and practices. By paying attention to who implements the policies regarding the adaptation of agriculture to climate change (AACC) and how, we highlighted the capacity of the banana sector to retrieve policy instruments dedicated to the AACC to support their own agricultural and environmental agenda. We also paid attention to their local and sectoral transfer and their 'fluid' implementation: implementation is multiform, compelled by limitations. Finally, we concluded that implementation of the AACC policy depends on four variables: (a) the multilevel governance and the complex process of reinterpretation of European Union (EU) policy and rules, (b) the specific polycentric governance style (c) that is centered on a powerful banana chain, and (d) the environmental agenda that gives priority to local vulnerabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The long-term nature of climate policy measures requires stable social legitimacy, which other types of crises may jeopardize. This article examines the impact of the COVID-19 fear on climate change beliefs based on an autumn 2020 population survey in the Member States of the European Union and the United Kingdom. The results show that deep COVID-19 concerns increase climate change concerns, awareness, and perceived negative impacts of climate change. These effects are more robust among the lower educated Europeans. On the country level, strict governmental measures are also linked to deep climate change concerns. In contrast to the experience following the 2008 recession, the findings show that a secondary crisis can positively impact climate attitudes, which is a promising result for policy actions. • Discovers links between COVID-19 concerns and climate change attitudes. • Based on a large-scale survey in the Member States of the EU and the UK. • COVID-19 concerns increase fear of climate change, awareness, and perceived impacts. • No signs of the "finite pool of worry" hypothesis. • The secondary COVID-19 crisis offers a promising ground for climate change policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the latest Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) report, energy transition and globally collaborative solutions play a crucial role in mitigating or preferably preventing human-induced global warming. Factual, legal, security policy and economic determinants shape the field of energy use, energy transition as well as tied climate change policy. Both Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the EU, aware of this fact, are coordinating their endeavours to achieve a climate neutral future. This article discusses the energy transition in the ASEAN in the context of climate change considerations, the effects of this transition on people, and if and how the unique ASEAN way, law and economic governance in ASEAN are conducive to it. Here, the 45-year strategic partnership between ASEAN and the European Union (EU) provides opportunities to shape a socially just energy transition. The article shows which actors are affected by this transition, and which challenges and practical opportunities energy governance and the EU–ASEAN partnership offers. The article concludes that a long-termism approach is crucial in this regard to keep costs to a minimum by spurring concerted cooperation efforts to align and harmonize climate change goals, and ensuring a secure, sustainable energy supply. In particular, it is the absence of judicial control mechanisms for (private) actors, groups and individuals affected by the energy transition that precludes accountability and contradicts a path for extending and strengthening the fundamental concept of trust in informal governance structures in ASEAN. At the same time, it is argued that this also prevents an effective and efficient expansion of joint EU–ASEAN efforts, which for the time being, it seems, will remain political in nature with no assertive effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) has consistently held a prominent global position in climate governance. This paper compiles 152 climate neutrality policies issued by the European Commission (EU Commission) and employs a systematic analytical framework including "Vertical Policy Hierarchy - Horizontal Policy Path – Systematic Policy instruments" to conduct an in-depth analysis of the EU's climate neutrality policy system. This study produces several findings as follows: First, the EU's climate neutrality policy hierarchy is characterized by a structure comprising "Long-Term Planning – Specific Measures - Financial Support". Second, the EU's policy formulation process for climate neutrality emphasizes the integration of a multi-party engagement mechanism involving "Nongovernmental Level - Regional Level - National Level - Transnational Level - Supranational Level", while extensively employing a "framework-content" policy-making methodology. Third, the EU's climate neutrality governance is guided by the dual objectives of achieving a "Cleaner Energy Structure" and "Recover Ecological Environment" pursuing a broad-ranging and multi-tiered policy pathway towards climate neutrality. Fourth, the EU leverages a combined approach of mandatory measures and guiding policies to propel the climate neutrality governance process, aspiring to achieve breakthroughs in new energy technology innovation through climate neutrality governance, thereby solidifying its international standing. Moreover, this study provides an outlook on the future of the EU's climate neutrality policy governance, positing that the EU's emphasis on climate neutrality governance will remain undiminished, with a heightened focus on guiding policies and an emphasis on the roles of enterprises and the public in advancing the realization of climate neutrality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union and Germany have recently