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The Russian invasion of Ukraine and the recognition of the rising challenge from China have resulted in a closer alignment of American, British and French strategic interests. This policy paper explores how the strategic relationship between the United States, the United Kingdom and France has evolved amid this changed threat environment. The Russia–Ukraine war exposed the limitations of France's policy of 'strategic autonomy' and reasserted the importance of an American role in European security. The war has re-focused attention upon the Lancaster House framework in which the UK and France have the potential to enhance their contribution to European defence. The UK still regards its 'special relationship' with the US as being of critical importance to its foreign policy. But the UK's diminishing military power makes it a less valuable ally to the US whose attention is increasingly upon the Indo-Pacific region. The paper argues that the alignment between the three countries has been closer over the Russian war in Ukraine compared to attitudes towards China, where tensions between France and the 'Anglo-Saxons' persist. France has been unwilling to adopt the American approach towards China and has stuck to its vision of a multipolar world. The AUKUS deal arranged between the US, UK and Australia had the effect of alienating France. The policy paper contends that the temporary alignment between US, UK and French interests will erode as long-standing conflicts of interest re-emerge. In particular, the unpredictability of US leadership will damage the trilateral relationship if Donald Trump regains the presidency in November 2024. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is noteworthy that as the Russia-Ukraine war enters its third year, China still maintains a firm position consistent with that of the previous year, endeavouring to promote peace talks and ceasefires. This paper employs the content analysis of 97 academic papers on the Ukraine Crisis in Chinese core journals (CSSCI) from February 22, 2022, to February 22, 2024. The research results suggest that Chinese scholars offer a multidimensional analysis of the development of the Russia-Ukraine war. The paper concludes through content analysis and comparison that Chinese scholars share the same stance on the Russia-Ukraine conflict as Chinese officials. First, Chinese scholars call for promoting the transformation of the global energy system, accelerating the development and use of new energy sources, and promoting the development of innovative capabilities to cope with the multiple crises caused by economic sanctions. Second, the Russia-Ukraine war has exacerbated multiple global security crises and traditional and non-traditional security issues, severely affected the global security system, and created a new security dilemma. Third, scholars advocate the concept of “a community with a shared future for mankind” and build a post-Russia-Ukraine war world security pattern.

In this paper, author identifies the significance of Russian vector in Uzbekistan's foreign policy during the reign of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev (since 2016). Neoclassical realism was the theoretical basis of the study within which foreign policy strategy of the state is explained primarily by the influence of systemic variables and secondly by “intervening” (state level) variables. Paper consists of several parts. The introduction outlines features of Uzbekistan's geopolitical position and research goal. The following parts examine political, economic and military cooperation between Uzbekistan and the Russian Federation. Single section of the paper is devoted to the issue of Uzbekistan's possible entry into the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). As result of the study, author comes to several conclusions. First conclusion is that in period from 2016 to 2021 the trade and economic cooperation with Russia was intensified. The most vivid illustration of rapprochement process between the two states is the agreement on joint construction of nuclear power plant in the territory of Uzbekistan. At the same time, there is an increase in trade with China, which has been the largest trading partner of Tashkent since 2015. This allows us to conclude that Uzbekistan's foreign economic strategy is to balance between Russia and China. Second conclusion is that in recent years, Tashkent has expanded trade relations with the EAEU. In 2019, a broad discussion has begun in the state regarding accession to the EAEU. Author considers that in the presence of certain disadvantages, membership in this Union would be useful for Uzbekistan, since it will help to avoid economic dependence on China. Third conclusion is that in 2016-2021, military cooperation between Tashkent and Moscow is intensifying: the import of Russian military equipment is increasing, joint military exercises are being held (after a twelve-year break). At the same time, Uzbekistan is trying to develop security cooperation with the United States and China, thus balancing between Moscow, Beijing and Washington. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term "Revolution in Military Affairs" (RMA) has been one of the most significant areas of study for international relations scholars during the last seventy years. Its interpretation is debatable. This paper, after approaching the matter theoretically, seeks to underline the main weaknesses of the American RMA along with their implications against the efforts of its main competitors, Russia, and China. The two, in the age of information technology, try to undermine their competitor's advantages and manage to accomplish their own breakthrough in the field, with each displaying its own unique approach to the matter. Going full circle, some recommendations are suggested for the United States at the end. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to present the most important voices on the role of the US in the international order during Donald Trump's presidency in the debate held in the Foreign Affairs. The authors assume that Foreign Affairs expresses the opinions of the most crucial organisation bringing together the elites of American foreign affairs – the Council on Foreign Relations. The paper proposes a hypothesis according to which there is a difference of opinion due to the adopted theoretical perspective regarding Trump's role in the destruction of the liberal international order among the American power elites, even though they agree that the ideological conflict between democratic and authoritarian countries around the world is escalating. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of the Greater Eurasian Partnership (GEP) has gained increasing currency in Russian foreign policy. The Russia–China partnership has been presented as its bedrock through a partnership between the Eurasian Economic Union and the Belt and Road Initiative, further expanding to include other regional powers from across East Asia, South Asia, Central Asia, and Middle East as well as nonwestern multilateral groupings (SCO, ASEAN). Given the centrality of Asia‐Pacific to this expansive concept, GEP has to deal with the challenges posed by the evolving regional geopolitics of the East and the rise of the Indo‐Pacific amidst heightened US–China rivalry. The paper seeks to conduct a policy review of GEP and its proposed development format in light of ongoing changes in the East to determine the likely future of the concept in a contested region that also remains at the center of this expansive Russian vision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses the position of the British institutions, of the embassy in Peking and of the consulate general in Kashgar, before the attempt of the Afghan ruler Amānallāh to establish diplomatic relations with the Chinese Republic in 1920. Amānallāh, who ascended the throne of the emirate in 1919, rejected the British protectorate over Afghanistan and his victory in the Third Anglo-Afghan War certified the country’s full independence. The provisional nature of the 1919 Treaty of Rawalpindi, followed by the Anglo-Afghan Treaty of 1921, left many doubts still open about the international status of Afghanistan. Moreover, the proximity between Afghanistan and the Russian Bolsheviks introduced a further ideological element of difficulty in the geopolitical picture of Central Asia after the First World War. Central to the diplomatic dialectic was also the status of Afghan subjects in China, particularly in Hsin-chiang, and to whom their possible consular protection should be entrusted. The last part of the paper is dedicated precisely to the analysis of a specific case, the arrest of a man considered an Afghan by the Chinese, but subject of the princely state of Chitral according to the British. The case helped to better define the boundaries of the matter. The paper is essentially based on British archival sources.

Current wargaming techniques are effective training and research instruments for military scenarios with fixed tools and boundaries on the problem. Control cells composed of officiants adjudicating and evaluating moves enforce these boundaries. Real-world crises, however, unfold in several dimensions in a chaotic context, a condition requiring decision-making under deep uncertainty. In this article, we assess how pedagogical exercises can be designed to effectively capture this level of complexity and describe a new framework for developing deeply immersive exercises. We propose a method for designing crisis environments that are dynamic, deep, and decentralized (3D). These obviate the need for a control cell and enhance the usefulness of exercises in preparing military and policy practitioners by better replicating real-world decision-making dynamics. This paper presents the application of this 3D method, which integrates findings from wargame and negotiation simulation design into immersive crisis exercises. We share observations from the research, design, and execution of "Red Horizon," an immersive crisis exercise held three times at Harvard University with senior civilian and military participants from multiple countries. It further explores connections to contemporary trends in international relations scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies focusing on China and Russia, whose relationship is of key importance to the configuration of the international system, have been evolving dynamically in various disciplines. We analyze the evolution of this research by focusing on the fields of International Relations and Area Studies. This novel bibliometric study employs Biblioshiny, AntConc, and VOSviewer to analyze 947 publications collected from the Web of Science Core Collection, focusing specifically on 266 publications in International Relations and Area Studies. While mapping research on China and Russia over the last three decades (1990–2019), we identify the main trends regarding the annual distribution of papers, document types, dominant journals, collaboration networks between countries, and the most productive authors. We also establish prevailing research themes resulting from keyword analysis and their respective growth over time, as well as the density of the most frequently used terms and methods employed in the selected research fields. Finally, we identify fruitful avenues for further research, while also demonstrating how the bibliometric approach can inform and direct developments on China and Russia studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper author examines the perception of Central Asia by contemporary Russian thinkers and scientists: "neo-Slavophiles", "Eurasians" and "Westernizers". Author established the existence of significant differences between three groups of experts in the assessment of Russia's foreign policy in relation to Central Asian states. This conclusion applies equally to the attitude of selected Russian scientists concerning China, as well as to Russia's prospects in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The object of this paper is a geopolitical analysis of the great powers’ competition in the Balkans. The main reason for the research is the unquestionable impact that the Ukrainian crisis, which is divided in the paper into two phases, has on the Balkans. The authors emphasised that competition between the US and Russia is dominant, while China is geopolitically suppressed. For the US, the main geopolitical framework is Euro-Atlanticism and the policy of NATO enlargement as its most important instrument. Also, it was argued that the EU’s approach is completely complementary to NATO’s. Regarding Russia, the phases of the neoEurasian geopolitical concept and their influence on practical policy were explored. Russia’s primary goal is to prevent further NATO expansion, but that policy has experienced several failures in the Balkans. Four scenarios for ending military operations in Ukraine were analysed and their influence on the Balkans assessed. The main conclusion is that the Balkans will continue to be the object of competition between the great powers, and that the extent to which the balance of power between Euro-Atlanticism and Eurasianism will be possible will depend on the outcome of the current Ukrainian crisis.

