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This paper presents an evaluation of the information literacies used by community representatives when engaging with participatory budgeting in São Paulo City, Brazil. Using questions established from context-setting interviews with stakeholders, a focus group was held in 2019 with eight participative councillors, with "in situ" interpretation, resulting in a translated transcript of the discussion. Thematic analysis was used to understand information issues faced by community representatives in relation to past research. It was found that the community representatives face informational barriers to their engagement with participatory budgeting, in (a) learning about their role (b) understanding the information needs of the communities served and (c) gathering and sharing information about local issues with stakeholders. These findings allow the refining of CILIP's definition of information literacy (IL) for citizenship and provide the basis for proposing a model for the IL of community representatives. It is also proposed that future IL research could further develop the role of digitally-enabled place and community in shaping the landscape of literacy and the role of hyperlocal representation. Additionally, the role of translation in cross-lingual IL research is considered.

The fragmentation of academic work and its uneven distribution among academic staff have produced particular challenges for new entrants to teaching in Higher Education, Early Career Teachers [ECTs]. In this paper, documentary analysis of the narratives of fourteen ECTs, who worked across six different continents, was undertaken. The findings highlight the diverse forms of precarity that ECTs face, which cut across migratory, identitarian, economic, and ideological dimensions. It discusses ECTs' reflections on their expectations of teaching and their adaptation to the demands of neoliberal Higher Education. Drawing from their narratives and Sevil Sümer's theories of differentiated academic citizenship, ECTs are recognised as 'precarious academic citizens'. This has important implications for revealing the unique circumstances of this group, thereby opening further questions as regards their mentoring and support to enable them to be situated more equally as citizens of the academy.

This paper is the result of bibliographic and documentary research, whose object was the relationship between citizenship and education in Brazil today. The research problem was to identify the extent to which regressive citizenship, understood as an action aimed at reducing social rights, has impacted the modern social contract and, in it, the educational and non-school educational processes, observing the actions of two regressive social movements: MBL (Free Brazil Movement, or Movimento Brasil Livre, in Portuguese) and "Escola sem Partido" (School Without a Party).

This article discusses ways in which the São Paulo human rights short film festival-"Entretodos" developed between 2013 and 2016. It considers the festival from the perspective of a coordinator and promoter, discussing its achievements within the socio-political context of this global city, and of Brazil more broadly, where there has been resistance to advances in human rights culture (HRC). Data from the festival gave rise to an analysis of the relationship between art and emancipation, which is presented here from a philosophical perspective. The author illustrates how the experience of hosting a human rights short film festival in São Paulo has led to the development of a municipal human rights education (HRE) policy and to the conviction that art and citizenship, including learning for citizenship, human right and conviviality, can go hand-in-hand. The article argues for a pedagogy of sensibility, which centres learners' humanity, as an approach to HRE. [This paper was translated by Norman Michael Rodi and Kavita Lamba. It was presented at the International Conference on Human Rights Education -- ICHRE (9th, Sydney, Australia, November 28, 2018).]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to describe six recovery-oriented peer support experiences and strategies implemented in different regions of Brazil in the past 12 years, and explore challenges to their development and potential for empowerment and citizenship. Design/methodology/approach: In this paper, a group of stakeholders in mental health services involving people with lived experience of severe mental illness describe their experiences with services of peer support. These were all conducted in Brazil and in partnership with the International Recovery and Citizenship Collective (IRCC) and The Yale Program for Recovery and Community Health. The authors met monthly to exchange experiences, studies and practices, and six experiences were selected, described, analyzed and compared. A discussion of these experiences, their challenges, impact and potential followed. Findings: The explored experiences emphasize that peer support, lived experience leadership and advocacy are feasible in the Brazilian mental health system and can help advance the Brazilian Psychiatric Reform. Research limitations/implications: This paper is limited to the experience of researchers already engaged in peer support work in six cities in Brazil. Although they represent several different regions in Brazil, there are areas it has not reached. Further research should address and provide a broader view of peer support and recovery strategies spreading in the country. Social implications: These experiences demonstrate the feasibility and acceptability of the recovering citizenship approach to reduce stigma, promote empowerment, autonomy, activism and advocacy, and increase a sense of belonging for those in recovery and marginalized by society. The Brazilian psychiatric reform can benefit from including peer supporters as mental health treatment providers. Originality/value: This paper provides a novel view of the state of the art of peer support initiatives in Brazil and can inspire individuals, government and communities as they see and understand the breadth, depth and meanings of these peer support experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how diverse governance modes can be and how they require different bureaucratic capabilities. We test two main hypotheses: different policy sectors require particular governance modes, and different governance modes operate with distinct bureaucratic skills. The inquiry uses a survey applied to over three thousand civil servants of the Brazilian government that covered these two dimensions of the bureaucracy's performance: relationships and skills. The paper's findings confirmed both hypotheses. The analysis showed that infrastructure and productive development sectors relate more with the private sector; security and citizenship with state governments; and social/environmental sectors with municipalities in a decentralized context. Regarding bureaucratic skills, they