committed themselves to greenhouse-gas neutrality by 2050 and 2045, respectively. This substantially reduces their gaps in ambition to the Paris climate goals. However, the current climate policy mix is not sufficient to reach these targets: There is a major implementation gap. Based on economic, legal, and political science perspectives, this article identifies key obstacles in legislating stringent climate policy instruments and making them effective. Using a simple framework, we map the stage of the process in which the obstacles are at work. Moreover, we discuss the potential effectiveness of a select list of prominent drivers of climate-related regulation in overcoming said obstacles and conclude by pointing towards conditions for closing the implementation gap. In doing so, we focus on the current legislative processes of the "Fit-for-55" package by the European Commission and the 2021 Federal Climate Change Act in Germany. Our analysis builds on the extant literature, and we suggest avenues for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European transition to green economy is based on long-term strategies. The Europe 2020 Strategy was launched in 2010 in order to promote smart, sustainable, and inclusive growth in the region. Later, the ambitions regarding this strategy were followed by the Green Deal and Sustainable Development Goals. Now, the effort of countries towards the green economy is even more relevant than ever because of the context of today's global energy crisis and economic uncertainty due to many challenges such as the COVID-19 pandemic or Russia invasion of Ukraine. This paper seeks to assess the countries' achievements in seeking climate change and energy targets of the Europe 2020 Strategy by applying the innovative multi-criteria decision-making (MCDM) technique. The kernel-based comprehensive assessment (KerCA) method was applied for the calculations of the progress achieved and countries' rankings. It allows to evaluate countries' achievements and compare them using the mathematical models. The analysis of the national target implementation in the countries allows to determine the compliance of countries with their commitments and liability towards other countries and the European Union (EU). An analysis of the implementation of the strategy can serve as a guide to further develop climate change and energy policy in the region. Furthermore, the added value of the article is systematic overview of scientific studies proposing different methodologies for the analysis of target implementation at the whole region level. The novelty of this paper also relies on the approach, which considers not only the level of achievement of the target, but also assesses the excess. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Abant Social Sciences / Abant Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Journal of Abant Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Kyoto Protocol, signed in 1997 and enforced in 2005, aimed to reduce global emissions and establish three mechanisms: an emission trading system, a clean development mechanism, and a joint implantation mechanism. The transition from the Kyoto Protocol to the Paris Agreement requires a better understanding of the modalities, procedures, and accomplishments. This study examines the related commitments and achievements in the context of the legal framework, efficiency, carbon price, and the parties and sectors involved; it also draws implications for developing countries. Global emissions increased over the year despite commitments by Annex I members. Middle-income developing countries were largely responsible for this increase. Low-income developing countries could not fully benefit from the clean development mechanism due to insufficient access and implementation capacity. According to the data reported, most of the beneficiary host countries are in the category of middle-income countries (94%), while low-income countries account for only 2% of the related projects hosted, although they represent around 15% of the total countries. The transition to the Paris Agreement must involve a clear definition of the modalities, procedures, and certain enforcement elements for cases of non-compliance. The current experience of related parties, such as the European Union Emissions Trading Scheme and other flexibility mechanisms, has several implications for the developing world in terms of legal frameworks, efficiency, capacity building, the role of agriculture, and regional collaboration to address climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change, as well as the challenges that come with it, is one of the main issues in international and national politics today. Addressing the threats posed by climate change requires close cooperation at the international level and within each country, creating a dialogue between the political elite and society, thus promoting a common understanding and action across the European Union (EU). The aim of this research is to (1) identify what climate policy narratives are projected to the Latvian electorate (public) and (2) assess how these narratives are aligned with the EU-defined strategic climate policy narrative. The theoretical basis and methodological approach of the study is based on the concept of strategic narrative. It is assumed that the viability and impact of a strategic narrative is enhanced when there is coherence between all stages of the narrative life cycle (i.e., the EU level and the national policy level). The empirical basis of the study is based on the identification of the EU climate policy narrative in the sector's regulatory documents, as well as an analysis of the election programmes of Latvian political parties (the last European Parliament (2019) and parliamentary (2018) election programmes). The results show that the narrative