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The Long March of the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Red Army is hailed as the "Red Ribbon on the Earth." The Long March was characterized by revolutionary heroism and, at the same time, was no lack of revolutionary romanticism. This arduous journey also presented two difficult questions: whether to celebrate festivals and holidays or not and whether to celebrate them simply or grandly. By exploring such trade-offs, we can appreciate a strong sense of national identity among the Red Army soldiers as idealists, grasp more historical details of the world-shattering Long March, and feel the resilience and greatness of the Chinese nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the Japanese colonial period, Korea's reading public paid close attention to Chinese revolutions against Japanese and Western empires. Korean nationalists viewed China's revolutionary struggles as important for liberating Korea from Japan, a stance that reveals a transnational basis of Korean nationalism in the colonial era. One such nationalist was Sin Ŏnjun (1904–38), Tong'a Ilbo 's Shanghai-based correspondent, who played a critical role in conveying the momentous events in contemporary China to colonized Koreans. Drawing on Sin's example, this article shows how Sino-Korean transnationalism constituted Korea's left-wing, progressive nationalism in the 1930s. Although Sin Ŏnjun was a nationalist rather than a communist, he highlighted the communist struggles in China in his dispatches. He saw communism as the only viable way of solving China's internal and external problems, although he, at the same time, disapproved of Chinese communists' "terrorist methods." This article argues that this position also reflected his stance in favor of a broad communist-nationalist alliance in the Korean independence movement. He saw Korea's liberation agenda as closely related to the revolutionary events in China, thus accomplishing a synthesis between Korean nationalistic and social aspirations and an East Asia–wide transnational paradigm of a universal emancipatory struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why is the period from the Opium War through the Republican era in recent Chinese history treated by so many scholars of different stripes as a decline of China itself, rather than as a decline simply of the dynastic order? What is the nature of the Republican period? What role has the centralization and decentralization of power played through these years – and is it limited to the Republican period, or is it part of a much longer trend in Chinese history? Why have so many scholars fixated on the Opium War at the beginning of Chinese modernity? Mizoguchi asks these penetrating questions and makes telling comparisons with Japan over roughly the same period of time. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

During the Republican era, traditional shrines to fallen soldiers in various places were converted into shrines commemorating the martyrs of the 1911 Revolution. Martyrs' shrines thus became places of memory for the 1911 Revolution. Revolutionary martyrs' shrines occupied an important position within the Republican era's locus for remembering the 1911 Revolution and gradually attained sacred status as part of the national worship system. Although the martyrs' shrines of the Republican era preserved the form of traditional shrines, their memorial rites and interior displays were similar to yet different from old-style shrines: they were multifunctional spaces integrating worship and exhibition, which transformed the traditional space for worship into a sacred vehicle for modern national memory. This caused the people who entered the space to feel respect and admiration for the martyrs and form a profound memory of the Revolution. As a vehicle for national memory during the prewar era, martyrs' shrines played an important role as nationalistic symbols. At the same time, due to the influence of traditional regionalism, martyrs' shrines also became vehicles of regional memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Wang Jingwei's ideas on nation and race before the 1911 Revolution. It has often been agreed by scholars that there was a strong current of anti-Manchuism among the revolutionaries and as a result, on the eve of the 1911 Revolution, the revolutionaries remained divided as to whether the new Republic should inherit all the territories ruled by the Manchu dynasty and whether it should include the Manchus into the nation. It was only in the reformist camp led by Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao that the Manchus were unambiguously regarded as part of the Chinese nation. This article suggests that in the revolutionary camp before the 1911 Revolution, it was Wang Jingwei who broke new ground in mapping out a place for the Manchus after the revolution. He stood out among the revolutionaries in the clear formulation of the idea that the new Chinese nation should be composed of different nationalities including the Manchus. This article also suggests that although Sun Yat-sen had an influence upon Wang Jingwei's political thinking during the Tongmenghui (Revolutionary Alliance) times, Wang's intellectual talents and resources enabled him to outgrow Sun's framework and develop his own ideas. His concepts on race and nation and perceptions of Han-Manchu relations owed a considerable debt to the Swiss legal scholar, Johann Kaspar Bluntschli. Wang Jingwei has been a much reviled political figure in twentieth century Chinese history. His contribution to the formulation of a racial identity for the new Chinese nation has long been underrated, and this article attempts to throw light upon this aspect of his political thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]