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The University of Wisconsin-Madison Center for Community and Nonprofit Studies (the "Center") has helped to expand or create new courses for two degree programs within a School of Human Ecology: the undergraduate Community and Nonprofit Leadership Bachelor of Arts degree program, and the Applied Master of Science in Human Ecology degree program. A post-baccalaureate Capstone Certificate program was then approved and offered, based on the set of courses that the Center has developed. Courses to meet the needs of these programs were developed with a focus on critical pedagogies and an expanded notion of subject matter, relying on communitybased learning, praxis applications, and course structures which accommodate a diverse community of learners and contributors. This paper will examine how these course models and some of their key features and approaches advance best practices for applied learning in the field of nonprofit and community studies. Promising pedagogical features and strategies of the courses which the authors recommend for course design in this field include: decentering academic knowledge in favor of practitioner and community wisdom and engagement; emphasizing the value of the learning community as a source of diverse perspective and expertise; and critical consciousness development and practical skills building through reflection, action, and praxis--all taking into account the skills, experiences, and needs of adult learners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The article aims to close the existing knowledge gaps, show why non-governmental organizations are founded and maintained, and elaborate and systematize the existing knowledge through an analysis of the existing subdisciplines within economics, laying the groundwork for the economics of non-governmental organizations. RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The article was written based on a structured literature review with an approach similar to the grounded theory method. The research question is: Why are NGOs founded and what is their modus operandi? PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: After determining the research question, literature evidence was collected from a variety of sources, which led to the creation of a theoretical explanatory model. Nevertheless, a deductive, top-down approach has been taken to present the final model in a more comprehensible and transparent way. RESEARCH RESULTS: Based on the institutional hierarchy of O.E. Williamson and drawing from the theoretical framework of the economics of the public sector and the motives behind the sharing economy, a model was built that explains why NGOs are founded and maintained, thus elucidating the route from social theory (in particular, institutional environments) all the way to undertaking actions to solve a given issue. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The article influences and enhances the current state of knowledge regarding non-governmental institutions, including the placement of NGOs in particular disciplines within economics. It also significantly supports researchers doing subsequent studies regarding this area of social science. After further research in the proposed direction, more practical implications may arise in the future, including improvements in the management of NGOs that will facilitate their more efficient operation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes empirically to the international debate on the drivers for the formation of civil society organizations (CSOs) by testing three separate hypotheses: demand, supply and integration. To investigate this question, we analyse the CSO sector in Iraq, which transformed since 2003 from being implicitly banned to being a central pillar of poverty alleviation and social service provision with thousands of formally registered organizations. Using OLS regression analysis with district level and official register data, we examine the geographic distribution of CSOs in relation to poverty levels in Iraq. We find no significant confirmation for demand side drivers that social service providing CSOs form in high poverty districts. Instead, we find strong support for CSO formation in governorate administrative centres, which confirms supply‐side drivers of CSO development. However, we do find some support for a higher concentration of human rights‐based CSOs in high poverty areas. The findings raise important policy implications for the UN Sustainable Development Goal of no poverty in an Iraqi context and internationally, but also how to fund CSOs to meet the demands of the primary recipients. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study aims to understand the relationship between organised civil society and the energy transition. It is carried out by using a mixed qualitative method combining a systematic literature review, identifying the role of organised civil society within the energy transition internationally, and 18 interviews focusing on the development of Renewable Energy Communities in Italy and the potential position held by organised civil society in these collective actions which are transforming the energy system. The results demonstrate that such actors can contribute to the transition process as well as to the establishment of a new virtuous ecosystem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Cooperativos is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Writing on weaponized volunteering in these perilous times, one risks the perils Auden described of 'lecturing on navigation