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This paper deconstructs ways in which the white 'race' of Eastern European pupils and the class determination of their parents in the country of arrival combine to either afford or deny them racialised privileges in British education. Critically reviewing published research on Eastern European pupils in British schools, this article concludes that past understandings of 'white middle-class privilege', developed mostly in research about white middle-class nationals, cannot be applied in the same way to white-middle class migrants. This paper shows that the class and race of white middle-class migrants become re-articulated in school contexts in ways that suggest that, despite being white and middle-class in their home countries, Eastern Europeans cannot be fully white and middle class in the migration setting. Based on these insights, we offer an analytical frame for theorising this observed conundrum, making a contribution to sociology of education, race and migration.

I consider in this paper the question of balance in popular education between what we can call annunciation and denunciation, inspired by the work of Paulo Freire. By annunciation, I mean the role of love, affirmation, encouragement and profound encounters with otherness; by denunciation, I have in mind the spirit of critique and challenge to the established order of things. In the process, I question the marginalisation of liberation theology in Paulo Freire's work among some radical educators. There has, I suggest, been a sundering of spirituality, and especially religious insight, from rational enquiry in the academic mainstream, which has influenced readings of Freire. Modernity has privileged intellectualism and critical rationality as the only valid way of knowing; matters of faith and varieties of religious experience have correspondingly been privatised.

During the past two decades, an increasing number of European countries have introduced language requirements for residency, citizenship, and sometimes even for entry to the country and family reunification. As a result, democratic rights as well as basic human rights have come to depend upon an individual's ability to obtain a certain score on a language test and the consequences of failing may be detrimental. In the field of language testing, this use of language tests is often referred to as "test misuse," yet the term lacks a precise definition in the literature. In this paper we propose a definition of test misuse in relation to language tests for migration purposes and focus particular attention on low-literate adult migrants for whom the requirements pose a considerable barrier. The main purpose of this paper is to address the question why language tests are being misused in migration policies, exploring linguistic, political as well as test theoretical explanations. We suggest that a more central role of test misuse in validity theory is essential in order to remedy its lack of research focus in our field.

EU educational mobility programmes have long been geared towards not only the promotion of intercultural communicative competence but also the uptake of European civic values. While the linguistic and socio-cultural effects of European training mobilities have been extensively studied, their effectiveness in supporting active citizenship and the emergence of shared community values remains largely unexplored. Similarly, no previous research has attempted to systematise the various conceptualisations of European civic and democratic values invoked in mobility projects addressing the topic. To bridge this lacuna, this paper reviews qualitative data from EU school-based mobility projects whose stated purpose, singularly or in conjunction with other educational goals, is the promotion of European civic awareness and democratic values among adult participants in a Spanish region. The methodological approach for the compilation of the corpus of project records, data extraction, and processing follows that of Qualitative Comparative Analyses. The results point to a broad operationalisation of European civic and democratic themes in the examined projects. The coexistence of a limited number of specific proposals for deliberate educational intervention aimed at promoting democracy and European citizenship abroad, alongside the prevailing stance, posits a spontaneous acquisition of such values through participation in transnational learning activities aimed at developing communicative, intercultural, and digital skills, is also reported.

The Erasmus programme - EU's flagship student exchange programme -- has drawn more and more scholarly attention in the last decades, proportionally with its expansion. In this context, the link between an Erasmus experience abroad and European identity has also been explored by a series of studies. This paper aims to "zoom in" on this matter through a review of the literature that deals with this topic, touching also upon some of the relevant theories and policy documents for the study of this subject matter. To begin with, it will provide some clarifications about the concept(s) of (European) identity, putting them in the context of the Erasmus programme. Further on, it will engage in a mapping exercise of the some of the various approaches that have been taken, the case studies and the research methodologies that have been used or the results that have been observed in the dominant literature on this subject.

Focuses on options for reforming European governance. White Paper of the European Commission.