that the Latvian public receives from its political elite through the European Parliament and the national pre-election programmes is significantly different from the EU strategic narrative on climate policy. Based on the theoretical concept of strategic narrative, it can be concluded that the observed dissimilarity of narratives does not stimulate the inclusion of the Latvian public in the common EU space of climate policy understanding and action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aimed to present the research results on some environmental challenges and priorities of climate resilience. The research work was carried out in 2021 and referred to the analysis of the transcendence character corresponding to the environmental policies according to the strategic guidelines of recovery and resilience for sustainable development and green transition. Although sustainable development of the Romanian water sector has been approached in the past, the present paper has new research related to the water security and its role in building the climate resilience of agriculture and rural development in the European Union and our country. From a methodological view, there are used accumulations and outcomes from the specialty literature, from previous researches, the own data processing in figures and tables to describe some conceptual relationships, comparative analyses of the developmental state and the climatic vulnerability of the Romanian water infrastructure sector. The conclusions and recommendations highlight backlogs, needs and opportunities in the context of implementing the European Green Deal and the National Recovery and Resilience Plan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aiming to protect energy security, the European Union (EU) has sought to persuade third states to accept its energy acquis, relying on a formed strategic narrative. However, the coherency of this strategic narrative, as the prerequisite for being well-received, has not been studied before. Considering the strategic narrative theory and applying the content analysis method, our research has indicated that the EU's narrative consists of five storylines, including geopolitics, the single energy market, and climate change, the last two of which have become increasingly accentuated over time. However, this strategic narrative suffers from two significant incoherencies, which lie between its storylines and also within the storyline. The results of our analyses indicate that both incoherencies originate from the securitisation of energy in the Union. This means that the effectiveness of the narrative formulated has been diminished, which is detrimental even to the EU's climate policy. This could suggest that de-politicisation of energy is required to reinforce the narrative and enable the EU to address the world with one voice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the scientific community presents a relatively uniform conclusion on the ongoing global warming and the policies that are essential for sustainable development and the mitigation of the negative effects of climate change, the public opinion on the topic is far from uniform. This article studies the factors related to public awareness of climate change and environmental policy, public ideas on the supposed effects of climate change, the belief on whether climate change is caused by human activities, and the perceived possibilities to alleviate climate change by humans. We employ a set of ordinal multinomial regression analyses with spline corrections for ordinal predictors on a representative sample of 1021 respondents (aged 15–86 years, M ± SD: 47.15 ± 17.46; 19.4% with higher education, 50.60% women) from the Czech Republic. Our results suggest that life satisfaction, belief in God, interest in climate‐related issues, and the attitude to the European Union were the most relevant factors. Older people were less interested in climate, less aware of sustainable development and climate change, and less willing to take action. Women were more concerned with climate change compared to men. The effect of traditional mass media, Internet‐based social networks, and discussion forums, and personal discussions outside of the internet were less significant than expected. The article provides policy suggestions for enhanced stakeholder engagement as well as suggestions for further research on the topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union has played a significant role in climate change action, adopting pioneering legal measures, and promoting the negotiation of international agreements for mitigation and adaptation to climate change. This study reflects on the effects of European climate leadership in the implementation of an ambitious climate policy in the domestic sphere, as well as in the articulation of its foreign action. The climate leadership self-man-date established in the European development strategy is analyzed in a general way, as well as the implementation of this mandate through the action of the European Union in the development of the international climate regime; in the climatic coherence of its foreign action; and in the promotion of the global climate ambition through the internal market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Estudos Politicos is the property of Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais (Revista Brasileira de Estudos Politicos) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The European Union (EU) pursues a strict environmental policy to protect Europe's natural resources and preserve the health and well-being of EU citizens. A sound and adequate environmental policy contributes to making the EU economy more environmentally friendly. However, the EU is facing major challenges such as climate change, resource scarcity, unsustainable consumption and production, and the emission of polluting gases. In this article we review the economic policies that have been implemented in Europe to combat the problem of climate change. It also offers some solutions that could be adopted from the European institutions to promote sustainability among individuals and companies, and to contribute together to a reduction of polluting gases and the construction of a future free of harmful waste. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Study visits are an underresearched phenomenon, particularly in the field of climate change adaptation. Drawing on interviews with key local stakeholders, this article investigates study visits organized by European municipal climate networks. The results of this exploratory research show that study visits about adaptation policies can (1) particularly stimulate conceptual learning, (2) increase the credibility of policies within municipal administrations, (3) be used as strategic instruments by mentor cities, (4) be more successful if the peer-cities are not too different (in terms of size, institutional context), and (5) under certain conditions, lead to policy adoption in a learning city. Future research needs to critically discuss the mass suitability of learning from frontrunner cities. Furthermore, a call is raised for more research and practical action on how to initiate and improve learning exchanges beyond the strict division between mentors and learners. Instead, the focus needs to be on mutual learning exchanges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tackling climate change has provided a key focus for the creation of what the editors of this special issue have termed 'environmental intangibles.' This paper focuses on the European Union Emissions Trading System (EUETS), a climate policy that revolves around the issuance and trading of environmental intangibles called emissions allowances. Set up in the mid-2000s, the cap and trade system has experienced many complications. We propose here to explore a particularly contentious issue: the allocation of free allowances. We will see that deciding on allocation rules leads to vivid debates about whether energy-intensive industries in Europe, such as the manufacturing of cement, can remain competitive in the global economy if climate policy is unilaterally enforced. These debates are focused on a phenomenon referred to as the risk of carbon leakage due to loss of competitiveness. Drawing on an empirical enquiry into the workings of policy-making, the paper examines the ways, in which this risk is framed and questioned through lobbying and evidential work. We suggest that the threat to competitiveness posed by the EUETS can neither be established, nor dismissed; a form of under-determination is maintained and carbon leakage as a never-quite-tangible possibility becomes a battleground for protecting European industry over the environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution investigates how combinations of instruments, often called policy mixes, enhance policy learning processes at different levels. It analyzes the European Union's (EU) Covenant of Mayors (CoM) that is underpinned by a set of learning instruments, to promote local action for sustainable energy and climate. The piece offers an original framework to explore whether and how the Covenant enhances learning at the level of European institutions and among local governments. Drawing on an extensive documentary review and elite interviews in four countries (Germany, Italy, Poland and the UK), the analysis shows that the CoM instrument mix has enhanced certain elements of learning within the actors leading the Covenant as well as many of the local governments within and outside the EU, but only if certain conditions operate, such as political leadership, individual motivation and knowledge and regional coordination mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Turkish Court of Accounts / Sayistay Dergisi is the property of Turkish Court of Accounts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Climate change, the European Union's goal of achieving climate neutrality by 2050 and climate migrants are some concepts discussed and detailed in this article, starting with the climate change facing the entire planet, continuing with European Union's urgent need to take steps to achieve climate neutrality by 2050 so that we can finally address the category of climate migrants, another daunting challenge in the fight to stabilize the situation of migrants worldwide. To achieve the proposed objective, the research mainly followed the legislative measures adopted at international level, emphasizing the measures proposed within the European Union, but also the specialized literature, using at the same time a series of statistical data to highlight the immediate and future effects of climate change, identifying the most diverse challenges and answer/solutions that should be provided in the near future. We are certain that climate policy has played and will keep on playing a particularly important role in the policy of the European Union, but also of each nation state, we appreciate that it is difficult to determine whether the European Union is heading toward 2050 slowly but surely, establishing measures suitable for attaining climate neutrality or, in contrast, we are witnessing a series of measures that support the fight against climate change but are not enough to ensure climate neutrality and are powerless against stopping the phenomenon of climate migration, which, in our opinion will become more and more visible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study the impact of climate change mitigation policies intended to reach the Paris Agreement's two-degree target on the structure of European labour markets. Employing a three-sector macro-econometric