as the ship goes down'. Aging and unarmed, this scholar proceeds to respond to the invitation of providing concluding remarks to the monograph issue. I address four aspects of weaponized volunteering, as introduced in the five articles presented in this issue: (1) the significance of the content of this phenomenon; (2) the scope and quality of initial presentations; (3) the refinement of criteria for the subject; and (4) the range of responses that are likely to greet initial efforts to develop this field. Researchers in this field, if they are to succeed, will need to be exceptionally introspective, reflective, and self-critical. It will not be difficult for their critics to attack them as apologists for one or another side in the conflicts they study, or even as advocates for violence or terrorism. Studies in this field will themselves require study, relating, for example, the depiction of groups targeted for study to the intellectual backgrounds and political orientations of the researchers themselves. And the field itself will expand in both time and space: the long history of weaponized volunteering will be discovered and explored as it unfolds in the many corners of the earth; alternative futures and their implications for social peace and justice will require charting. In short, this may become a lively and important field, one which opens a wide range of new issues and concerns to the researcher aiming to understand the broadened nature of voluntary and purposive social action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the use of interpretive methodologies to study civil society networks within the field of third sector research. Interpretive methodologies situate reality as both socially constructed and negotiated and seek to understand meaning and meaning-making practices, which from a critical perspective act as forces of and derivatives of power relations. In particular, we develop the concept "interpretive engagement" to highlight a common but broadly defined focus of study in relation to civil society networks and use it as an illustrative example for highlighting the value of interpretive methods—specifically those that focus on discourses and discursive practices as forms of meaning-making—for advancing scholarship in the field of third sector research. Drawing on research in the field that employs interpretive methodologies and techniques to understand such practices, our interpretive engagement concept demonstrates how interpretive methods can address neglected areas of study in relation to the expressive functions of organized civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article defines the place and role of youth public associations in the socio-political processes of modern Russia, analyzes the political activity of Russian youth. The study was conducted among young people in the Krasnodar region using the questionnaire developed by the author, as well as methods for determining the level of activity and motivation of the population. The data obtained allow us to determine the degree of involvement of young people in the activities of NGOs and political processes in the Krasnodar territory. The conducted research has shown the strengthening of the influence of youth public associations on socio-political processes, personnel policy, activation of their activities in the field of public diplomacy, volunteer movement, articulation of the interests of young people as a special social group of the population. Youth public associations are able to structure and regulate the activity of young Russian citizens, directing it in a constructive direction, while reducing the degree of protest moods if it is present. They do this work more effectively than the authorized state authorities, because they act on the ground, i.e. they work directly with representatives of the youth community, understand their needs, catch the mood and are able to change the current agenda without resorting to radical methods.

The essay uses Maria Eletta Martini's unpublished papers to reconstruct a lesser known aspect of the health reform of 1978: the recognition of social and health voluntary service sanctioned by articles 1, 45 and 71. It does so by analyzing the «legislative premises» and «political-cultural issues» of the question, placing particular attention on the thrusts coming from civil society, on Catholicism and on political differences around the role of private assistance, autonomies and public assistance and charitable institutions (Ipab). Within the debate on a framework law for assistance, this paper not only highlights an important step in reconstructing the institutionalization processes of the components of the Third sector, but also projects an eye on the evolution that the services offered by voluntary organizations experienced in the gradual italian welfare crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The innovative contributions of third sector organizations (TSOs) to tackle work-related societal challenges are increasingly acknowledged in policy and research, but rarely in Nordic working life studies. The article helps fill this knowledge gap by an empirical mapping of efforts by Swedish TSOs to promote work inclusion among people considered disadvantaged in the regular labor market, due to age, disabilities, origin, etc. Previous studies of social innovation help distinguish their innovativeness in terms of alternative or complementary ways to perceive and promote work inclusion in regard to Swedish labor market policies. By combining various measures for providing and preparing work opportunities, addressing their participants through individualistic and holistic approaches, and managing work inclusion by varying organization, funding, and alliances, the mapped cases seem to innovatively compensate for government and market failures in the work inclusion domain to some extent, while also being limited by their own voluntary failures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the so-called 'association revolution', which had brought about an exponential development of NGOs in China, the rise of Social Enterprises (SE) seem to mark a new turn. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork and interviews, the following article aims to understand whether the growing hybridisation of civil society involved in the development of SEs represents a global trend or a reaction to the Central State new policies. Research findings show that the elasticity of a SE identity can help organisations adapt to shifts in the macro-level political discourse of authoritarian regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The basic definition of the third sector comes from the sectoral division of the Slovak economy. The sectoral breakdown of the economy operates with concepts such as the public sector, the private sector, and the third sector(1). Civil society represents the third sector of society that exists alongside the state and the market. The third sector is a commonly used term for all non-governmental organizations in the Slovak Republic. Their legal form may vary. This sector is characterized by the existence of organizations that have a formal structure, non-state character, do not aim to make a profit, are independent, operate on a self-governing basis and are voluntary. The existence of non-governmental organizations and their participation in the life of society characterizes every civil society. One type of such organizations are non-profit organizations, the scope of which is regulated by the Act no. 213/1997 Coll. on Non-profit Organizations Providing Services of General Interest, as amended. They represent non-governmental non-profit organizations operating in civil society. The register of these legal entities operating in the territory of the Slovak Republic is provided by the Ministry of the Interior of the Slovak Republic. The aim of this paper is to point out the importance of the existence and scope of non-profit organizations in civil society, to analyze the legal forms of their functioning, through analysis of current legislation, available literary sources with emphasis on analysis of development and employment in non-profit organizations providing public services in the territory of the Slovak Republic in the defined period from 2016 to 2018. According to the latest available data as of 31 December 2018(2), there were 66 926 non-profit organizations registered and operating in the Slovak Republic, employing an average of 39 706 employees, while there were 3 272 of non-profit organizations providing services of general interest. The system of remuneration of employees of non-profit organizations is regulated by legislation in two ways. If the non-profit organization is not established by law, municipality, higher territorial unit or state, then it is possible to apply Act no. 311/2001 Coll. Labor Code as amended. Otherwise, if the nonprofit organization is established by law, wich means that the employee performs work in accordance with the law in the public interest, the procedure for his remuneration is in accordance with the Act no. 553/2003 Coll. on Remuneration of Certain Employees in the Performance of Work in the Public Interest and on Amendments to Certain Acts, as amended.

Restrictions on NGOs and others promoting civil liberties have caused alarm about «shrinking civic space» perpetrated by their domestic regimes. Yet because most camps in the world’s civil societies are left unmolested (indeed many are growing) and because non-domestic sources of constraint often play decisive roles, there are reasons to re-think the issues and ask how, and for whom, civil spaces are shaped. This exploratory article draws attention to forces set in motion from central, transnational levels that affect civic spaces: securitization; constraints on organized labour; marketization; transnational non-state actors; citizen disengagement driven by state retrenchment; and social media. As problematized in most policy, activist and scholarly writings, outside forces affecting civic space for emancipatory camps are often ignored, despite their being more susceptible to counteraction from outside than are repressive regimes. These issues await deeper investigation and discussion.

Civil engagement structured into the third sector organizations, associations and groups, and based in concept of fundamental freedom of citizens to gather and come close for advancing human ights advocacy against abuse and any form of violence, more than engagement is a choice. But, responses in promoting that choice, in Albania, are undere stimated. This paper takes as reference different mechanisms of support to Civil Society Organization (CSOs) following most important European models, and call for an urgent review to those models as guide to revert the profoundly damaged civil engagement in the country into an effective one. By analysing the gaps and issues which affect Civil Society Organization (CSOs) operating, conclusions link most sensitive conventions of the European models, supportive to civil society in developed countries, with the need for new restoring interventions pointing to the third sector in Albania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Internacional