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Whilst cities can be sites of creativity, innovation, and change, they can also reproduce the conditions for the exclusion of vulnerable groups. Older people report experiencing specific barriers to accessing the city and are often excluded from the resources for ageing well. The smart city agenda has attempted to bring about technological change whilst also delivering improved quality of life for urban citizens. Smart technologies are a key element of the smart city and are viewed as having the potential to support the independence, autonomy, and well-being of older people. Yet, there has been little research exploring the role of the smart city in supporting the social inclusion of older people, nor any attempt to link this with key policy drivers on ageing e.g., age-friendly cities and communities. In response, the aim of this paper is to explore the experiences of older people living in a smart city in China and discuss how the smart city and age-friendly agenda can be brought together to support positive social outcomes for older people. The paper presents qualitative findings from a multi-methods approach, including semi-structured interviews, walking interviews and focus groups. A total of 64 older people participated in the research across three diverse neighbourhoods in the case study smart city of Chongqing, China. The findings identified opportunities in the development and deployment of smart city, including the potential for improved health and well-being and social connectedness. Yet in delivering on these benefits, a number of challenges were identified which may widen social inequalities, including inequities in access, issues of safety and security, and exclusion from the co-production of smart city policy and practise. The paper discusses the implications of the findings for future smart city policy and practise, specifically in delivering interventions that support older adults' social inclusion and the delivery of age-friendly cities and communities.

Romania aims to be a country in which all citizens are provided with an equal opportunity toparticipate in society, where their basic needs are met and their differences respected, and whereall people feel valued and can live in dignity.Our society is still far from this ideal. One in every five Romanian people is income poor. Most of the people living in relative poverty in Romania are in persistent poverty, meening that they have been in poverty for at least the last three years. Despite its relatively low unemployment rate, the country has a very high rate of poverty for in-work people, which is double the EU-27 rate (9 percent). As a response to this situation, the Government of Romania (GoR) has committed itself to lifting 580,000 people out of poverty by 20205 as part of the Europe 2020 Strategy.By 2020, Romania is committed to putting in place a set of policies and programs to (i) lift at least 580,000 people out of relative income poverty by 2020, compared to 2008; (ii) break the inter-generational cycle of poverty; (iii) prevent the recurrence of poverty and social exclusion; and (iv) ensure equal access to social assistance, cash transfers and services to strengthen social cohesion.the GoR asked for the World Bank’s support to develop detailed implementation plans for the 2015-2018 period in the form of nine Flagship Innitiatives that are expected to have the greatest impact in terms of reducing poverty and promoting social inclusion. This Atlas of Rural Marginalized Areas and Local Human Development in Romania represents the Flagship Initiative develop an instrument to identify poor villages and marginalized rural communities. Specifically the Bank’s technical assistance provided through this project has helped the GoR to develop: (i) a methodology for defining different types of rural marginalized areas based on a set of key criteria and indicators; (ii) detailed maps that present the spatial distribution of the rural marginalized communities by county; (iii) a methodology for defining degrees of local human development from low to comprehensive development, for rural and small urban settlements; and (iv) detailed county-level maps of local human development. In short, the Atlas helps to define which rural areas are marginalized, who lives in these areas (the profile of various disadvantaged groups), and where they are located in Romania.

Crime and violence impede development and disproportionally impact poor people in many countries across the world. Though crime and violence represent serious problems in many countries, less-developed countries experience particular concentrations, especially those that are characterized by fragile or less-trusted government institutions and pervasive insecurity. Under such circumstances, human, social, political, and economic development suffers. Research across the globe has shown that holistic approaches that focus on the entire spectrum of a government's crime response chain, ranging from crime prevention to enforcement, tend to have better outcomes than isolated interventions involving only the police or other individual government agency. To date, most of the Bank's investment in efforts to reduce crime have focused on crime prevention in the form of urban and social development programs. Investment and policy lending that support the improvement of police operations to reduce crime and develop stronger neighborhoods are more limited. To assist country teams and client counterparts in their efforts to develop effective, holistic responses against crime that include the police, justice reform staff in the Governance Global Practice teamed up with internationally recognized experts to compile evidence-based good practice information for developing effective police responses to crime. The resulting three part publication, titled Addressing the Enforcement Gap to Counter Crime: Investing in Public Safety, the Rule of Law and Local Development in Poor Neighborhoods outlines the impact of crime and violence on development and the poor in particular and explains a proven three-pronged approach to creating police agencies that work in collaboration with communities and other government and private service providers to identify crime problems, develop holistic and inclusive solutions the apply a restorative justice approach. The publication also outlines how such approach can be integrated into Bank projects and client country reform plans.