This paper is on the paradox of a right, the right to education that is almost universally declared as compulsory. The reason for the compulsion seems to be in its nature as a right. Within a Hohfeldian framework, any claim-right has a corresponding duty. Given that making education compulsory equates to establishing a duty, the possible candidates to the duty generating right-bearers are considered. The rationales for compulsion from the points of view of positive (for one's own good), negative (no compulsion at all), and republican liberty (society right) are analyzed, and the conclusion is reached that none of the three can produce sufficient justification for compulsion. The main conclusion is that education is a right, not an obligation. Therefore, neither the children nor their families can be legally forced to an unrestricted exercise of this right without even being heard. The law must reflect, in its progressive flexibility, the growing possibilities of choice for right-holders who are adults 'in fieri'.

Over the past decade, adult education and Vocational Education and Training (VET) in the UK context have been strongly affected by the implications of unstable political, social and economic situations, specifically in relation to social and economic inclusion of vulnerable young adults. This paper argues, that the development of policy transfer and policy learning in adult education has been characterised by its multidimensional nature and has been influenced by the implications of contemporary global challenges, country-specific priorities and the European agenda on inclusion. The notion of policy learning in adult education highlights the complex interdependencies between policies and practices. We will endeavour to consider how the complex interplays between country-specific priorities, global discourses and the European agenda on active citizenship (AC) contribute to national policies and practices for social inclusion of young adults in the UK context. Selected case studies will demonstrate the ways this policy agenda transfers into specific programmes for vulnerable young adults.

Multicultural European societies increasingly demand internationally oriented citizens, who are willing to actively participate in civic life and able to successfully access the labour market. The European dimension in education supposedly endows youngsters with civic values, multiculturalist attitudes and plurilingual competences which ultimately lead to raising awareness of their Europeanness. Formative years at university, pivotal to students' individual life course and projects, are a decisive stage in the development of supranational, collective identity-formation. Similarly, pan-European study programmes are aimed at inspiring a sense of European citizenship and identity, the most renowned of which within the Higher Education context is Erasmus+. By conducting focus group interviews, this paper probes Andalusian university students' understanding of their European identity and verifies the causal dynamics between European identity-taking and foreign country sojourns, comparing the perceptions expressed by returnees to those by students who have not had the opportunity to participate in international study programmes (ISP) at higher education yet. Results evidence students' apparent supranational orientation, general awareness of commonalities across Europe and utilitarian outlooks on the EU, although not a clear discernment of its institutions or a marked European identity.

European discourse on linguistic minorities reflect the construction of inter-ethnic boundaries between national (such as Dutch or French), indigenous minorities (such as Basque, Catalan or Frisian), and immigrant minorities (Arabic, Berber or Turkish). In the European public discourse on immigrant minority groups, two major characteristics emerge: immigrant minority groups are often referred to as foreigners ("étrangers," "Ausländer") and as being in need of integration. It is common practice to refer to immigrant minority groups in terms of non-national residents and to their languages in terms of non-territorial, non-regional, non-indigenous, or non-European languages. This conceptual exclusion rather than inclusion in the European public discourse derives from a restrictive interpretation of the notions of citizenship and nationality. Based on the empirical evidence derived from Language Rich Europe project, a phenomenological perspective on ethnic minorities and inter-ethnic boundary construction will be presented in this paper.

The starting point for this inductive study is to determine, through a search of studies, what critical viewpoints in terms of research are delivered, based on experiences, observations and evaluation, concerning the Bologna Process over time? The aim is to present a description using a thematic analysis based on data from 38 papers (2004-2016) that reveal the critical reasoning behind the research. The reasoning is critical in the sense that various authors have elaborated on and problematized aspects of the Bologna Process in terms of what to avoid and/or have characterized aspects related to the Bologna Process that are not desirable. Based on the outcome of the thematic analysis, theorists were selected in order to deepen the reasoning and meaning highlighted in three themes. The findings are further discussed in terms of knowledge and curriculum development for the future and the advancement of European higher education policy and beyond on equal terms. The article suggests that there are causes for concern regarding unwanted consequences in the aftermath of the Bologna Process.