model with a rich labour market extension, we show that the measures targeted at shrinking the use of fossil fuels in electricity generation and the road transport sector – both of which have an overall modest, positive impact on GDP and total employment – could make occupational structure less unequal and polarised in 2030, the target deadline. This could occur in more than half of the European Union's member states, particularly where the industries most affected by the transition to a low-carbon economy (i.e., mining and quarrying, utilities and manufacturing of coke and refined petroleum products) remain most important. • Impact of climate change mitigation policies on the structure of European Labour markets. • Analysis of the effect on inequality and polarisation through the lens of a macro-econometric model and wage rankings. • Overall, European labour markets become slightly less unequal and polarised as a result of the green transition. • Relevant different across countries, with greater reductions in inequality and polarisation in those countries where the industries most affected by the ecological transition remain most important. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims at reconstructing the history - since its inception until today - of climate change policy and legislation developed at a central/federal level in the European Union and the United States. The comparative-historical approach shows how the EU and US domestic climate change policy and law are intertwined with the development of the international climate change regime and how their actions as well as their omissions are strongly affecting the international arena. Despite the EU and US are now only two of the many actors seating at a global negotiation table they are still able to continue shaping the framework of this paramount debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate litigation is on the rise. The role that nongovernmental organizations play in its facilitation is reflective in the numerous cases that are being brought by them to the Courts. However, it is not always easy and the NGOs have to face legal challenges in matters such as those relating to standing requirements ('who may sue') and validity of their claims. The present article attempts to analyse the working environment of the NGOs by taking references from different jurisdictions, with a special emphasis on the climate policy framework of the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The effects of global warming in the Arctic region present a particular challenge for the European Union (EU), which seeks to profile itself as a leader in responding to climate change. Although the EU strives to prioritize climate protection, the Arctic region remains one of the EU’s major suppliers of energy, particularly oil and gas. The EU must thus strike a balance between climate change mitigation and adaptation, and energy security. The present article analyses the developments of the EU position in this field, particularly in light of the COP 21 negotiations, and the more recent 2016 Integrated European Union Policy for the Arctic. In doing so it seeks to explore to what extent the EU truly is fulfilling its own leadership aspirations in the field of climate change and energy in the Arctic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brexit creates challenges and opportunities for UK and EU climate policy. Without replacement policies for existing EU policies, the UK may not meet its domestic carbon budgets. Membership of the EU ETS, application of energy efficiency directives and renewables targets, and the maintenance of innovation funding are the key issues at stake for the UK. Brexit may also impact the ambition and shape of EU climate policy and the direction of future climate agreements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a strong political divide on climate change in the US general public, with Liberals and Democrats expressing greater belief in and concern about climate change than Conservatives and Republicans. Recent studies find a similar though less pronounced divide in other countries. Its leadership in international climate policy making warrants extending this line of research to the European Union (EU). The extent of a left–right ideological divide on climate change views is examined via Eurobarometer survey data on the publics of 25 EU countries before the 2008 global financial crisis, the 2009 ‘climategate’ controversy and COP-15 in Copenhagen, and an increase in organized climate change denial campaigns. Citizens on the left consistently reported stronger belief in climate change and support for action to mitigate it than did citizens on the right in 14 Western European countries. There was no such ideological divide in 11 former Communist countries, likely due to the low political salience of climate change and the differing meaning of left–right identification in these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The European Union has pioneered the adoption of binding greenhouse gas emissions reduction targets and measures to address the climate change challenge for more than a decade. Amongst them, the European Union Emissions Trading System plays a central role. This article addresses the evolution of European climate policies, from the first emission reduction targets that were assumed under the Kyoto Protocol to the recent adoption of the 2030 climate an energy framework. Due to its importance, special attention is paid to the European Union emissions trading system, an essential tool to meet these targets at regional level and a cornerstone of European climate policies, now working for more than ten years. In this context, the European Union emissions have significantly decreased, although the effort ahead is, without any doubt, still