Paralleling the increasing disparities in income and wealth worldwide since the 1980s, cities in developing countries have witnessed the emergence of a growing divergence of lifestyles, particularly within the middle classes, reinforced by the widening gap between the quality of public and private educational and health care institutions, spatial segregation, gated communities, and exclusive semiprivate amenities. This erosion of social cohesion and citizenship in urban society has sharpened the growing perception and reality of exclusion. This book is arranged as follows: (i) chapter one discusses on the growing importance of inclusion in urban areas; (ii) chapter two describes trends affecting social inclusion in urban areas; (iii) chapter three focuses on infrastructure and public services: a powerful tool to promote social inclusion; (iv) chapter four explains restoring the social function of public space; (v) chapter five deals with access to land: a critical factor at the core of inclusion and exclusion; (vi) chapter six describes the erosion of inclusive options for affordable housing; (vii) chapter seven talks about generating revenues to finance urban improvements: land-based financing; (viii) chapter eight focuses on the right to the city; (ix) chapter nine describes Nongovernmental Organizations (NGO) and Community-Based Organizations (CBO) as strategic partners in driving the implementation of inclusionary programs; and (x) chapter ten has concluding remarks.

Violent crime has emerged as a growing development challenge, affecting large segments of societies, and taking a severe toll on economic development. In many high crime environments, weak institutions, fiscal constraints, and political resistance have undermined the effectiveness of development programs and threatened their sustainability. The World Bank has begun to confront this challenge. The country of Honduras is the most violent in the world as measured by its homicide rate, which reached 90.4 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2012. This report presents the findings of a study of crime dynamics and prevention practices focused around a comparison of nine neighborhoods in three of the most violent cities in Honduras: La Ceiba, El Progreso, and Choloma. The research revealed that although the transnational drug trade, economic downturn, and political crisis have deepened the country’s vulnerability, some neighborhoods have successfully prevented crime. Drawing from extensive qualitative research in these neighborhoods, the study identified practices that communities pursue to prevent violence through collective responses. It also examined the characteristics of communities, societal factors, and institutional context that have enabled or constrained these responses. The research points to measures that can be built upon, scaled up, and tested through future research and programming to strengthen community-based crime prevention. It illustrates how deep examination of the dynamics of insecurity - and the ways communities manage it - can inform efforts to improve public safety in violence-prone countries.

The current report is part of the work on integrating poor areas and marginalized communities in Romania. Specifically, the Bank's technical assistance provided through this project focuses on three primary components: (1) a methodology for defining different types of urban disadvantaged communities based on a set of key criteria and indicators; (2) detailed maps that present the spatial distribution of these indicators and the corresponding types of marginalized communities; and (3) strategies for integrating these communities in the form of an integrated intervention tool and six conceptual pilots. The atlas presents the methodology used to define different types of urban disadvantaged areas as well as urban pockets of urban marginalization where deprivation is most severe. It identifies criteria and sets of indicators for each type that enable their identification and spatial location using the 2011 population census data. The atlas also produces the results of an analysis to determine the rate of urban marginalization in Romania and the characteristics of urban marginalized communities. Lastly, the atlas presents a series of maps at the city and town, county and regional level that present the spatial distribution of disadvantaged areas and marginalized communities, based on data from the 2011 population and housing census and information collected directly from municipalities.