de Sociología is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of GVcasos: Revista Brasileira de Casos de Ensino em Administração is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The evolution and positioning of the Third Sector as an actor is linked to the nature and morphology of its networks and to the spaces of civic connection-collaboration around which Third Sector organisations weave their webs. This study analyses the relational dimension of the sector. The article presents some of the results of the PECOTSAS project, referring to the analysis of the articulation process of the TSSA in Spain and its contribution to the generation of collective forms of social capital. We intend to identify the main elements involved in this process in a sample of seven Autonomous Communities in order to discern the extent to which their evolution has given rise to different regional developments of the Third Sector. In methodological terms, the research results have been obtained, on the one hand, from the analysis of the literature and secondary sources (descriptive analysis), and on the other hand, from the development of 48 in-depth interviews with key informants (managers, technical staff, volunteers, stakeholders and 14 focus groups (analysis of perceptions). The study argues that, although the Third Sector is essentially a civic actor, the configuration of its networks has been largely shaped by the aspects of collaboration and service provision in public policy contexts, with advocacy, the production and internal dissemination of knowledge and the promotion of voluntary participation also being influential. Finally, we conclude that, although it is true that each of the regions under analysis presents singularities, a set of conditioning elements at the European and state levels exert a homogenising pressure on the networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we explore the elements that have shaped the socio-historical configuration of the Third Sector of Social Action (TSSA) as a prominent actor in the Spanish welfare mix. Bearing in mind that this process of creation and expansion of private non-profit organisations operating in the social sphere has been parallel to the process of decentralisation of a large portion of the responsibility for the social policies of the Spanish welfare state to the Autonomous Communities, we examine the differences that have marked the particular trajectories of the TSSA in the Autonomous Communities. To this end, we have relied on secondary and primary (interviews and group meetings) sources collected in a selection of regional cases in the framework of the PECOTSAS project. We have structured the comparative analysis on the basis of three types of elements: a) the political conditions that enabled the TSSA; b) the structural conditions of economic and territorial development; and c) the social actors who have played a leading role in social mobilisation linked to TSSA organisations. The results suggest that the patterns of regional differentiation of the TSSA are rooted both in the forms of distribution of power resulting from the process of democratic transition and in the differences in the patterns of economic development, population distribution and historical traditions of social mobilisation in the Spanish regions, without losing sight of the fact that these elements also have an impact on intra-regional differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are three Social Economy Support Centres (OWES) operating in the Łódzkie region. The basic role of such centres is to provide advisory services to the existing social economy entities and train people interested in setting up a social enterprise. The aim of the article is to present the activities of social economy support centres aimed at supporting social enterprises and promoting the development of social economy in the Łódzkie region. Evaluation of their activities and conclusions from this analysis may be of practical importance for the development of social economy. The research material is based on the desk research for the projects: "OWES -- support to social economy", "Social Economy Support Centre in Łódź", "Social Economy Support Centres KLUCZ", "OWES -- development of social economy" implemented in 2016-2017, research of the Regional Centre for Social Assistance in Łódź and CATI interviews conducted with coordinators of social economy support centres operating in the Łódzkie region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civil society actors have always been crucial players in the development of welfare systems. Far before the appearance of the welfare state, the provision of services to those in need was the domain of charities and guilds, and later on of the mutual aid organizations related to the labour movement. To-gether with providing services, civil society actors have exerted political pressure on the state, demanding an enlargement of social rights or challenging the principles of public intervention. Such a relevant role became even more pivotal after the '70s, when the welfare mix model paved the way for the entrance of third sector organizations into public service provision and governance processes. Within this scenario, this article aims to develop a historically-based conceptual framework, through which the huge heterogeneity of civil society actors and functions can be analyzed. The possibility of performing several roles represents an opportunity for civil society actors, but at the same times engenders contradictions and trade-offs for social movements and the third sector.