The paper emphasises the importance of information and communication technologies (ICT) in modern society. In the introductory part of the paper, the authors describe different terms, such as “information environment”, “information superiority”, “information warfare” (IW), and “information operations” (IO). The authors analyse the concepts of IW of the United States of America (US), China, and Russia. The mentioned research subject is directly related to the objective of the paper, aimed at emphasising and explaining strategic documents, manuals, handbooks, and other documents, given in the second part of the paper. The result of the research is the identification of similarities and differences in perceptions and views about information warfare. The authors conclude that at the present moment, all three countries are aware of the importance of information and ICT, especially in the case of armed conflict. The information space is increasingly an area of conflict between the mentioned countries, both in peace and in war. It is estimated that their importance will grow in the future. The advantage and dominance that the US used to have are decreasing in relation to the competitors.

Central Asia, the hub of natural resources, has been the battleground of international power politics among the big powers since long. In order to have influence in the region, the Russian and the British Empires indulge in the "Great Game". However, it ended with the collapse of the Russian empire. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 created an unexpected power vacuum in Central Asia followed by a fierce competition between the big three, Russia, China and US. This competition is commonly known as "The New Great Game" in the present day international politics. The rich energy resources are usually considered the main reason of the renewed interests in the region and provide principal motivation for Russia, China and US. However, the role of energy resources is usually overstated. This paper will identify which other factors along with energy resources should be considered in order to have a broader and comprehensive understanding of the present Geo-political scenario in the Central Asia. Using the Neo-Realist approach, this paper will first analyze the significance of the Central Asian states, how they provoke strategic competition between great powers and how pipeline politics translate it. Finally, the paper will analyses the competing interests of Russia, China and US and the strategies adopted by each for the achievements of its objectives. It will be concluded by stating that how Russia, China and US struggle to attain, keep and enhance power and that energy resources are just a mean to this supreme objective. It will also conclude by asserting that although the great powers behave aggressively and self-interestedly they may find a minimum degree of cooperation to tackle common concerns such as a growing radical Islamism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes Sino-Russian relations in Central Asia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The goal of the analysis is to place the Sino-Russian relations within an appropriate theoretical context and provide a possible outcome of the current balancing in Central Asia. The analysis relies on the Chinese and Russian investments in energy resources, security initiatives, mutual cooperation and activities to contain the US expansion in Central Asia. Although over the last few decades Sino-Russian relations have been based on the US containment policy, security and economic partnership, their relationship is rather complex. The period of severe conflicts between 1917 and 1950 was followed by a progressive era of oil exploration, student exchanges and various other partnerships. The Sino-Russian rapprochement ended in 1960 and started again in 2008. Although they currently have many common interests, Central Asia remains an area of potential dispute for both countries. Analyzing recent Chinese investments in Central Asia, it becomes obvious that Beijing does not intend to withdraw from the region, while Russia is unlikely to continue tolerating the rising Chinese influence in Central Asia, as the Russian role has already been significantly reduced in this region. The pipeline that was supposed to connect Siberia with the Chinese province of Xinjiang has been postponed because Putin believes that it could give China advantage over Russia's internal, as well as external political processes. Putin's decision did not stop China's expansion in Central Asia and Russia is expected to invest significant efforts in order to avoid the Chinese dominance in the region. The Chinese expansion and Russian stagnation complicates their mutual relations, and things get even more complicated if growing US presence in Central Asia are taken into account. This paper analyzes the above-mentioned issues and provides a possible outcome of the current Sino-Russian balancing in Central Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout history, Central Asia was seen as a vital region by the great powers that struggled for the influence in this region in the past. After the breakdown of the Soviet Union, new independent states have emerged in Central Asia. This article provides an analysis of China’s implementation of foreign policy towards Central Asian states through soft power. China recently implemented the idea of soft power as a crucial foreign policy instrument. The study focuses on the fact that soft diplomacy can be essential in forming an attractive image of China in the international arena. Furthermore, it argues that China’s ambition to become more authoritative in the region is associated with the activation of efforts in its soft power policy. Employment of soft power is entirely determined by China’s national interests. It is in China’s national interests to establish a secure and peaceful climate for its economic advance, to adjust its vast and growing energy needs, and to curtail the domination of other powerful actors. Thus, this article offers an analysis of China’s soft power and its application within the Central Asian region in pursuit of its foreign policy tasks. The paper aims to solve the following problem: What is China’s soft power and how does it