This article shows the potential of the Council of Europe's Autobiography of Intercultural Encounters and Autobiography of Intercultural Encounters through Visual Media to develop quality education in the (foreign) language classroom in Higher Education. Whereas the literature focuses on their contributions to fostering intercultural awareness and reflection as one step to develop intercultural communicative competence in language education, the purpose of this paper is to show that they have a broader significance in terms of the development of three capacities leading to quality education according to Nussbaum, namely critical thinking, imaginative understanding and world citizenship.pro

This paper presents a neocommunitarian conception of citizenship identified in two textbooks of the programme "Education for Democratic Citizenship," organised by the Council of Europe. Critical discourse analysis is applied to the key themes of the textbooks "T-Kit 7: Under construction: Citizenship Youth and Europe" and "Compass Manual" enclosing citizenship and human rights discourses, respectively. An intra-disciplinary discussion follows drawing on critical political economy. The findings of the analysis are that the textbooks exhibit an abstract representation of social reality as well as moral relativism stemming from neoliberal communitarianism. The identification of the neocommunitarian conception of citizenship reveals the power of citizenship education today.

The aim of this paper is to test the connections between the indicators used in the literature on social cohesion, which usually reflect "general" values or behaviours, and indicators specific to a particular space, namely the labour market. A key question is the stability of the social cohesion's indicators when moving from a societal level to the labour market. Based on data from the World Value Survey, and following a restrictive definition of social cohesion, a comparison is done, for European countries. Examination of the situation in the two spheres makes it possible to identify more or less homogeneous groups of countries and also to point to instabilities. "Regimes" of social cohesion begin to emerge. As in most analyses, the Nordic countries (excluding Finland) have high scores in all the dimensions. Conversely, most of the new EU member states from the former Eastern bloc have low scores, particularly in the horizontal dimension of trust between individuals.

The world of classical music, says the writer, has always been international, and has now become truly global. Opera is perhaps traditionally, and most conspicuously, global. At any performance of the Metropolitan Opera of New York, for example, one encounters several different nationalities on stage, back stage, and in the orchestra pit. But the same is true of the plastic, dramatic, and literary arts nowadays, very different from the days when Henry James, Robert Frost, T. S. Eliot, Ernest Hemingway and Gertrude Stein, fled to Europe to find the stimulation and recognition they could not find at home. Meantime, Americans are exposed to a vast array of artistic productions from many countries and cultures: from Asia, India, the Caribbean, Eastern Europe, and Australia. Even as American artists have found their place on the world stage, so also have artists from around the world found theirs. In the aggregate they form a kind of global citizenry of the arts as reflected in the currency of their works, international conferences, critical recognition, and access to them in print, films, exhibitions, recordings, and live performances. This serves as background for a reconsideration of the controversy over government funding for the arts in the United States as the author introduces the concept of global citizenship into the debate over government support for the arts. (Contains 11 notes.)