Dans le contexte actuel de mobilité indienne vers les grandes villes, Bogotá et ses alentours témoignent du surgissement de maisons traditionnelles amazoniennes destinées à un secteur particulier de la population urbaine. À partir de la reconstitution de ce processus cet article analyse la reconfiguration de la maloca et de certains éléments qui lui sont associés. En particulier la figure de l’anciano, les alliances interethniques avec d’autres acteurs indiens et non indiens et la formation progressive d’un groupe distinctif « d’entrepreneurs ethniques» au sein de la communauté Uitoto, résidente en ville. L’interaction entre ses acteurs met en question l’image traditionnelle de l’Indien, une image qui semble se dissoudre pour créer un nouveau spectre de possibilités d’identification. In the current context of indigenous mobility toward the largest cities, Bogotá and their outskirts have been witnesses of the establishment of Amazonian ceremonial houses – malocas – destined to a specific sector of the urban population. In order to reconstruct this process the present article analyzes the reconfiguration of the maloca and of some of it associated elements. Particularly, the figure of the anciano, the interethnic alliances with other native actors and not-natives of the urban setting and the progressive establishment of a distinctive group of “ethnic entrepreneurs” inside the indigenous community Uitoto resident in the city. The interaction among these actors questions the traditional image of the native, image that today seems to be dissolved to create a new spectrum of identification possibilities. En el contexto actual de movilidad indígena hacia las grandes ciudades, Bogotá y sus alrededores han sido testigos del establecimiento de viviendas ceremoniales amazónicas destinadas a un sector particular de la población urbana. A partir de la reconstitución de este proceso, el presente artículo analiza la reconfiguración de la maloca y de algunos de los elementos asociados a ella. En particular, la figura del anciano, las alianzas interétnicas con otros actores indígenas y no-indígenas del escenario urbano y la progresiva gestación de un grupo distintivo de “empresarios étnicos” dentro de la comunidad Uitoto residente en la ciudad. La interacción entre estos actores cuestiona la imagen tradicional del indígena, imagen que hoy parece disolverse para crear un nuevo espectro de posibilidades de identificación.

For the 2014-2020 programming period, the Government of Romania (GoR) is considering a new approach presented by the European Commission (EC) - community-led local development (CLLD). Through CLLD, empowered communities have the opportunity to directly shape and own the process of local development, during all stages of EU - funded interventions, from concept design through implementation. If Romania ultimately pursues CLLD, the critical task facing the government is to design an optimal implementation framework for the new approach - this is precisely the focus and scope of the current integrated intervention tool (IIT). The preparation of this IIT entailed a number of steps, including extensive field work to define relevant subtypes of urban marginalized communities and to review past experiences with urban integration in Romania. This summary covers multiple sections, in line with the key chapters of the main IIT report. It first reviews CLLD's main features and best practice principles at the EU level. It focuses on Romania, making some recommendations for where CLLD can apply and what it will require in terms of coordinating different sources of funding. It also covers the main six stages of operationalizing CLLD in Romania, as follows: launch: preparations through capacity building and information campaigns; call for expressions of interest regarding the potential submission of local integration strategies (LISs); mobilization of the community for the establishment of local action groups (LAG) and development of LIS by each LAG; selection of strategies to be financed; implementation of LISs approved for financing, including selection and implementation of individual projects under these strategies; and phase-out activities and evaluation.

Rapid urban growth in developing countries has created an unprecedented demand for energy services. Cities face the enormous challenge of improving energy access to urban communities in order to improve education, health, and basic socioeconomic conditions. South Asia and Sub- Saharan Africa have the fastest growing urban populations in the world projected to grow by 50 percent by 2025. This will put tremendous pressure on cities in these regions as they work to provide basic services, including energy services, to underserved areas. While there is widespread understanding of the critical role energy access plays in sustainable development, there is still a lack of policies targeted at growing urban poor populations. The objective of these case studies is to share lessons learned in successful energy access initiatives and to provide a point of reference for energy practitioners. The case studies identify barriers to energy access that are unique to the urban poor, innovative approaches to finding solutions, and the roles of communities, service providers, and governments in successfully providing access to legal modern energy services. Eight case studies focused on electrification and clean fuels were selected from India, Bangladesh, Colombia, and Brazil all countries that have had varying success in providing access to modern energy services for slum dwellers. The cases selected highlight several common barriers facing the urban poor in achieving access to safer, cleaner, and legal sources of energy. They also outline the innovative approaches adopted by all stakeholders. This study demonstrates several common barriers and highlights diverse ways to overcome them. It shows that success depends on several enabling factors working together, such as stakeholder collaboration and community empowerment. Sustainable initiatives that have the potential to be replicated in other urban poor communities depend on the continued commitment of stakeholders, and the presence of strong financial and institutional mechanisms.