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The nonprofit sector in Mexico has a limited size and scope, despite of the urgent need faced by millions of citizens that do not have access to the most basic needs. Although Mexicans are regarded to be supportive and generous, they tend to engage in philanthropic activities and volunteering only sporadically and through informal means. Therefore, the fundamental problem faced by the sector is the lack of institutionalization and a poor legal and fiscal environment. The current paper analyzes the origins of the sector in Mexico to identify some of the underlying factors that have influenced it and that have limited its correct development. Then, it evaluates the current status of the sector and enumerates some of the causes that are preventing current organizations from expanding and serving an increased clientele. Finally, it proposes a set of solutions, aimed to eliminate the superfluous legal and fiscal restrictions, as well as to motivate an enhanced cooperation between the government and civil society in order to provide people with the necessary relief. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper examines the effects of austerity on anti-racist and community organizing. We focus on three key shifts: changes to public funding, the push to entrepreneurialism and the mainstreaming of Equalities legislation. The paper contributes to critical understandings of the changing relationship between civil society and the state and the challenges this creates for working against racism. We highlight how austerity acts as an alibi to further diminish race as a policy concern. Organizations and activists are encouraged to act as entrepreneurs and confront each other as competitors, rather than allies in a political struggle. This leads to a very real sense that solidarities are being deliberately ruptured in order to "divide and conquer" and diminish collective organizing capacity. We illustrate how this is compounded by the cumulative affective consequences of austerity measures, often at considerable costs in terms of a broader collective agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Miscellanea Anthropologica et Sociologica is the property of University of Gdansk / Uniwersytet Gdanskim and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal Public Administration & Social Management / Administração Pública e Gestão Social is the property of Administracao Publica e Gestao Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The threats to democracy from populist political projects are more and more often commented on and analyzed around the world. The Polish case is not an exception as there are numerous scholarly papers on the changes in public discourse, politics, democratic institutions and the like. The case of civil society is, however, sometimes overlooked and downplayed in this stream of thought. This article looks at the recent reconfigurations within the sphere of civil society in Poland as well as in the ways this sector of activities is conceptualized and analyzed by scholars and commentators alike. This approach stems from understanding civil society in Poland as a political project, a process begun around the transition of 1989, but that also had political meaning during the years of consolidation of democracy. Only the recent reconfiguration and accumulation of power and consequent shift in politics and public discourse to the right has resulted - among other things - in higher levels of activism among citizens and politicization of numerous topics. The observed higher levels of citizen engagement have pushed some observers and scholars to re-define the concept of civil society in Poland and to include within it forms of activism previously excluded. With the numerous and often politicized collective actions of Poles - such as nationalist activism, urban activism, and participation in street protests - not only is the concept of civil society being stretched but also some previously used distinctions, such as the notion of 'uncivil society', are no longer in use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Interdisciplinary Journal of Social Management / Revista Interdisciplinar de Gestão Social is the property of Revista Interdisciplinar de Gestao Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to show the positive effects of a cross-sector collaboration between public administration and third sector in the Basque Country. Solidarity within European society is a concern increasingly addressed from broader perspectives in broader territories. Civil society involvement has also reached public administrations. The European Commission H2020 project, SOLIDUS Solidarity in European societies: empowerment, social justice and citizenship (2016–2018), responds to the need to build a "renewed" Europe after the economic crisis, addressing social areas as employment, education, housing, health, civic engagement. Design/methodology/approach: The communicative methodology (CM) has been used in this research paper, including qualitative fieldwork involving representatives of third-sector organizations. The CM already showed its impact on society, through several research projects in which it has been applied. CM is based on including stakeholders' voices into research from the initial design until the end, responding their needs from research evidence. Thus, it contributes to put in common the knowledge of experts and stakeholders. Findings: Searching for successful practices of social innovation, this paper analyzed which elements enable such relationships between public administration and third-sector organizations to promote successful public policies. Even some risks and barriers have been highlighted, the authors' specific aim focuses on the positive aspects. Therefore, it shows drivers for a most efficient way of public management, which could potentially be extrapolated to other contexts. Some of these drivers are the following: support and collaboration between sectors, institutional trust, co-creation, active participation of the third sector, solidarity and commitment, efficient social policies and workers' professionalization. Originality/value: This paper contributes to returning to institutions and society the atmosphere of trust that the crisis context has damaged. The Basque Countries' comprehensive model of action proves to attend citizenship contributing to a better society, from engaging a successful collaboration across sectors. The creation of two models of collaboration helps to progress in the positive interaction between the third sector and government. This paper is also original because it gives voice to people directly involved on the field and uses their knowledge to describe drivers and assess collaboration and participation of the third sector. Peer review: The peer review history for this paper is available at: https://publons.com/publon/10.1108/IJSE-06-2019-0378 