This paper explores citizenship policies in Europe with the aim of testing the salience of the ethnic–civic binary distinction. The paper starts with an overview of the existing typologies of citizenship regimes, with a special emphasis on the civic–ethnic dichotomy. After a brief assessment of different types of selective acquisition policies in the EU, the paper discusses the emerging normative legal framework of citizenship attribution in Europe. The paper shows that the Europeanization of citizenship acquisition norms legitimizes, if not encourages, selectivity in the case of non-resident ethnic kin populations. It is also argued that due to the ambiguous international legal coding, preferential naturalization allows ethnonationalist governments to strengthen the symbolic claims of the titular national groups over the state. But quite paradoxically, these ethnically framed policies in practice often open up the possibility of the facilitated naturalization for individuals who can hardly be considered 'co-ethnics' in the thick sociocultural sense of the word. Therefore, ethnonationalist political projects that emphasize the importance the 'right of blood' may lead to the naturalization of individuals who have very weak cultural or linguistic ties to their putative 'homelands'. Thus, ethnically framed citizenship policies may water down ethnic homogeneity rather than strengthening it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I present the mobile commons and migrant commoning as the constituent power of a Europe-to-come. The theoretical basis for the proposed conceptualization comes through a well-known dispute around the concept of the 'nomos' that involves Carl Schmitt, on the one hand, and Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, on the other. I revisit this argument, and suggest that it expresses a difference between two ways of constituting Europe. The Schmittean line is organized around current policies of enclosures of borders of EUrope. The nomadic line today takes shape in a migrant (auto)nomos that resists enclosures, institutes mobile commons and possibly transgresses the concept of citizenship to the institution of commonship. I draw on contemporary theories of the commons and commoning to develop arguments for a nomadic approach to European belonging. Besides contributing to the debate on mobile commons, the article intervenes in the discussion on the future constitution of Europe in the context of migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses a central issue linked to research conducted on an eclectic conglomeration of people connected in various ways to the principal European site of the Japanese new religion of Tenrikyō. Although the center itself is in a Parisian suburb and the majority of its key actors are Japanese, the people connected to this center and its associated social world span beyond the Paris region and include various nationalities, countries of residence, and even religious identities. Moreover, the people connected to this center and the presence of the Tenrikyō religion in Europe are largely one and the same, but not entirely. A question commonly posed to the researcher by "outsiders" is how many Tenrikyō "members" there are in Paris, France, and/or Europe, and if they are Japanese or the nationality of the local country (French, German, etc.) The complexities of answering such questions are the focus of this discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Action Research is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In western Europe, municipal or otherwise state‐commissioned cemeteries and crematoria are public spaces and services, open to all. Cemeteries and crematoria grounds are neglected in geographical, planning and policy debates about the character, design, management, use and accessibility of public spaces, and likewise debates about the social inclusion of migrants and minorities. This may reflect a tendency to situate cemeteries socially and geographically in the peripheries of contemporary European society, but they are, nonetheless, sites of vital public health infrastructure, as well as being highly significant symbolic, religious‐spiritual, secular‐sacred, and emotionally laden places. Examining cemeteries‐crematoria against a criteria of inclusive public space provides new insights into (1) the nature of public space and its governance; (2) rights and barriers to shared public spaces and associated infrastructure in everyday multicultural contexts; (3) national–local negotiations of majority‐minorities social relations and cultural practices in and through public spaces; and (4) the need to place municipal cemeteries‐crematoria centre stage in scholarship and policy on public space which is culturally inclusive and serves all citizens. Municipal cemeteries and crematoria grounds are important but neglected spaces in geographical, Planning and policy debates about the character, design, use, governance and accessibility of public spaces. This paper highlights the political and cultural importance of cemeteries‐crematoria as public spaces, and their role in social inclusion/exclusion in multicultural and post‐secular European societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the everyday experiences of welfare provision among EU migrants living in Glasgow, demonstrating how the process of restricting the rights of EU citizens has occurred well before Brexit. It is based on 12 months of ethnographic research conducted