The purpose of this study was to provide a better understanding for policy makers and service providers of mobility and migration among ex-combatants and the effectiveness of Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) programming in Uganda. The study followed a scoping study on migration in Uganda conducted in March 2011 by the Transitional Demobilization and Reintegration Program (TDRP) of the World Bank. This study had the following specific objectives: 1) to analyze push/pull migration factors of ex-combatants in Uganda, with a specific focus on social as well as economic factors both within communities of origin and at new communities of re-settlement; 2) to explore any impact of DDR programming on migration of ex-combatants in Uganda; 3) to increase the understanding of the impact of migration by ex-combatants on the effectiveness of past and current DDR programming, specifically on reintegration efforts; and 4) to generate recommendations on how to improve DDR programming, taking into account findings from other related studies.

Together with reductions in indirect taxes on food imports, cash for work programs were one of the main responses implemented by African governments following the food, fuel, and financial crisis of recent years. The main objective of those programs was to help the poor cope with the various shocks by increasing their net earnings through community-level work paid for under the programs. Yet it is unclear whether these cash for work programs indeed reached their intended beneficiaries and to what degree they generated other, potentially long-term beneficial impacts. This paper explores these issues in the context of Liberia and the performance of the Cash for Work Temporary Employment Program (CfWTEP) funded by the World Bank through an emergency crisis facility in response to the 2007/2008 food crisis. Both quantitative and qualitative data are presented, focusing on the operational and policy experiences emerging from program implementation. This paper analyzes the context that led to the creation and implementation of the CfWTEP in Liberia, the nature and administrative arrangements for the program, and its operational performance. The objective is to share the lessons learned from evaluation findings so that they can be useful for implementing similar programs in the future in Liberia itself or in other countries. Findings from the analysis highlight the possibilities of implementing public works program in low capacity, post conflict setting and the scope for using the program as a springboard towards a broader and more comprehensive social safety net.

Sustainable development is a major issue in planning policies. Reducing inequalities affecting inhabitants in their connection to a healthy environment is an important element to take into account in sustainable planning. Indeed, such inequalities may undermine the sustainability of territories. The aim of this research is to identify and characterize environmental and ecological inequalities in the context of urban coastal areas through a systemic analysis of the relations between population and their territory. A quantitative and qualitative approach was conducted on midsize French urban communities at different levels (national, coastal, municipal and infra-municipal). This work allowed to discuss the concept of environmental and ecological inequalities, to establish criteria and indicators to measure and analyze how environmental and ecological inequalities are perceived and addressed by local actors (inhabitants and local representatives). The coast can be seen as a vector of environmental and ecological inequalities, with heterogeneities depending on what territories are considered. Indicators of territorial quality developed at the infra-municipal level allowed to objectify and understand the interrelation between environmental and ecological inequalities. The analysis of interviews conducted on working population helped understanding how those inequalities are perceived and how local solutions in urban planning may be elaborated. Finally, semi-structured interviews with local representatives have introduced a political vision of the territory and of its future structural changes in the context of the establishment of a Local Intermunicipal Urbanism Plan.; Les thématiques du développement durable sont omniprésentes dans les politiques d’aménagement. La réduction des inégalités dans la relation des habitants à un environnement de qualité est un élément important dans l’objectif de promouvoir des territoires soutenables. En effet, ces inégalités peuvent remettre en cause la durabilité des espaces. L’objectif de ce travail est donc d’identifier et de caractériser les inégalités environnementales et écologiques (IEE) dans le contexte littoral urbain par une analyse systémique des relations entre populations et territoire de vie. Une double approche quantitative et qualitative a été menée, en France, sur les communautés d’agglomération de taille moyenne à différentes échelles (nationale, du littoral, communale et infra communale). Ce travail a permis de proposer une réflexion autour du concept d'IEE, d’établir des critères et de rechercher des indicateurs pour objectiver et mesurer les IEE et d’analyser comment elles sont perçues et prises en compte par les acteurs du territoire (habitants et élus). Le littoral peut être considéré comme un vecteur d'IEE, avec des nuances en fonction des territoires. Les indicateurs de qualité du territoire mis au point, à l'échelle infra communale, ont permis d'objectiver et de comprendre les relations entre les IEE. L'analyse d’entretiens directifs menés auprès d’actifs a permis de comprendre comment ils perçoivent ces IEE et construisent des solutions territoriales pour s'y adapter. Enfin des entretiens semi-directifs avec les élus ont apporté une vision politique du territoire et de ses futures évolutions structurelles dans le cadre de la mise en place d'un plan local d’urbanisme intercommunal.