use it in the Central Asian states? To address the problem, we compare Chinese soft power to the policy of other regional actors. The goal is to study China’s foreign policy in Central Asia, with the purpose of highlighting Chinese political strategy in the region. The article begins with the discussion of China’s foreign policy chief aims and objectives to understand the meaning of good neighborhood diplomacy, which forms the basis of China’s soft power diplomacy in Central Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) outlines a new conceptual framework that would allow China to play a bigger role in the world economy and international relations. However, the conceptual foundation of the BRI establishes essential components of the Chinese foreign (economic) policy in the long run. Understanding China’s BRI development strategies may help the neighbouring states to learn Beijing’s intentions at the regional level. Is the BRI China’s vehicle for the road to a peaceful development or is it a covering strategy for acquiring, at least, regional hegemony? Moreover, how the BRI is going to develop considering the COVID-19 outbreak? The goals of the essay are to examine the core features of China´s most audacious project: The Belt and Road Initiative. However, the scope of the paper goes further explaining BRI’s geopolitical aims, how the COVID-19 may transform the project, and its relevance to China´s financial reformation process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research of Eurasian regionalism mostly focuses on the Eurasian core, for example, Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, which have been pursuing a more exclusive and closer form of integration – Customs Union/Eurasian Economic Union. Other countries of the post-Soviet space are often described as post-Soviet ‘escapists’ or ‘isolationists’ and mostly discounted in the analyses of the Eurasian regionalism. The paper looks at six post-Soviet states, who opted out from the Eurasian Economic Union, and analyse their interaction with the EEU. The paper argues that despite tensions in relations with Russia, most of these countries are reluctant to entirely disrupt their economic relations with the post-Soviet Eurasia. The paper argues that six countries of the post-Soviet Eurasian periphery effectively pursue policies of a looser form association with the Eurasian core. This finding allows to argue that Eurasian regionalism, similarly to its European model, consists of the core and outer circle. The outer circle is featured by overlapping regional arrangements and growing presence of external powers and growing number of transit and trade flows linking this Eurasian periphery with the West and Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

China's relationship with Russia has been on an upward trajectory since the late Soviet period, with the strategic partnership growing steadily since the end of the Cold War. Built on political-economic-strategic convergences, the two sides benefit from their cordial engagement, both at the bilateral and multilateral level, without the obligations associated with an alliance relationship. This alignment has ensured that despite the asymmetric nature of this relationship characterised by China's rise, the partnership has gone from strength-to-strength. This has particular implications for Indian foreign policy, which has been dealing with an increasingly aggressive China that is now considered a leading security challenge. The development of the Asian supercomplex has accelerated India's already growing engagement within a regional security complex that is critical for its own security and its future positioning in the international system. Due to implications for India-China ties under conditions of Asian supercomplex, as the Sino-Russian partnership continues to gain strength, its ramifications will reverberate across the whole spectrum of Indo-Russian ties. The article will track the development of Sino-Russian relationship and how it reflects in the emergent regional security complex, before examining the challenges and choices for Indian policymaking in the context of its 'special and privileged strategic partnership' with Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ostensibly, Joe Biden's victory over Donald Trump in the 2020 presidential elections should have placed United States international policy back on a familiar path. However, despite the prevalence of a highly traditional vision of US foreign policy, the Biden administration has maintained significant continuities with the previous administration, as reflected in the policy towards China and the withdrawal from Afghanistan. In part, this is due to the constraints produced by the deep divisions that exist at domestic level. This paper aims to unravel the fundamental elements of Biden's foreign policy, focusing on possible ideological and doctrinal elements, strategic priorities, and any continuities and changes relative to his predecessor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper challenges dominant understandings of 'rising powers' by developing a decentred, relational account of Russia and China in Central Asia. We ask whether Moscow and Beijing's regional integrative strategies do not guide, but rather are led by, everyday interactions among Russian and Chinese actors, and local actors in Central Asia. Rising powers, as a derivative of 'Great Powers', are frequently portrayed as structurally comparable units that concentrate power in their executives, fetishise territorial sovereignty, recruit client states, contest regional hegemony and explicitly oppose the post-1945 international order. In contrast, we demonstrate that the centred discourse of Eurasian integration promoted by Russian and Chinese leaders is decentred by networks of business and political elites, especially with regard to capital accumulation. Adopting Homi K. Bhabha's notion of mimicry (subversion, hybridity) and J. C. Scott's conception of mētis (local knowledge, agency), and using examples of Russian and Chinese investments and infrastructure projects in Central Asia, we argue that in order to understand centring discourse we must look to decentring practices at the periphery; that is, rising power is produced through ongoing