vary according to the governance modes, highlighting the core of government as the most qualified sector. In conclusion, the analysis highlights that particular institutional arrangement, policy nature, and sector dynamics must be taken for granted to understand how modes of governance are built and operated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For educators, the anti-globalization movement has created a literature of opposition which offers enhanced opportunities for teaching critical analysis of neo-liberal political economy. The movement also aids those who wish to teach how First World wealth and privilege is functionally related to Third World poverty and underdevelopment. The pedagogy of travel/service learning offers promising advantages in both areas. This paper outlines an innovative history course which has been successful in attaining these outcomes. The author's purpose is to present the course as a model to enhance conventional pedagogies. The course possesses a unique "rotating venue" design which in alternate years travels to Argentina, Peru, or Brazil, where students work in short-term community development projects. The author's underlying assumption is that with some caveats, what students learn in any of these countries can be applied to understanding the greater surrounding region. The author begins by describing the course, its methodologies, and the development of "adoption relationships" with Latin social agencies. He discusses some of the active learning techniques employed to link experiential with conceptual learning. Finally, the author offers a variation on Paulo Freire's theory of concientizacao (consciousness-raising) to explain how First World students can benefit from a travel/service learning experience. (Contains 1 table, 1 figure, and 23 notes.)

Education for Global Citizenship (E4GC) offers many opportunities to explore spirituality and a sense of how one fits into the world at a range of levels. Beyond the Curriculum Boundaries is a project that enables student teachers to consider E4GC alongside issues of multiculturalism, antiracism and democracy education, with a strong focus on religious education and geography. This paper outlines the ethos behind the project, identifies key elements and themes, appraises student responses, and evaluates key learning points. Student teachers respond to the module in a variety of ways that inform their learning and teaching, and development takes place on both personal and professional levels: as the project has developed the awareness of children's worldviews and the sense of interconnectedness with others has grown, adding an increasingly spiritual dimension to learning. This article argues that E4GC provides an effective vehicle for supporting the often-overlooked spiritual dimension of children development. (Contains 1 note.)

This paper presents an evaluation of the information literacies used by community representatives when engaging with participatory budgeting in São Paulo City, Brazil. Using questions established from context-setting interviews with stakeholders, a focus group was held in 2019 with eight participative councillors, with in situ interpretation, resulting in a translated transcript of the discussion. Thematic analysis was used to understand information issues faced by community representatives in relation to past research. It was found that the community representatives face informational barriers to their engagement with participatory budgeting, in (a) learning about their role (b) understanding the information needs of the communities served and (c) gathering and sharing information about local issues with stakeholders. These findings allow the refining of CILIP's definition of information literacy (IL) for citizenship and provide the basis for proposing a model for the IL of community representatives. It is also proposed that future IL research could further develop the role of digitally-enabled place and community in shaping the landscape of literacy and the role of hyperlocal representation. Additionally, the role of translation in cross-lingual IL research is considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Discussion Papers is the property of Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The current moralistic take on adolescent sexuality in Brazil raises the importance of sexual citizenship when examining adolescent fertility policies. Literature on the capacity contract lends a useful lens for understanding the ramifications of the construction of adolescents as sexual citizens. This paper investigates how the conceptualisation of adolescents within the capacity contract may relate to the problematisation of adolescent pregnancy in Brazil. To investigate this, I conduct a Foucauldian discourse analysis of federal level documents. These pertain to adolescent sexual and reproductive health programmes, guidelines and a campaign between 1989 and 2020. To examine the visibility of adolescents and adolescent pregnancy, I conduct a content analysis of health indicators and surveys from health registries from the same period. My evidence shows that adolescents found themselves in contradictory and dynamic positions within the capacity contract. Notably, when adolescents were attributed less agency, they were governed more paternalistically. Their choices and vulnerabilities regarding fertility seemed then more likely to be ignored. I conclude that this way in which adolescents were constructed as sexual citizens may have hindered a holistic policy approach to adolescent pregnancy. This highlights how the capacity contract falls short of protecting those deemed incapable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical, social representations about stigma and prejudice related to unhoused people cause psychological distress, feeling of shame, and withdrawal from family and social relationships. This paper aimed to understand how unhoused people and health professionals perceive, reproduce, elaborate, and address the representations produced by their social conditions. This qualitative research employed participant observation, interviews with 24 unhoused people, and a focus group with professionals from the services providing care to the unhoused people. The study was conducted in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, where crack use is very prevalent. An analysis was performed using the phenomenological narrative method. Stereotyping conjures the self-image of an unworthy, unwanted person, which justifies daily discrimination and, above all, the loss of the most critical condition of all beings, namely, their human condition, besides legitimizing the lack of care and violence against them. Deepening the relationship between prejudice and discrimination in the context of vulnerable populations and health services can assist therapeutic projects that promote the reduction of psychological distress, better care, and social recognition of citizenship of the unhoused people.