in 2012 with Czech and Slovak nationals who came to the UK after 2004. Introducing the migrants' notion of zkancelovali, the paper highlights a heightened sense of insecurity in their everyday lives, which arises from the increasingly common experiences of rejections of their benefit applications and payment delays. Various state practices are discussed which raise questions about the limits of EU citizenship and show how the latter is affected not only through policies and discourses but also in everyday encounters with state officials, where boundaries between 'us' and 'them' are being redrawn. Drawing on sociological/anthropological perspectives on state, it is argued that the migrants' experiences of welfare provision can be considered as constitutive of statecraft and nation-building processes, processes which turn (EU) citizens into immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper focuses on the ways in which both state sovereignty and governance in Greece have been challenged by solidarity initiatives in unprecedented intensity. Since the beginning of the 'refugee crisis', particularly since the spring of 2015, multiple new actors have been playing a substantial role throughout the country wherever emergency conditions occurred. The paper examines to what extent state sovereignty and civil society have been repositioned through the involvement of these actors in the management of the 'refugee crisis'. In other words: To what extent has solidarity towards refugees shifted both the scope of state sovereignty and the limits of citizenship? The analysis is based on empirical material gathered from semi-structured interviews with volunteers and activists who have been working with refugees in different settings in Lesbos and in Athens, as well as with representatives of relevant authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we analyse discourses about Europe in Greek debates about immigration and citizenship and highlight the complexities of 'Europeanness' as a symbolic resource for argumentation in these debates. Our data consist of lay discourses from 2 rounds of online public deliberation (2009-2010 and 2015) about a controversial new citizenship law in Greece. Our analysis shows that Europe is an ambivalent category. On the one hand, Europe symbolises progress, but, on the other hand, it is also constructed in terms of decline and 'contamination' by multiculturalism. Further, our analysis shows that the category of Europe can be mobilised in contradictory ways, in order to support arguments for and against citizenship rights for migrants. The paper concludes with a discussion of the ways in which constructions of Europe are implicated in processes of othering and inclusion in the context of current immigration debates. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the initiation of the Erasmus programme in 1987, intra-European student exchanges in higher education are expected to promote a sense of European identity and citizenship among European exchange students. Panel studies grasping students' identification before and after participating in an exchange programme, however, remain remarkably scarce today. Moreover, the few existing studies report conflicting results. This paper adds to this debate, presenting the results of a survey conducted in 2009 and 2010 among non-exchange and exchange students from thirteen European countries, based on a pretest - posttest nonequivalent groups design (n = 400). My analyses did not find any statistically significant differences over time within and between the groups of exchange and non-exchange students, and neither between students with similar identification scores at wave 1. Finally, an analysis of the relationship between social network types and identification patterns did also not yield any significant results. Altogether, these findings suggest the impact of European exchange programmes on European citizenship and a sense of European identity is relatively limited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ricerche di Pedagogia e Didattica is the property of Universita di Bologna, Dipartimento di Scienze dell'Educazione and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes the occurrence of human trafficking in Europe. During the 1980s, a debate opened up about the meaning of the concept of free movement of persons enshrined in the Treaty of Rome 1957. Some Member States felt that this should apply to European Union (EU) citizens only, which would involve keeping internal border checks in order to distinguish between citizens of the EU and non-EU nationals. Others argued in favor of free movement for everyone, which would mean an end to internal border checks altogether. The Schengen Agreement was signed in 1985 in the village of Schengen, on the borders of Luxembourg, France and Germany. Having decided to implement the intention expressed in that agreement of bringing about the abolition of checks at their common borders on the free movement of persons and facilitating the transport and movement of goods, it could be argued that the Schengen acquis has made it easier for human traffickers to break down internal EU borders in the true spirit of the agreement, after all Schengen's main purpose was to remove all controls at internal land, sea and airport frontiers. As of 2003, there are about 3-4.5 million people living in the EU without any legal papers, with an estimated 400,000 people a year being trafficked into Member States.