interactions between actors at the margins of the state's hegemonic reach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: This paper aims to explore current and perspective trends of relations between Russia and China in Afghanistan and Central Asia. It also analyzes whether the withdrawal of the U.S. and the subsequent Taliban takeover helped—and continues to help—strengthen the two powers' positions in the region and what kind of challenges and benefits they face. The paper examines the hypothesis that the U.S. troop withdrawal from Afghanistan and the Taliban's return to power added to Russia and China's benefits in the region. Methods: The research uses content analysis regarding official documents, political and military elite speeches, interviews, and reports to explain Russia and China’s official positions and policies regarding Afghanistan and Central Asia. Relations between the two powers as regards Afghanistan and Central Asia are comparatively analyzed. The paper uses the neorealist approach, which is fit for explaining relations between Russia and China in Afghanistan and Central Asia. Results: After the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, regional security is now the business of the regional powers, mainly China and Russia. Now they should bear the responsibilities and share the burdens. There is probably more ground for competition after eliminating the threats in Afghanistan and especially in Central Asia for Moscow and Beijing. However, Russia and China will continue to try to align their interests in Afghanistan and Central Asia, especially if their relations with U.S. remain at the current level or worsen in the coming years. Conclusions: Based on the findings, this paper argues that, on the one hand, Russia and China continue to try to take advantage of the instability in the region by stepping up their security and economic influences in Central Asia. However, their stabilizing efforts in Afghanistan following the withdrawal of the U.S., ironically may increase competition between China and Russia.

This paper is an essay on the last moments of a new ideological movement, trumpism, and on the arrival of a new president, Joe Biden, at the White House. Without denying some of Donald Trump's accomplishments as a president (such as moving the US embassy to Jerusalem, brokering Israel's reconciliation with the Gulf countries, strengthening US policies toward China), I believe that his flaws and especially his pathetic response at the end of his term ruined some of the few good things that he did. In the paper, I analyze trumpism as an ideology, how it came to the events of January 6, 2021, with an attack on the Capitol, and what would be the challenges that the Republican Party will face in the next years. President Joe Biden took office with an open agenda to reset, metaphorically speaking, the White House, and to reverse Trump's decisions. I analyze some of the appointments Biden made for his staff and administration, what is expected from his policies, and what his solutions will probably be. I put a particular focus on Joe Biden's possible foreign policy, analysing the Putin-Xi-Biden triplet equation.

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Purpose |!|#8211; The purpose of this paper is to understand the changes in Swedish and Finnish companies|!|#39; traffic flows and evaluate the future prospects. Design/methodology/approach |!|#8211; Research was implemented through web-based questionnaire. Furthermore, numerous second-hand sources were used to gain knowledge. Research was conducted in three parts: first research was executed in 2006, second in 2009 and the third was realized in 2010. Findings |!|#8211; The main findings support previous studies arguing that the traffic between Europe and China will continue to grow in the future. However, contrary to earlier studies, the balance will change from eastbound to westbound traffic. The future prospects to Russian traffic are stated as a slight increase in demand: however, the balance is shifting from eastbound to westbound transport, and it is noted that the transport flows from Russia to Europe might increase in the near future. Research limitations/implications |!|#8211; Empirical data were gathered from two North European countries, Sweden and Finland. To follow the development in the market, and in order to make more general conclusions, research should be extended to include other countries. Furthermore, economic downturn|!|#39;s influences on traffic flows and its development could be analyzed in a year|!|#39;s time. Practical implications |!|#8211; The research aggregates data from three surveys and evaluates the companies|!|#39; standpoints. The study results could be used to evaluate the companies|!|#39; development trends in Finland and Sweden. In addition, the research provides valuable data for the business world, as well as for academia, by adducing the market actors|!|#39; outlook. Originality/value |!|#8211; The paper contributes actor-level data to the subject, which previously has been scrutinized mainly via second-hand data and literature analyses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper elaborates on the geostrategic significance of the Mediterranean and the Mediterranean Sea in the past, as a precondition for consideration of current and future events in this macro-region. The author firstly considers the manifestation of the power, influence and interests of the great powers in the Mediterranean through a historical and spatial perspective. The paper analyses political and economic changes in the Mediterranean through the theoretical and practical approach of great powers` navies engagement. The author points out that the geopolitical and geostrategic importance of the Mediterranean will further increase in the future, as a result of constant regional and global aspirations to increase the political and economic dynamics of this region. The growing competition between the United States and China will have a direct impact on the Mediterranean. The author concludes that the Mediterranean will remain a „testing polygon“ for the United States, China and Russia, and a region in which political and economic processes and strategic changes in the world could be witnessed most obviously.