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Copyright of Global Social Work / Trabajo Social Global is the property of Trabajo Social Global - Global Social Work and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper identifies the relationship between the nationality of shareholding nationality, controllership and organizations characteristics than 426 companies publicly listed in Brazil, Bolsa e Balcão (B3). The organization structure is characterized for the standardize structure through the similar actions with the objective for guide the company to achieve its long-term purposes set as goals. The organizational characteristics are single and needed to be in consistence with the mission, vision and values of the companies. The research was characterized as exploratory, descriptive and quantitative, using the documental research technique and relying on a checklist as a data collection instrument. The operationalization of the data took place by descriptive and inferential statistics. The results indicated that regardless of the nationality of the company's shareholding control, its business behavior is similar, its cultures, values and characteristics are not related to the organizational characteristics adopted, identifying isomorphic behaviors. This perspective of isomorphic behaviors believes the companies have tendencies for to copy practices and customs of others, making them similar, independent of their symbols, myths and beliefs. Although many works talk about the individual characteristics of companies, this study identifies the isomorphic behavior among all publicly traded companies listed on the Brazilian stock exchange. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Quaestio Iuris (QI) is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines how new technologies are employed by the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies to stimulate experiences of digital engagement. It also evaluates how new technologies are put in practice by the institution, considering its potentialities and limitations in mediating the relationship between the parliament and the citizens. This analysis is anchored in concepts put forth by Polsby about arena parliaments and transformative parliaments, in order to evaluate which of these models of engagement tools have greater potential. The study concludes that the use of digital technologies by the Brazilian Parliament is very diverse, with a variety of tools that allow for the interaction and engagement of citizens, although these tools have the greatest potential for the arena parliament model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines family planning in Brazil as biopolitics and explores how the democratization of the State and of reproductive health services after two decades of military dictatorship (1964–1984) has influenced health professionals’ and family planning users’ discourses and practices. Do health professionals envisage family planning as a ‘right’ or do they conceive it, following the old neo-Malthusian rationale, as a ‘moral duty’ of poor people, whose ‘irrational’ reproduction jeopardizes the family's and the nation's well being? And how do their patients conceptualize and embody family planning? To answer these questions, this paper draws on 13 months of multi-sited ethnographic research undertaken between 2003 and 2005 in two public family planning services in Salvador da Bahia, where participant observation was undertaken and unstructured interviews were conducted with 11 health professionals and 70 family planning users, mostly low income black women. The paper examines how different bio-political rationalities operate in these services and argues that the old neo-Malthusian rationale and the current, dominant discourse on reproductive rights, gender equality and citizenship coexist. The coalescence of different biopolitical rationalities leads to the double stigmatization of family planning users as ‘victims’ of social and gender inequalities and as ‘irrational’ patients, ‘irresponsible’ mothers and ‘bad’ citizens if they do not embody the neo-Malthusian and biomedical rationales shaping medical practice. However, these women do not behave as ‘docile bodies’: they tactically use medical and non-medical contraceptives not only to be good mothers and citizens, but also to enhance themselves and to attain their own goals. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article reviews the main themes-we are here; this is who we are; insurgent citizenship; Amazon Nation-elaborated in this collection of papers on new Amazonian geographies, and extends their implications to ideas about governmentality and regional identity. The article contextualizes the papers in this issue through understanding Amazonia's role in the structuring of the contemporary Brazilian state through resistance to conventional modernist authoritarian development planning, and the creation of current places and politics through the assertion of new forms of citizenship, identity, governance and the rise of socio-environmentalisms as part of a new 'statecraft' from below. Modern Amazonia has reasserted itself by developing a set of alternative epistemes and practices which can be seen, in their language and ideologies, to invoke the idea of the 'Amazon nation.' This article emphasizes the cultural underpinnings of these processes in a contested Amazon that is now a major supplier of global agricultural commodities in its deforested landscapes, and pivotal for local livelihoods and planetary environmental services in its forested ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista Memento is the property of UNINCOR - Universidade Vale