remarkable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution investigates the strategies that environmental agencies develop to enhance their policy autonomy, in order to fulfil their organisational missions for protecting the environment. This article asks whether there are particular strategic moves that an agency can make to augment this policy autonomy in the face of the principals. Critiquing principal agent theory, it investigates the evolution of three environmental agencies (the European Environment Agency, the England and Wales Environment Agency and the United States Environmental Protection Agency), focusing on the case study of climate change. The contribution examines how the agencies influence environmental policy on domestic, regional and global levels, with a special focus on the principals that constrain agency autonomy. A greater focus on different multi-level contexts, which the three agencies face, may create other possible dynamics and opportunities for agency strategies. Agencies can use particular knowledge, network and alliance building to strengthen their policy/political positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is widespread consensus that current climate policy for passenger transportation is insufficient to achieve significant emission reductions in line with global climate stabilization goals. This article consequently has a starting point in the notion of ‘path dependency’ ( Schwanen et al., 2011 ) and an observed ‘implementation gap’ ( Banister and Hickman, 2013 ), suggesting that significant mitigation policies for transport do not emerge in the European Union because of various interlinked ‘transport taboos’, i.e. barriers to the design, acceptance and implementation of such transport policies that remain unaddressed as they constitute political risk. The paper argues that without addressing transport taboos, such as highly unequal individual contributions to transport volumes and emissions, social inequality of planned market-based measures, the role of lobbyism, and the various social and psychological functions of mobility, it will remain difficult to achieve significant emission reductions in passenger transport. Yet, transport taboos remain largely ignored among EU policy makers because their discussion would violate ‘order’, i.e. harm specific interests within neoliberal governance structures and the societal foundations and structures of transport systems built on these. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a regional organization, the European Union's role in global climate governance faces constraints that do not apply to other members of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and Kyoto Protocol. Addressing that uniqueness, this article provides a theoretical and empirical analysis of how the elements of actorness (recognition, capability, opportunity and cohesion) shape the EU's engagement with the international climate change regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union's (EU) decision to include aviation into the Emissions Trade Scheme was heatedly contested. Countries around the world, but mainly the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa group (BRICS) and the US, denounced the EU's initiate as illegal and unilateral. Following a decade of frustrated negotiations at the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), this paper interrogates why such measure, in principle climate-friendly, inspired so much global resentment. I argue that concerns with competitiveness and risks of legal inconsistency are important, but insufficient elements to explain the core of the conflict. The paper suggests that the EU was strongly criticized because third countries perceived this action as an imposed solution, which fostered an environment of distrust. Therefore, I claim that the problem has more to do with a normative divide than with a substantive divergence on what should be done regarding aviation emissions. My analysis is informed by the present literature on the links between trade and climate change, but gives particular weight to first-hand information through interviews with key stakeholders. The paper is divided in three parts. First, it presents the scope of the EU directive in historical perspective. Second, it explores the EU's measure through three different angles: legal, economical and political. The final part explores some possible solutions to overcome these divergences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The issue of integrating environmental concerns into energy policy decision making is increasingly addressed, not least related to climate change. Although the United States, unlike the EU, did not sign the Kyoto Protocol, several U.S. states promote renewable electricity (RES-E), and some of these initiatives are linked to climate-change mitigation efforts. The present article assesses in this connection the six New England states of the United States, comparing their efforts of integrating RES-E with climate change to the Nordic countries in Europe. In order to explain different approaches, the article focuses on the importance of different EU and U.S. multilevel governing structures. The analysis indicates that the New England states' RES-E promotion thus far has not been substantially integrated with climate-change concerns, whereas in the EU's more top-down approach, climate change figures more prominently vis-à-vis RES-E. EU policies represent an increasingly important driver for the Nordic countries. In the United States, on the other hand, it remains an open question as to how future federal policy efforts will relate to existing policies at the state level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ongoing climate changes necessitate an effective climate policy. The energy transition is now an important topic and problem, especially