The primary objective of this paper is to trace the shifting balance of power in favour of China in South Asia by examining the Sino-Russo entente. The trajectories of their strategic relations have gained momentum after the announcement of the 'Asia Pivot ' and the unfolding of the Crimean crisis. As their synergy is currently changing the status quo of south Asian states, the paper has attempted to explore three main factors fo r the same. Moscow-Beijing-Tehran Axis; warming up of Russo-Pak ties and China's revival of the old silk route have been analysed to examine their respective consequences in altering the balance of power. Also, India's concerns have been addressed and some policy options have been discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Western Balkans has been and remains a particularly dense zone in terms of the number of actors present, where the interests of all the leading actors in world politics are bizarrely intertwined. The Ukrainian crisis has added spice to the Balkan agenda, reviving “frozen conflicts” not only within the borders of the region but also beyond its perimeter. Directly dependent on the outcome of the armed confrontation in Ukraine and separately from it, a clash or, at least, an intensification of external actors in the Balkan direction seems inevitable. The historical-systemic approach used in the study and the paradigm of multipolarity made it possible to trace the probable directions of activity of both regional and external actors. Based on a wide range of sources, the work provides a panorama of the foreign policy positioning of regional capitals; identifies major and minor external actors; shows the transformation of approaches and practical steps of key actors through the prism of the ongoing crisis. External actors - the European Union (EU), China, Great Britain, Russia and the United States - are divided into groups in accordance with their positions regarding the pre-crisis Balkans and the Balkans in the face of the fierce confrontation between Russia and the West. Among Western interests, special attention is paid to Great Britain, whose activity in the Western Balkans after Brexit is affiliated with the West in general, but not with the United States (despite all the history of strategic partnership in the region) and, moreover, with the EU separately. Against the background of the dominance of Western institutions in the region, the paper traces, however, the growing role of China, as well as external actors of the “second plan” with an oriental flavor: Türkiye, Iran, and the states of the Persian Gulf. An analysis of Russia’s prospects in the region has shown that the crisis in the system of international relations has largely nullified the results achieved earlier. The degree of Russia’s involvement in the crisis raises the question of its resource capacity, the ability to further maintain its own positions. Additional difficulties will be associated with the consolidated efforts of the Western allies and other external actors, including China, to balance Russian influence and presence in the Western Balkans.

There are a variety of literatures that illuminate the logic and character of the post -Cold War transformation of the global system. One literature explores the rise and decline of the great powers and the international orders that they establish and dominate. This paper explores the evolution of the international system in historical perspective with particular emphasis on the role of the United States before and after the end of the Cold War against a backdrop of broader global context. It concentrates on the end of bipolarity and the emergence of unipolar system with American dominance and hegemony and its further decline. Washington failed to endorse with practical means its declared goal of “benign hegemon”. The author makes a comparative analysis between the dawn of the British Empire and current stage of crisis development of the United States with principal issue of transformation of the world order from unipolarity to multipolarity or from single power dominance to a more balanced international system. The paper also touches upon the strategic errors the American elite has made in its relationship with Russia and China referring to them as ”adversaries and revisionist powers” hostile to the US. America shortsightedly opened the gates of modernisation before China in the vain hope to make it an ally against the Soviet Union only to be disappointed later. And it underestimated the significance of rapid Russian assertion after the break up of the Soviet Union only to have a unique situation of “two fronts” in American history. As a result of his research the author comes to a conclusion and thoroughly substantiates it with facts that a new world order emerges which can be referred to as “improved status -quo” or alternative order with new economic, financial and political institutions in sight as opposed to the old Breton - Woods system of post WW2 American dominance. Still the open question persists whether this transformation can be peaceful and consensual or fraught with new hardship for the people and even military confrontation among great powers.