Although European blood collection organizations are currently obtaining sufficient and safe blood from the majority population, they report having difficulty recruiting first and second-generation immigrants from non-European countries. Most existing studies on these underrepresented groups, who have been coined the " missing minorities " in blood donation, have adopted an instrumental approach that focuses on the development of targeted recruitment strategies to overcome specific barriers to donation faced by members of these minorities. Although this approach does offer several short-term benefits, our central argument is that it is one-sided in its questioning of the non-participation of ethnic minorities. The literature currently lacks research on how the blood procurement system is failing to include minorities. Drawing on recent social theory, we seek a broader sociological understanding of minority under-representation in blood donor populations by shifting the analytic focus toward a critical examination of the main pillars of the procurement system within the European context. This paper advances a novel analytical framework based on two general propositions. First, we apply the literature on "citizenship regimes" to argue that blood donation is part of one specific institutionalization of citizenship and solidarity. We then reconceptualize the "problem" of missing minorities in European blood donation as an application for social change, suggesting avenues related to blood collection as a way of renegotiating minority-majority relations of solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent integration discourses in Europe locate problems of equality, gender, and sexuality among migrant youth. Educating and testing the values of future citizens is supposed to guarantee their conformity with ‘western’ and ‘modern’ values. By analyzing educational reform discourses in multicultural Luxembourg, the paper aims to challenge these contemporary narratives in two ways: (1) In a historical analysis, the paper traces conservative reform resistance in the case of sex education which is often overlooked due to the focus on migrants; (2) In placing sex education’s reform legitimation and resistance within (a) broader educational reform discourses of inequality and citizenship and (b) contemporary narrations of the reforms and their taboos, the paper reconstructs how liberals and conservatives join an alliance over sexuality education of ‘the Other’. The sociological-historical discourse analysis critically questions the ethnicization of sexuality by disclosing its homogenizing use to cover conservative resistance within the citizen’s community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Social Education / Socialinis Ugdymas is the property of Vytautas Magnus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper identifi es and synthetically demonstrates the most important steps and changes in the evolution of the idea and institution of citizenship in Europe over more than two thousand years. Citizenship is one of the essential categories defi ning human status. From a historical perspective, the idea of citizenship in Europe is in a state of constant evolution. Therefore, the essence of the institution of citizenship and its acquisition criteria are continually being transformed. Today's comprehension of citizenship is different from understanding citizenship in Europe in earlier epochs of history. In some of them, the concept of citizenship existed only in the realm of ideas. In others, the idea materialised, and membership in the state (or city) and civic rights and obligations found a formal, legal expression. The formation of the idea and institution of citizenship is a long and multi-phase process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What are the contemporary 'limits of the liberal state' with respect to immigration, citizenship and the rights of ethnic and religious minorities in contemporary Europe? The papers in this special issue of the Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies examine how recent developments in Europe raise new questions regarding the relationship between liberalism, migration, identity and belonging. In this introduction, we identify three major themes that run through the papers in the issue-the use of liberal norms by states for exclusionary purposes; the possibility of the emergence of 'illiberal liberalism'; and the extent to which identity politics and policy-making may be increasingly transcending and transforming the limits of the liberal democratic state in Europe. After briefly presenting these three themes, we summarise the arguments of the individual authors and suggest possible directions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: the purpose of this paper is to engage with the debate, explore and analyse some of the literature on the concept argument of social exclusion in the literature overview and its relation with social cohesion and poverty. Furthermore the paper distinguishes between social exclusion and poverty. The debate about social exclusion this paper suggests is at the same time a debate about the social inclusion dynamics of European modernity. Design/ methodology/ approach: Research reviews of articles and research study, that will summarise and identify common themes and gaps in the literature without using statistical techniques and a brief examination of the social exclusion and social cohesion in Europe, with distinguish between poverty and social exclusion. Implication: a long term study is needed to present a practical methodology for measurement and assessment of social exclusion, and to identify the groups of individuals most at risk. Searching and piloting different ways to make communities are more inclusive but rather to change their nature, make them at one and the same time both less exclusives and less inclusive. Finding: the most highlighting findings in this paper are the social exclusion dimensions, underpinnings of social exclusion, and the different between poverty and social exclusion; however the social exclusion can lead to poverty, poverty in knowledge, poverty in skills, poverty in citizenship and poverty in community participating full in the economic, social and political life of the society where they live - often because of their language, culture, religious or racial characteristics. These groups are typically also poor. Research limitation/ implementation: a real action research need to be carried and highlight the most causes of social exclusion, and a real distinguish need to be raised on social exclusion causes in different countries even in Europe for benchmarking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose -- The purpose of this paper is to study the determinants of naturalization of non-EU immigrant household heads with a fresh look at the role of integration and ethnicity. Design/methodology/approach -- Employing data on immigrant household heads from the German