do Rio Verde and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Latin America, and particularly Brazil, inequality and social exclusion continue to plague the quality of democracy despite two decades of transition and consolidation. Still, in Brazil, the Workers’ Party has been remarkably successful over the past decade, explicitly addressing the problem of social exclusion and ‘incomplete citizenship‘. This paper provides an analysis of the case of Porto Alegre covering the four Workers’ Party municipal administrations from 1989 to the present in order to assess the significance of social incorporation and citizenship for the quality of democracy in Brazil. The paper discusses some conceptual notions that are relevant for the question of democracy in Brazil, particularly the role of citizenship and civil society in ‘deepening’ democracy. Then the paper goes into the evolution and dynamics of Porto Alegre's system of ‘participatory budgeting’. The paper's assessment of this experience with respect to its performance, depth and robustness shows that ‘participatory budgeting’ has had positive effects with respect to the provision of public goods services, the quality of governance, and citizens’ participation in what is seen as a new ‘public space’ shared by the local state and grass roots organisations. The paper concludes by relating the case experience to the question of citizenship, civil society and democracy and by reflecting upon its wider implications for the current and future quality of democracy in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista Internacional de Folkcomunicação is the property of Rede Folkcom Rede de Estudos e Pesquisas em Folkcomunicacao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Recent waves of migrants are establishing an increasingly visible presence in the urban landscape of São Paulo, both in its centre and its peripheries. Though a city with a rich history of immigration and diversity, the arrival of migrants in recent decades has not been accompanied by specific municipal policies for the migrant population, an absence which affects in particular, low-income migrants. Urban social movements for migration take on the role of attempting to govern migration in the city by providing everyday support to migrants as well as mobilising them as a political group to demand changes on both national and municipal scales; yet these movements have limitations. The paper thus also highlights the agency of migrants in accessing their rights through empowering micro-level social networks and through individual negotiations with legal possibilities. Drawing on examples of institutional, activist and migrant practices in addressing questions of inclusion and exclusion in the city, the paper will trace the multiple and still fragmented ways of articulating rights and developing a sense of urban citizenship as newer waves of migrants join the urban landscape of São Paulo. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Brazil has established a well-known constitutional right to health. Legal scholars have focused largely on one aspect of this right: the role of the courts in enforcing health care access. Less attention has been paid to another aspect: citizens' right to participate in health planning. Participation is a constituent component of Brazil's right to health that is intended to guarantee accountability and fair resource distribution for improved population health. In this paper, drawing on constitutional analysis and interviews carried out for my doctoral research, I discuss Brazil's national-level participatory body, the National Health Council, and its potential for fostering accountability and balancing individual and societal interests in health policy. Effective participation, I contend, is a way to strengthen Brazil's health system to the benefit of the entire population, rather than only those who have access to the courts. This paper seeks to underline the constitutional requirement of participation as a core element of the realization of the right to health in Brazil and to invite other legal scholars to critically engage with the way in which Brazil's right to health is implemented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores rural Brazilians' interpretations of and ethical reflections on political clientelism. Brazilian elites often regard the people of the dry hinterland (sertanejos) as lazy, politically apathetic, and prone to corrupting democratic elections through the sale of their votes. Here I argue that the sertanejos living in the northeastern state of Piauí practice a form of clientelism that entails an ethical distinction between degraded vote buying and morally upright electoral transactions with politicians. For the sertanejos of Piauí's interior, ethical electoral transactions do not corrupt democratic elections; they reverse the moral damage that elections themselves cause. Elections refigure socially embedded persons as numerical individuals destined to be added together as equal quanta of generic value. Ethical transactions reconstitute the voter's socially embedded personhood after the election has passed. However, rather than vindicating clientelism, this analysis draws attention to the social inequalities that prevent some people from practicing the ethical forms of political exchange. It therefore builds toward a standpoint for critiquing political clientelism that does not reproduce liberal idealizations of democratic citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper suggests that new understandings of rights associated with right to the city movements in many cities around the world are subverting special treatment rights (understood as privilege) and the systems of differentiated citizenship that support them. To make this case, it examines the Brazilian formulation of differentiated citizenship as a telling historical example of a politics of difference based on a combination of universal membership and special treatment rights. It argues that by denying the expectation of equality and emphasizing that of compensatory equity in the distribution of rights, Brazilian citizenship became an entrenched regime of legalized privileges and legitimated inequalities. This paper then analyzes the insurgence of an urban citizenship in the poor peripheries of Brazilian cities since the 1970s, which promotes new kinds of contributor rights, the text-based rights, and the right to rights. It ends with a discussion of the entanglements and contradictions of these formulations of citizenship and rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In the course of globalization, migration, and urbanization, the meaning of 'citizenship' undergoes a change, even though its normative core -- that is, the human rights and the related duties -- do not directly change. The present paper follows some possible transformations of citizenship which are directed to strengthening local ties. How and in which context does a local citizenship emerges? As is well known, Brazil is the only country, in which the right to the city is inscribed in the National Constitution. In light of the mentioned transformations, this article examines selected results of a research about citizens experiences in participatory procedures for urban planing proposals in Germany and Switzerland. Although such participatory forums are important for public opinion formation, it is clear that politics meaning decay in face of private interest, so that local citizenship might be questioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on participatory urban planning as a model of urban reform and democratic invention in Brazil. Its case material regards the formulation and implementation of two sets of urban laws of very broad consequence. First, we discuss briefly the chapter on urban policy in the 1988 Citizen Constitution and the federal law that it mandates. The latter is the Estatuto da Cidade, the City Statute, from 2001, which required that 1600 cities (approximately 30%) of Brazilian municipalities either create Master Plans or reformulate existing ones according to its principles and on the basis of popular participation. Second, we focus on São Paulo’s Master Plan (2002) and Zoning Law (2004) that fulfill this requirement and on the Plan’s required revision in 2007. By examining this massive constitutionally mandated formulation of urban policy, our aim is to analyse the development of a new paradigm of urban policy that reinvents master planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Through an ethnographic study of a document in urban Brazil—the electricity bill—this article argues for developing a relational and materialist approach to citizenship. It analyzes the uses and meaning of this document for favela residents, the state, and the private electricity provider, within projects to regularize illegal connections and the so‐called "pacification" program, a state security policy to re‐establish state territorial control. It investigates the tensions between the market‐oriented processes of electricity regularization and citizenship by examining the implications of this contractual change on the way state and non‐state actors and residents frame rights and responsibilities linked to membership in society. Analysis of this document reveals how citizenship framing takes specific shape in line with both state reforms and urban processes of differentiation. It shows that the bill both materializes normative ideas of "deserving citizenship" as a territorial, moral, and material process, and realizes the potential for political contestation. The article thus expands on analysis of documents as material mediators of social and political relations and proposes an understanding of citizenship as a negotiated process involving people, state, and non‐state actors and objects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper begins by analyzing a few questions about participatory democracy and citizenship in a broad manner, in Portugal and Brazil, in present times, inserting the Participatory Budgeting in this context and its institutional development. In a further stage, it presents considerations concerning experiences of Porto Alegre, RS, Brazil and the Municipality of Cascais, Lisbon, Portugal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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From the later 1970s through to the end of the military government in Brazil (1985), many social scientists saw signs of a new form of citizenship and a deepening of democracy emerging in favela residents' associations. Some maintained the dream, even as it became clear that the restoration of party politics, pervasive clientelism, and effects of economic globalisation tended to corrode and isolate the associations. Over the decades, however, the dream has been further shattered by studies, mainly of favelas in Rio de Janeiro, which show the associations destroyed or enfeebled in the course of drug wars and the dynamics of ‘the militarisation of urban marginality’ (Loïc Wacquant). This paper reviews several of these studies, and concedes much to them. However, a basis for maintaining the dream is found in a shift of focus from residents' associations in particular favelas to networks and a ‘new institutionality’ in urban politics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]