The article deals with the main purposes, opportunities and risks of the Republic of Korea’s involvement in integration projects. The author stresses the basic principles of South Korean foreign economic strategy, including common views of the different president administrations on key foreign economic priorities, including constant support of business expansion towards the most prominent markets. The analysis focuses also on new methods of support of national business interests: the transition from rigid defense of domestic market to adoption to growing competition at home as far as foreign partners agreed to open their markets to South Korean export. The paper describes role of bilateral Free Trade Agreements (FTA) and regional mega-projects in South Korea’s foreign economic diplomacy. Comparison study of bilateral Free Trade Agreements between the Republic of Korea on the one side, European Union, the USA and China on the other sides. The author characterizes growing role of China and other East Asian countries for South Korean economy the ROK-China Free Trade Agreement, including some obstacles and limitations to upgrade development of bilateral economic exchanges. Special attention paid to positive and negative factors, influenced on economic integrations between China, Japan and the Republic of Korea. The paper describes Seoul’s interests in economic integration projects in East Asia, including involvement in joint economic projects with ASEAN. The author analyses the Republic of Korea’s attitude to regional mega-projects in Asia-Pacific region such as Trans-Pacific Partnership. Finally the article describes modern stage and possible development of Russia-South Korea economic relations and contains forecast of the main trends of the Republic of Korea’s involvement in integration projects in East Asia and in Asia-Pacific region in general.

In 2014 the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation(SCO) paved the way for Mongolia to accede to full membership.Historically, Mongolia's relations with the outside world were dominated by its relationship with China and Russia, which are Mongolia's sole geographic neighbours. Even in light of the strong development of Mongolia's "Third Neighbour" policy, China and Russia continue to be important factors in Mongolia's foreign policy, besides being the largest and most powerful members of the SCO. Mongolia's decision to join the SCO, however, was made to enhance Mongolian security. The decision did not necessarily result from the Sino-Russian geopolitical pressure, but the geographic as well as political and economic realities of Mongolia's existence mean it will inevitably maintain close ties with Beijing and Moscow. This paper argues that Mongolian accession to the SCO will not fundamentally alter the country's postcommunist foreign policy of balancing between China, Russia and Mongolia's "third neighbour", but rather will bring many benefits for Mongolian security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A Tokyo-based economist and a noted western economic geographer, both specializing in the hydrocarbon resources of Russia, apply the framework of governance studies in an effort to gain a deeper understanding of the recent changes in the country's energy policy-making. The authors argue that, unlike the international relations paradigm prevailing in studies of Russia's energy policy, the country's multiple roles in the international energy arena (as producer, consumer, exporter, importer, and transit state) warrant a more nuanced approach, reflecting Russian energy policy's flexibility over time and diversity across space. This paper endeavors, therefore, to apply a political economy and governance perspective to an understanding of the significant changes in Russia's energy policy-making regarding its dynamic energy relations with the Northeast Asia (NEA; China, Japan, and South Korea). In exploring the complex interactions between Russia's internal energy policy-making and its emerging energy relations in NEA, the authors addresses three key questions, namely: (1) how Russia's Asian energy policy corresponds to its domestic needs, (2) how much coherence in energy governance and cooperation exists between Russia and the Northeast Asian states at the institutional and organizational levels, and (3) the extent to which Russia's expectations for increased energy cooperation with the Northeast Asian states are likely to materialize. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines U.S. engagement in Central Asia over the past two decades, with specific reference to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. While alarmist voices occasionally warn of the threat to American interests from China and Russia through the SCO, the organization's influence appears limited. Washington has engaged it only sporadically, preferring to conduct relations bilaterally with the Central Asian states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China is now a major power in the international system. One axiom of the realist theory on international politics is that states will acquire power to ensure their own position and security within the system. One effective way Major or Great Powers have done this is through alliance building. Historically, China has not had much success in cultivating long-standing alliances; however, cooperation between it and its neighbor Russia have deepened. This paper, using structural and defensive realism as theoretical framework on how and why states form alliances, explores the potential China-Russia military alliance. This paper looks at both balancing power and balancing threat as justifications for Great Powers to form alliances. As both a powerful state and a potential threat, the United States serves as the prime impetus for both Russia and China to align with each other. Whether the US is an actual threat to both Russia and China is immaterial, rather it is the perception by both China and Russia that the US's military strength and stated policy of promoting democratic norms and values represent a threat to the established leadership in both countries. China is in a unique position as a near peer competitor to the US; however, with few natural allies Russia is still powerful but in a relative state of decline. Both countries benefit from an alliance to counteract American influence within their zones of influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Focusing on the resilience of distinctive local