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The major objective of this paper is to re-evaluate the EU-China bilateral relations under the recent Community initiatives and also from the perspective of the visit by the China's President to the EU. The Joint Communication of the European Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy entitled "EU-China Strategic Perspective" but also the Strategic Dialogue and the Legal Affairs Dialogue of March 2019 identified a set of recommendations for the member states so that their coordinated actions lead to fair, equitable and mutually beneficial relations. In general, most of the old EU member states are the ones who strongly support the Community initiatives in relationship with China, while countries such as Greece, Italy, Portugal and also countries of Central and Eastern Europe rely on cooperation with China not only due to economic reasons, but also motivated by their expected role within the EU. The multiple interpretations of President Xi's visit to the EU highlight the need for unity among member states, but taking into account the benefits of participating in large-scale Chinese initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper focuses on four research objectives. First, it reflects how the interactions in the US-EU-China triangle impact on the Sino-EU relations. The renewed evidence of American unilateralism represents the most recent and significant factor influencing the relationship between China and the EU. As emphasized by the Joint Communiqué adopted at the 20th EU-China summit which took place in July 2018, China and the EU are committed to multilateralism. Both sides seem ready to make more concessions now, even if the EU still remains closer to the US than to China due to the complex system of their corresponding political values and economic models. Second, the analysis underlines changes at the level of another recent determinant of Sino-EU relations, namely the 16+1 cooperation framework. Notwithstanding China's endeavours to demonstrate that 16+1 is not against the EU unity and its economic objectives, this framework is still seen as a "divisive" factor. Third, starting from the EU's objective to become a global player and from the evidence that nowadays no entity can have this status in the absence of a strong presence in the Indo-Pacific region, this research briefly emphasizes the actual system of relations in Asia-Pacific under the recent American Indo- Pacific vision. Fourth, the investigation adds a case study and points out various intensities of cooperation with China among the Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries, Hungary revealing the strongest political will to consolidate its ties with China, while Romania maintaining its "wait-and-see" attitude. Given the growing uncertainty surrounding the system of international relations and increasing protectionist trends, the paper concludes that China and the EU benefit from a unique moment, which might be conducive to a deepening of their strategic partnership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper has three main research objectives. First, we define a country's image through its principal dimensions, channels of communication (including the Public Diplomacy) and impact on the international relations framework. Second, we underline the specific determinants of China's image worldwide. The literature review emphasizes this country's distinctive "assets and liabilities", taking into account the role played by the political system in the Chinese economy, external factors, associated with the generally accepted norms and values, the geographical distance that hinders the direct contact and mutual understanding. Third, on the basis of recent studies, we analyze how China is perceived in different regions/countries and demonstrate that the economic rationale of international relations is stronger than that induced by a partner country's image. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Global Economics / Revista de Economie Mondială is the property of Institute for World Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Global Economics / Revista de Economie Mondială is the property of Institute for World Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present paper has three main objectives. The first one is to emphasize the rationale for creating the 16+1 platform. The second goal is to underline the evolution of the common targets of the participants, through the lens of the five summits that took place during 2012-2016. The third objective is to highlight the heterogeneity of the CEE-16 and China's need to set specific targets, according to the characteristics and opportunities offered by each country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we bring to the forefront the complexity of the networked relationships in the Indo- Asia-Pacific space and their multi-layered structure (including economy, development, culture, security, defence, history, diplomacy). In spite of the dynamism and deep transformations of the Asian economies during the last decades, the US has only recently started to rebalance towards this region. Among the determinants of the new strategy there could be identified: tapping the economic potential of the region; countering the rise of China and counterbalancing regional alliances; redefining norms and rules in Asia-Pacific. From the variable geometry alliances in Asia- Pacific, we analyze two case studies, US-China-India and US-China-ASEAN and underline that: (1) not only the US, but also other stakeholders such as India are rebalancing towards Asia- Pacific; (2) the new strategy reflects two contradictory objectives of the US foreign policy: a constructive relationship with China, on the one hand and strengthening alliances to the detriment of China in order to counter its rise, on the other hand. In our view, until the US presidential elections are not expected major foreign policy changes, nevertheless starting with 2017 the "pivot" towards Asia-Pacific might become even more evident. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the present paper, we examine the larger context of China's "going out" approach and its policy towards CEE-16. We analyze also the distribution, structure and trends of the Chinese ODI in five CEE countries, correlated with its investment projects, motivations and constraints. In the final part of the paper we bring to the forefront Romania as a destination for Chinese ODI, providing an analysis of the Chinese investment evolution, their specific features, weaknesses, accomplishments and prospects of further development. The structure of our research is determined by its four main objectives: to generate an overview of the Chinese ODI, to underscore the new cooperation framework between China and CEE-16, to analyze the Chinese ODI in CEE-5 and appraise the untapped potential of its relationship with Romania. Consequently, the paper is structured in four main sections, preceded by an introduction and concluding with a review of the main results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: In a globalized and multipolar world, the concept of “regional leader” represents a core element. Gradually, besides the USA as “a universe unto itself” for more than five decades, there emerged other poles of power, initially under the form of regional leaders. Among the main regional leaders, we can mention: Germany, France and United Kingdom in Europe, Japan, China and India in Asia, Russia at the confluence between Europe and Asia, Brazil in Latin America. Simultaneously, it appeared and deepened different forms of alliances, associations and unions characterized by different degrees of economic integration. Taking into consideration its ascension during the last decades, we can assert that China has the vocation of a global leader. Resorting to a set of indicators and indexes and shares in the world GDP, trade and investment flows, we demonstrate that the EU, USA and China are at present the three major poles of economic power in the world. While the first two are recording a decline in terms of their shares in the global GDP, trade and investment flows, by contrast, China is marking an accelerate rise in the field of trade in goods but a moderate one at the level of trade in services and FDI. The financial and economic crisis emphasized furthermore some trends, pointing out the major challenges induced by the relocation of the poles of economic power in the world. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The main objective of the present paper is to identify the most relevant features and developments of the trade in goods between Romania and China between 2000 and 2012, drawing upon the statistical data provided by the Romanian Ministry of Economy and the National Institute of Statistics. *The result of our analysis shows that, although the Romanian and Chinese economies reveal complementarities able to generate considerable opportunities for trade, the bilateral trade relations could not be developed yet to their full potential. The Chinese-Romanian trade in goods kept rising during the last decade, reaching a record high in 2011 in spite of the economic crisis, but its overall level remains low. Exports and imports are still unbalanced and goods are often channeled through intermediary countries because direct connections between Romanian and Chinese companies are still poor. Also, the trade structure had an unfavorable evolution from Romania's standpoint. Nevertheless, the outlook is encouraging, considering the new opportunities created by the Chinese leadership decisions to more intensely foster and stimulate economic cooperation with Central and Eastern European countries in future years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]