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Iberoamericana de Estudios de Desarrollo is the property of Revista Iberoamericana de Estudios de Desarrollo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Research on Russian civil society focuses largely on the repressive legislative side of state policies, to the virtual exclusion of the rise of domestic funding, be it individual, corporate, or public. This article instead contributes to the discussion of state funding for the third sector by looking at the Russian Presidential Grant Fund, a state institution that has disbursed RUB18 billion (approx. $275 million at the August 11, 2019, exchange rate) to the third sector since 2016, making it one of the most influential sources of financial support to Russian civil society. A data-driven analysis of the Fund reveals that, although it prioritizes certain types of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) over others, there is a discernible attempt to address some of the most pressing social ills in Russia today. Whereas some grant directions, such as the "preservation of historical memory" and "development of public diplomacy and support of compatriots," further long-held, Kremlin-sponsored ideological projects, the biggest categories supported by the Fund focus on more classical philanthropic issues, confirming the state's growing delegation of the provision of public services to the third sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Cooperativos is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The main objective of the paper is to present a brief characteristics of the process of development of the third sector in Poland after the fall of communism in 1989. The author first discusses the theoretical background of the idea of non-governmental sector and the discourse upon which in Poland this sector was constituted as a domain of associations and foundations activity. Next, the turning points in the recent history of the third sector in Poland, are presented. They are linked in particular to the adoption of two historical pieces of legislation - the Act of 1989 on Associations and the Act of 2003 on Public Benefit Activity and Volunteering. The author also reviews the key current problems of the third sector in Poland which serves as an attempt to foresee in which direction Polish non-governmental orgnisations (NGOs) may evolve in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The expansion and development of the nonprofit sector worldwide in the 1980s and 1990s did not bypass Israel, and, as in other countries, sparked an interest for study to uncover its characteristics and major features. The Israeli population—both Jewish and Arab—has a rich tradition of voluntaristic activity on the individual as well as on the collective (organizational) levels, mostly in the communal context. The modern welfare state created new opportunities and new challenges for such activity within the broad framework of the nonprofit sector. This article aims to review the development of the nonprofit sector in Israel and analyze it within existing nonprofit theories. It takes a historical perspective in looking at its evolution, in light of political, social, ideological, and economic changes in the world and in the country. It discusses the development of policy and government involvement on the one hand and the unique features of Israeli philanthropy, both Jewish and Arab, on the other. It analyzes Israel's civil society and social movements, as well as social entrepreneurship and their expression in the Third Sector. The article also covers the development of research and education on the Third Sector; it includes a review of research centers, databases, journals, and specific programs that were developed by Israeli universities. Finally, this article summarizes the characteristics of the nonprofit sector in Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on penal voluntary sector (PVS) which is an important, complex, under-theorized area. Its non-profit, non-statutory organizations are highly significant in the operation of punishment around the world, yet ill understood. It informs that voluntary organizations, as part of broader civil society, have played important roles in challenging the status quo on issues ranging from domestic violence to same sex rights.

Scholars have attributed various beneficial outcomes to the presence and density of the voluntary, third or non-profit sector in communities. One way in which the distribution of such organizations may benefit communities is through providing opportunities for volunteering. We hypothesize that the distribution of third-sector organizations has an influence, after controlling for relevant individual and area characteristics, on the likelihood of engaging in formal volunteering (defined as unpaid help given through, and to, third-sector organizations, rather than directly to individuals). Using administrative data from the Charity Commission, we classify organizations in terms of their geographical scale of operation. We then construct indicators of the distribution of charities, and their expenditures, for local authorities in England. We obtain data on volunteering by individuals from the Citizenship Survey and link this to administrative data contained in the Charity Commission register on the distribution of charities. We find that there is a positive relationship between the numbers of charities operating locally and the likelihood of volunteering. Other measures, however, including the distribution of charities operating either regionally or nationally, have no statistically significant effects. We find no relationship between a measure of the size of charities (the median expenditures of charities within local authorities) and the likelihood of volunteering. These findings are relevant beyond the UK to debates about the understanding of variations in voluntary action, and to discussions about the impact of the third sector upon communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The vast majority of asylum seekers in the UK are not permitted to enter the labour market. In the absence of the right to work asylum seekers receive welfare support, which amounts to less than a third of the weekly spend of the poorest 10% of British citizens. This article presents new research on the third sector response to the poverty created by this policy regime. Through a four-pronged methodological design we map the scale of this response, and in doing so offer an alternative critical perspective on the inadequacies of government policy, inadequacies which lead to the human rights of some who are within, or who have been through the system, being breached. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the critical analysis of such approaches which identify civil society with a system of NGOs. The author makes a conclusion that the view on civil society as a system of different organizations which differ from state and market is limited.