consumption cultures, this paper challenges some of the more sweeping claims that have been advanced in the name of ‘globalization’. Thinking about a ‘globalizing’ rather than a fully ‘globalized’ world encourages us to examine the deeply contested nature of the concept and to explore the geographically uneven nature of recent economic, political and cultural transformations. This paper approaches globalization as a site of struggle rather than as an established fact, emphasizing the need for empirically grounded studies of the impact of ‘globalization’ on consumer cultures in different geographical contexts. The paper examines the way that producers have ‘customized’ their products for different markets (drawing on evidence from China and South Africa). It then reviews case study evidence from three contrasting consumption cultures: consumption and ‘public culture’ in India, ‘consumer nationalism’ in China, and ‘artful consumption’ in Russia. The paper concludes by identifying some current debates and outlining some directions for future research, including a re-emphasis on consumption and material culture; an exploration of consumption as social practice; the delineation of commodity-specific consumption cultures; and some reflections on the political, ethical and methodological issues that are being raised in contemporary consumption research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Ukrainian crisis has reverberated throughout the troubled region of the Balkans in Southern Europe, exposing deep-seated cracks and fractures that have long characterized this geopolitical area. The crisis has not only highlighted divisions between local states but also between communities and ethno-religious groups. In many cases, these intraregional contradictions are exacerbated by external actors and their demands. This article examines the foreign policy priorities and orientations of Western Balkan capitals within the "five plus one" format states (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Serbia, and the partially recognized "Republic of Kosovo") in light of the crisis in Ukraine, illustrating the interplay between regional dynamics and international crises.Drawing on a wide range of sources, including official documents and opinion polls on foreign policy, this paper identifies regional discrepancies in the perception and assessment of the ongoing Ukrainian conflict. The study employs a historical-systemic approach and neorealism principles to discern potential directions for political institutions in the external context. The analysis reveals that a fragile "balance of threats" persists in the region, heavily influenced by the goals and interests of external actors such as the EU, NATO, the United States, Russia, and to a lesser extent, China and Turkey.The military and political disengagement observed in 2022 mirrors the alignment of local players witnessed in 2014, but with a significant difference: the West now expects all participants in the "five plus one" format to fully adhere to their joint foreign policy, including implementing restrictive measures against the Russian Federation. This presents a challenging dilemma for Belgrade and Banja Luka, as they cannot overlook the widespread support for Russia's actions among the Serbian population. Any anti-Russian steps taken by local authorities may lead to serious internal political conflicts in both Serbia and Republika Srpska, with far-reaching implications for regional stability.

Year by year, the Arctic is becoming an increasingly complex geopolitical and geoeconomic epicenter of interaction and simultaneous confrontation between Arctic and non-Arctic actors in international relations. In particular, China has already “put its hands” （插手）to the Arctic region, being a non-Arctic state. Using diplomatic language, the PRC was able not only to conduct a number of scientific studies as an official observer at the Arctic Council, but also to build up economic ties with the Arctic countries over a relatively short period of time. The purpose of our study is to identify the institutional features of China’s emerging Arctic identity. The main methodological framework of the study is the analysis of regions through the prism of mega- and meso-areas (Osamu Ieda) and the concept of regional security complexes (B. Buzana and O. Vever). The author is also actively researching the main strategic document of the PRC (the White Paper on the Arctic), the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, a number of relevant international, national conventions and agreements, regulatory legal acts, international reports, statements and media materials. The author considers the identification of institutional features of the Chinese Arctic identity to be the main result of the study. The article also forecasts China’s further geostrategic course towards the Arctic region.

This article deals with views of the American scholar of Russian studies Stephen F. Cohen (1928–2020) on what he termed the "new Cold War"—i.e., the confrontation between the United States and Russia brought about by the US-driven expansion of NATO to Eastern Europe. Given the topicality of Cohen's views for the analysis of the current war in Ukraine, this article offers a summary and critical assessment of Cohen's analyses and of his warnings about the potential consequences of US foreign policy in Europe. The conclusion is that Cohen's analysis was vindicated by the outbreak of the current war in Ukraine, but that his "Russo-centric" view is too narrow, and that his analysis must be placed in the larger global context within which the war in Ukraine takes place: US imperialism's two-pronged aggression against both Russia and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay aims to identify vulnerabilities and exploitation means necessary to use destabilization to support a military, and ultimately political, objective in a potential conflict between China and the governments supporting a liberal rules-based order. Japanese efforts during the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905 showed destabilizing a regime as a credible way to support military objectives during a conflict and provided some key insights by which destabilization efforts function. Based on the historical case and contemporary analysis of China, this essay makes recommendations to decision makers in a conflict on how to best execute and support destabilization efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]