in Poland. (1) The undertaken analysis of the problem of energy transition is important for political, social and technological reasons. Political, because it shows the weakness of the implementation of Polish energy policy in regards to climate change. Social, because energy transition will bring about significant social changes in the largest industrial region of Poland. Technological, as the departure from fossil fuels requires the introduction of other sources of energy on a massive scale, for which Poland is not prepared. The aim of the study was to critically analyse the activities to date in the field of energy transition in Poland. The second goal of the analysis was an attempt to answer the question of whether the process of energy transition and achieving the goals set in the EU's European Green Deal are possible at all until 2050. (2) To achieve the goals, the system method and the decision-making method were primarily used. These methods allowed for an examination of the main determinants of the Polish energy transformation. (3) The main results include the confirmation, contrary to the announcements of the Polish government, that despite the adoption in Poland of the strategy "Poland's energy policy until 2040", the effective implementation of the energy transition before 2050 is not only very difficult, but may even be impossible to implement in the assumed time. This is due to political, economic, social and technological conditions. Coal energy is outdated, expensive and ineffective. Due to natural conditions, wind energy is not able to meet the energy demand of the industry. The development of nuclear energy is only in the planning phase. (4) To sum up, in the next thirty years, Poland will not be able to achieve the assumed effects of the energy transition, which is in contradiction with the official declaration of the government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces this special issue that deals with subnational (and, in the case of the European Union, sub-supranational) global climate change politics. While recognizing the limitations that face local governments, the article discusses the importance of focusing more attention on climate policies and programs of state (prefectural, provincial), regional, metropolitan, and local levels of government, where implementation of national climate change policies and programs must occur. Four cases are examined in detail: California within the United States, Germany within the European Union, prefectures and some municipalities (Tokyo and Kyoto) within Japan, and provinces and prefectures within China. The reasons why local governments sometimes choose to act as agenda setters are considered, the ways local governments can influence national government policies are discussed, the role of international networks in diffusing policy ideas among local governments is introduced, and the obstacles to affecting deep change at the local level are considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Germany is one of the leading countries in Europe, as well as globally, in terms of its renewable energy and climate change policies. The multiple levels of government within the European Union (EU) mean that the German government must interact both with EU institutions (e.g., the Commission, Council, and Parliament) and subnational Länder, or states, when formulating and implementing policy. The grand coalition government of the Christian Democrats and Social Democrats that came into power in 2005 has set demanding national climate change and renewable energy goals and actively supports international climate negotiations, often spurring EU policy. This progressive policy has its roots in the air pollution control policies that started to develop in the 1970s. This article discusses the various factors that are behind Germany's climate change policy leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the postulated efforts to limit adverse climate change (CC), increasing attention is paid to the development of distributed renewable energy (RE) that meets the needs of local communities on the spot. This article analyses the objectives, planned actions and performance indicators related to CC and RE, defined by national and local stakeholders in: (1) the national Rural Development Programme (RDP) 2014–2020 in Poland and (2) in the bottom-up Local Development Strategies (LDS) financed from RDP and using a Community-Led Local Development approach. The content analysis method was used. We found that the strategy documents considered, created in the years 2014–2015, paid relatively little attention to local actions related to CC and RE. Some educational activities related to adaptation and mitigation of CC were planned in 66% of LDS, while investment support for RE was planned only in 9% of the LDS. Traditional goals such as supporting local businesses and farmers, local cultural heritage and the development of human and social capital were seen as more important. The results of the analysis suggest a relatively low level of interest from rural-policy actors in Poland in implementing the climate-friendly objectives of the Europe 2020 strategy. This article contributes to understanding why Poland failed to meet the European 2020 RE development goals. These issues are discussed in the context of national and continental climate policy and problems of transformation to post-carbon society. • The European Union (EU) prioritises climate change (CC) mitigation actions. • The Rural Development Programme 2014–2020 in Poland disregarded EU aims related to CC. • In Poland, 66% of Local Development Strategies (LDS) planned CC educational actions. • Investment in Dispersed Renewable Energy (DRE) was planned in only 9% of LDS. • Development of DRE needs greater targeted support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]