Socioeconomic Panel differentiation is made among those who already have been naturalized, those who plan to take citizenship, and those who do not have citizenship and do not want it, using multinomial probit models. The subject scope includes literature on naturalization, ethnicity, and integration. Findings -- A robust finding is that German citizenship is very valuable to female immigrant household heads and the generally better educated, but not to those educated in Germany. The degree of integration into German society has a differential effect on citizenship acquisition. While a longer residence in Germany has a negative influence on actual or future naturalization, arriving at a younger age and having close German friends are strong indicators of a positive proclivity to citizenship acquisition. Likewise, ethnic origins and religion also influence these decisions. Muslim immigrants in Germany are more willing to become German citizens than non-Muslim immigrants, but there are also fewer German citizens among Muslims than among non-Muslims. Research limitations/implications -- Future research should also investigate the second-generation naturalization proclivities and those of illegals. Practical implications -- Allowing for dual citizenship helps generate more naturalizations among Muslims. Originality/value -- The paper provides a test of the relative importance of the integration approach in comparison with the ethnicity model; demonstrating that integration in German society has a stronger effect on naturalization than ethnic origin and religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the present paper we question how engineering education (and engineering) can support greater participation and inclusiveness in decision making and science and technology. We consider the work relating to engineering and society that is conducted by the scholars of science and technology studies, but which is rarely read or considered by the engineering educators who could draw on it. We consider the results of an initial analysis of data collected from interviews with the science, technology and society (STS) faculty across North America and Europe. STS looks at how technology affects society and how society affects technology, while engineers ‘create’ technology. Consequently the current authors suggest that it would be of great relevance to both engineering and STS to join up the thinking across these two arenas by focusing on a question that is not privy to the disciplines: is how can we create a socially just and sustainable future for all? We shall consider questions asked in STS of technology (engineering), e.g. what is its impact on society, who owns the technology, what are the political artefacts of the technology and we consider their influence on engineering (education). Using a phenomenographic approach to the research, 12 categories of description have emerged. Three of these categories are highlighted in this paper: participation; politics and policy; and citizenship, as they reflected themes that are rarely ‘discussed’ in engineering curricula but which appear to be uppermost in the STS arena. Participation was described in a range of ways, from approaches to participation to the case for and against it. In politics and policy much was made of the interplay between scientists and politicians and the power and knowledge games between these two arenas. Citizenship is a hotly discussed topic and is evident in a number of government agendas. Approaches to enhancing citizenship are discussed in a myriad of ventures, e.g. through public participation, being critical of information and through education. ‘It is only the oppressed who by freeing themselves can free their oppressors. The latter, as an oppressive class, can free neither others nor themselves. It is therefore essential that the oppressed wage the struggle to resolve the contradiction in which they are caught; and the contradiction will be resolved by the appearance of the new man: neither oppressor not oppressed, but man in the process of liberation. If the goal of the oppressed is to become fully human, they will not achieve their goal by merely reversing the terms of the contradiction, by simply changing poles...’. Paulo Freire, 1970 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between care and mobility. It does so within the specific context of intra-EU migration and the development of European citizenship. Citizenship of the Union bestows valuable social rights on mobile community nationals. Entitlement under the provisions is not, however, universal but conditional and privileges those in paid work. The paper considers the implications of this emphasis on paid work in two related respects:firstly, the impact on those people who move as part of the `male breadwinning family' but are not engaged in paid work (the partners and families of workers); and secondly those community citizens whose migration decisions are shaped by the need to provide unpaid care to family members. Drawing on empirical research with migrant families, the paper concludes that the concept of work in Community law places those people who are not engaged in paid work (and family carers in particular) in a highly vulnerable and dependent position. Furthermore, the assumption of fixed and predictable dependency relationships within migrant families that underpins the law (and to some degree migration theory) fails to take account of the fluid and complex nature of dependency and caring relationships over the life-course. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a critical appraisal of citizenship and governance in relation to gender. It draws on poststructuralist themes which look at the relationship between power and discourse. This perspective provides an analytical tool for exploring how gender has been understood in the construction of citizenship and governance values in Europe. Whilst the focus of this discussion is gender, the implications of this analysis for disability and race are also highlighted. The paper argues for a broader, more inclusive, ethical definition of active citizenship that, in turn, will influence how people learn to be citizens and take part in governance. A selected literature identifies different ways in which citizenship is portrayed and learned through texts, schooling, family and social behaviours and traditions. The changing European and globalisation contexts provide additional commentary on the demands for new forms of citizenship and governance. Particular attention is paid to the notion of active citizenship with some recent interpretations of the dichotomy between private (family) and public (political) domains in relation to citizenship and gender. The final sections then analyse different attempts to re-define a gender sensitive concept of citizenship, concluding with the argument for an ethical education which would empower women to play a more active, citizen role in governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]